One recurrent theme in the literature on premarital sex is the impact of social control factors on sexual behavior. Religious control systems, for example, act as a powerful deterrent to adolescent sexuality both in terms of attitudes and behavior (e.g., Beck, Bettie Cole, & Hammond, 1991; Davidson & Leslie, 1977). Other measures of social control, including socioeconomic class position and bonds to family, have been linked to the odds of premarital sex (Clayton & Bokemeier, 1980; Davidson & Leslie, 1977; Miller & Moore, 1990). The present article extends the social control perspective on premarital sex by exploring the role of migration on sexual behavior. A THEORY OF MIGRATION AND PREMARITAL SEX From the standpoint of social control theory, ties to conventional institutions lower the probability of deviance. A stake in conformity can be enhanced through such bonds as those to school, family, and career (Liska, 1981; Vold & Bernard, 1986). The process of migration weakens such bonds and the probability of deviance increases (Liska, 1981; Sampson & Laub, 1993; Vold & Bernard, 1986). The present paper argues that there are at least five mechanisms through which moving might increase the likelihood of premarital sex: decreased ties to familiar community institutions including extended kin, erosion of the supply of social control, increased demand for social control, loneliness, and arousal. This list is not exhaustive, only suggestive. COMMUNITY BONDS Migration can weaken bonds to familiar institutions and significant others who would normally act as mechanisms for control. For example, migration decreases attachments to school (Sampson & Laub, 1993). Further, long distance migration can sever ties to the extended family. Older kin are apt to provide negative definitions and negative reinforcement of premarital sexual activity (e.g., Clayton & Bokemeir, 1980). Repeated moving can, in addition, create a sense of overall transience in human relationships (Toffler, 1971). It may be easier to engage in casual sex if one learns that relationships tend to be temporary. Further, the conventional traditions, neighborhood institutions, and public opinion that control behavior in stable neighborhoods may disintegrate with high neighborhood turnover (Vold & Bernard, 1986). SUPPLY OF PARENTAL CONTROL The supply or amount of parental emotional resources for control can be weakened by moving. Recent work suggests that there is considerably more psychological distress, depression, feelings of loss, frustration, and anxiety among migrants than nonmigrants, especially among mothers (Fichter et al., 1988; Magwaza & Bhana, 1991; McCollum, 1990). For example, 2 years after their moving, only one-sixth of McCollum's (1990) sample of mothers had reestablished deep friendships in their new community. Friend making was compared to work where the migrant is posed at the margin of social circles having to continually prove themselves. Some of this distress is also attributed to the tendency for migration to reduce the occupational and income status of women. Not only the friendship networks but also the careers of women are often set back by migration (McCollum, 1990). That moving places migrants at risk of mental troubles is suggested by research on traumatic life events including suicide (e.g., Stack, 1980). The culture shock associated with long distance migration has been linked to these problems. Given the many stressors placed on women who move, migration is often a leading predictor of low maternal supervision of children (Sampson & Laub, 1993). To the extent that women are the primary socializers of children, this can have an important impact on overall social control. Moving can contribute to Reiss and Miller's (1979) notion of the autonomy of the courtship system. That is, to the extent that parents are preoccupied with the resettlement process, their supervision of children may weaken, thereby increasing the influence of peers who tend to be more permissive. …