Socialist Bloc Research Articles

ФИНЛЯНДИЗАЦИЯ КАК КОНЦЕПЦИЯ НАУЧНОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ И МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ

The article is aimed at studying the main stages in the formation of the scientific concept of finlandization on the example of German studies of Anglo-American historiography, at determining its essential characteristics and the possibilities of using it in the modern research of foreign policy and international relations. The choice of the German case seems logical. The special role of the German issue in the system of Great Powers relations, its obvious dependence on the microclimate of the Soviet-American relations, the close proximity of West Germany to the borders of the socialist bloc, the painful problem of the German nation division – all this has significantly increased the risks of Soviet influence and theoretically turned the FRG into the most likely candidate for finlandization. Given the key importance of West Germany in the system of Euro-Atlantic security and economy, this prospect was perceived very painfully, the possible reorientation of the FRG was actively discussed in the academic circles in the USA and Great Britain. The formation of finlandization as a concept for the scientific study of foreign policy and international relations had basically been completed by the beginning of the 1990s. Today, it finds many followers and critics among scientists from different countries, which indicates its modern relevance.

УЧАСТЬ КНР У РОЗВИТКУ НАФТОГАЗОВОЇ ГАЛУЗІ КАЗАХСТАНУ, ТУРКМЕНІСТАНУ ТА ІНШИХ КРАЇН ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЇ АЗІЇ 1990 – 2016 РР.: ЗОВНІШНЬОПОЛІТИЧНІ ТА ЕКОНОМІЧНІ ФАКТОРИ

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the military- political and economic situation in the world had changed radically. The Berlin Wall fell ,The Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO) stopped its existence, the socialist bloc of countries in Europe and the USSR collapsed. The world was no more bipolar. The PRC, led by the CCP, despite the ruling Communist Party ideology, strived to take advantage of these changes. China aimed to open for itself foreign markets, including energy resources. PRC’s rejection from complete isolationism, the initial cessation of confrontation with the United States and countries of the West, and then cessation of the struggle with the USSR and its allies for leadership in building a world socialist system, allowed Chinese government not only to save huge resources, including energy, which went to maintenance of a huge army and ambitious military-political projects, by directing them in a peaceful direction, but also by starting the introduction of market reforms, what changed China's image in the world from a negative to a positive one. Sinc the formation on the territory of the former Soviet Central Asia of the independent states of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan – hydrocarbon resources of the region acquired key importance in the foreign policy of the new countries. China formed the priorities of its foreign energy policy in relation to Central Asia gradually. Energy expansion of Beijing was preceded by an active trade and economic policy, the results of which created preconditions for the foreign policy refocusing of the countries of the region. Pipelines became an important element of energy policy, proposed and implemented by Beijing for the supply of hydrocarbon resources in Chinese direction. Beijing achieves access to new oil and gas deposits, expecting due to their development, to realize promising plans to increase the exports volume of hydrocarbon raw materials from Central Asia countries.

Postal and Electrical Communications as a Subject of Scientific and Technical Partnership between the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc Countries in the 1960s – 1980s.

The article examines the aspects of the interstate scientific and technical cooperation between the “socialist commonwealth” countries in the field of postal and electrical communications in the post-war period. The basic platform for this partnership was the Organization for Socialist Countries Cooperation in the Field of Electric and Postal Communications (OSS) and the most significant, large-scale projects in the field of telegraph, telephone, postal and radio communications were implemented under its auspices. Later on, the CMEA Commission for Cooperation in the Field of Electrical and Postal Communications and, in part, the International Space Communications Organization “Intersputnik” joined in the OSS’ efforts. The communication infrastructures of the socialist commonwealth countries differed in their development stages, varying in size, scale and structure, their equipment and technologies complexes, and staffing and management policies. The effective use of the telecommunication system’s international segments was a common strategic task for the socialist bloc countries and, where possible, accommodated their national interests. It is emphasized that the rapid development of technologies, prompted by the scientific and technological revolution in telecommunications, brought to the fore the issues of efficient management and operation of the international segments of the socialist states’ national communication systems: the development of unified instructions, specifications, and methodological approaches; unified automation and billing of the international network, etc. At the same time, despite its importance as an infrastructural element of the economy, the communication system had not been placed on the list of priority areas of the interstate socio-economic cooperation.

Relations between the Non-Aligned Countries of Africa and the Second World (1960-1980s): The Case of Sierra Leone

The research covers Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World through the prism of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy. Two periods of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy are considered: during the Westminster bipartisan model from 1961 to 1970, and when the authoritarian regime led by President Siaka Stevens was established from 1971 to 1985. The central issue of the research is analysis of Sierra Leone’s cooperation with the Soviet Union. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that guided the non-aligned countries within the bipolar confrontation of the second half of the 20th century in building their relations with the socialist bloc. The relevance of the topic is related to the fact that the logic and principles of building relations of small non-aligned countries with both limited power resources and little political and economic ambitions with key world powers are less reflected in studies. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The author makes use of materials from the Sierra Leone Public Archives. The author concludes that Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World were based on economic pragmatism rather than ideological or political proximity. For Sierra Leone, relations with socialist countries served as a tool for diversifying its foreign policy. This set Sierra Leone apart from its neighboring West African states, which either maintained an orientation towards first-world countries, namely France and the US, or reoriented themselves towards the Soviet Union.

Theoretical and methodological principles of providing medical and psychological assistance in the conditions of armed conflicts: experience for Ukraine

The war in Ukraine opened up the problem of not only physical, but also psychological rehabilitation of its victims. The purpose of the article is to analyze the theoretical and methodological principles of providing medical and psychological assistance in the conditions of armed conflicts. The implementation of this task is based on the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction) and special (historical, comparative) research methods. The results analyzed primarily the Israeli strategy of medical and psychological assistance to the victims, since the Israeli army has a long experience of conducting combat operations, so it also has a strategy of helping to overcome psychological and mental disorders. Also, the peculiarities of psychological assistance in the armies of NATO countries crystallized since many new members of the Alliance belonged to the socialist bloc. It has been proven that it is important not only to provide assistance to the servicemen themselves but also to their family members, including by involving modern pharmacological means. The conclusions also emphasize the American experience, in particular, the fact that much attention is paid in the USA to the prevention of psychological disorders.

Czechoslovak Folk Music and Dance Ensembles and the World Youth Festival in the 1950s: An Ethnomusicology and Oral History Perspective

One of the most significant mass manifestations of the state-subsidised cultural expres- sions of the Socialist Bloc in the second half of the 20th century was “Red Woodstock”, the World Festival of Youth and Students. The first edition took place in the summer of 1947 in Prague. Incidentally, this festival featured Czechoslovak amateur and professional folk music and dance en- sembles in a preliminary line-up, which later became the most important established ensembles in the country. Some of these ensembles then appeared regularly at Youth Festivals. Such festival performances were considered very influential performance opportunity for ensembles of folk music and dance in Czechoslovakia in the 1950s. The present article, based on data gathered through interviews grounded in oral history and archival research, explores the role of the World Youth Festivals in the process of foundation of Czechoslovak ensembles of folk music and dance and their repertoire negotiation of the traditional music and dance within the vague framework of socialist realism on the one hand, and an everyday-life perspective and ordinary desire to perform pronounced by the ensembles’ members on the other.

Chinese Religions and the Cuban Revolution

The issue of religious practices within the Chinese diaspora in Cuba is increasingly debated within Chinese studies in Latin America. As the Chinese and African diasporas in Cuba have intermingled ethnically, their religious practices have historically also intermingled. While the rise of Afro-Cuban religions in recent decades is primarily understood as a response to centuries of Spanish colonialism and perceived as a resistance to Eurocentric hegemonic power, this article aims to examine the efforts of the Chinese diaspora to re-evaluate their religions from the same decolonial perspective. This article aims to determine the tendencies of interactions between Chinese religious beliefs and Cuba’s religions before and after the Cuban Revolution, including after the fall of the socialist bloc. Specifically, it examines whether post-revolution state atheism had an impact on the religious beliefs and ethnic heritage of members of the Chinese diaspora. In the 1990s there was a revival of the Guan Yu (关羽) cult which has been often interpreted as a consequence of the economic interests of the Chinese and Afro-Chinese diaspora or as a consequence of the interests of the Cuban government. However, we must also be aware of the broader historical, social and political context at play here.

Representing the Silk Road: Literature and Images between China and Japan during the Cold War

The essay focused on the TV documentary series The Silk Road and discussed the significance of this co-production between China and Japan. Two television stations, NHK and CCTV, provided each other with technical support to create a new image of the Silk Road in 1980. They attempted to rediscover the cultural relationship in Asia. Japanese Oriental studies were either the base for this co-production or the source of trouble. CCTV needed to utilize and overcome Japanese technology and the resources from Oriental studies, to represent national culture and identity through images. On the other hand, Japan once again sought ways to represent the Asian “others.” However, the challenge was making it relative to Orientalism and imperialism. This essay also compares the two versions and suggests that both ancient Asian cultural histories that they represented through images reflected the contemporaneous political situation of the Cold War. In CCTV’s version, the images of the Silk Road became a symbol of the re-establishment of China’s national identity, including the imagination of a “multi-ethnic state” and a “community of cultural memory that unites East and West”. Furthermore, this version also represented the trade with neighboring states. Each of these elements had a realistic role in the political environment of 1980. On the other hand, NHK’s version contains a narrative to prove Japan is the last stop on the Silk Road. Moreover, before this documentary, Japanese literature had long sought the “unknown” of the Silk Road and became a strong intellectual foundation for The Silk Road. The narrative of Japan “being a part of the Silk Road, but unlike in colonialism, as a traveler” is what Yasushi Inoue repeatedly expressed in his literary works and appeared to have been passed on through the images of the documentary. Carrying the negative legacy of Japanese imperialism, then being caught between the United States and the Socialist bloc, and having a difficult choice of political identity, Japanese intellectuals refrained from expressing their political positions and chose to describe cultural history from the “traveler’s” perspective. This essay suggests this is an attempt to redefine Japan on the cultural map of Asia and indirectly to break through the polarization of capitalism and socialism in the Cold War.

The Ends of Modernization: Nicaragua and the United States in the Cold War Era by David Johnson Lee

<i>The Ends of Modernization: Nicaragua and the United States in the Cold War Era</i> by David Johnson Lee

Market-Based Reform, Industrial Restructuring and Economic Development of Cuba

This paper examines whether market-based reform, industrial restructuring and diversification efforts have contributed to economic development of Cuba. The disintegration of the Soviet Union led to serious depression in Cuba in the early 1990s. To overcome the economic difficulties, the Cuban government began to adopt market-based reform in the mid-1990s. Cuba gradually strengthened market-based reform measures again in the late 2000s and economic growth rate rose in the meantime. Cuba could diversify its economic structure from its heavy reliance on the agricultural sector to the service sector. Cuba has overcome the negative effects of US’ economic sanctions by strengthening its bilateral relationships with countries within the socialist bloc such as the Soviet Unionand Venezuela and developing value-added industries where it has a comparative advantage. The government’s emphasis on education appears to have contributed to the development of the Cuban economy led by tourism, exports of professional services such as medical services, and a technology-intensive pharmaceutical industry. Meanwhile, insufficient allocation of resources to science and engineering coupled with the chaos in Venezuela have had negative impacts on Cuba. Finding other trade partners and foreign investors while emphasizing science and technology education may provide better opportunities for the Cuban economy.

Soviet-Algerian Relations in 1962-1971 in the Context of the Rivalry Between Moscow and Paris. Based on the Materials of the RGANI and the Archive of the French Foreign Ministry

Based on documents from the archives of the French Foreign Ministry and the Russian State Archive of Modern History, the article analyzes Soviet-Algerian relations through the prism of the rivalry between Moscow and Paris in the period from Algeria's independence in 1962 to the nationalization in 1971 by the Algerian leadership of oil transportation facilities and 51% of the shares of French oil companies operating in the Arab state. In the first years after the signing of the Evian Agreements of 1962, loans provided by the USSR, supplies of Soviet equipment, the start of a program to train national personnel, as well as assistance from other socialist countries helped Algeria to stabilize the socio-economic situation in the country. Up until 1968, Moscow's actions in Algeria did not affect strategically important areas for France. However, the aggravation of French-Algerian relations due to Paris' non-compliance with the Algerian wine purchase agreement and, more importantly, the Algerian leadership's desire for independence from France in the oil sector and, at the same time, the beginning of supplies of Algerian wine to the USSR in 1968 and Moscow's assistance in the exploration and exploitation of oil fields in Algeria led to the beginning of the Soviet-French rivalry for the Algerian market. As a result, France and other Western countries were able to impose serious competition on the USSR, significantly reducing Moscow's capabilities in the Algerian direction. The USSR promoted Algeria's independence from France in the oil sector, but failed to make Algeria part of the socialist bloc. The main beneficiary of the Soviet-French rivalry was Algeria itself, which received significant support from the USSR in creating modern industry, agriculture and in the field of training qualified personnel, while retaining ample opportunities to enter Western markets.

Comparison of EU Countries in Terms of Population Ageing

The article compared the EU countries in terms of selected demographic indicators related to the issue of population ageing, which is also faced by the countries of the old continent. The aim of the paper was to implement the typology of the 27 EU countries through a cluster analysis considering 9 demographic indicators. From the methodological point of view, factor, cluster and discriminant analysis were used. Demographic data on population ageing were obtained from the Eurostat database. The analyses were carried out for the year 2020. Based on the results of the analyses, the countries were grouped into 5 clusters according to the similarity of demographic characteristics related to population ageing. The most numerous first group included the countries of Western Europe together with the 5 countries of the former socialist bloc. This cluster was characterized by the highest overall fertility rate. The second group included mostly the countries of the Eastern bloc, which are characterized by the highest mortality rate and the lowest life expectancy, the lowest average age of first-time mothers, and a negative migration rate. The third group included 5 large countries in terms of the number of inhabitants; these countries are the oldest EU countries. From the perspective of the indicators of ageing, the fourth cluster appeared to be the youngest, characterized by the highest birth rate. The last cluster consisted of two EU countries, which were characterized by the highest life expectancy as well as the highest gross migration rate.

From social bloc to historical bloc: Politics, social relations and ideology in political economy

The way that the economy, politics and ideology interact to maintain stability or bring about change is a central concern for political economy. The social bloc perspective, as elaborated by Amable and Palombarini, provides a promising framework with which to address this question due to its attempt to combine an emphasis on the economic structure with a more central role for politics and ideology. This article argues, however, that the social bloc perspective still retains a rather functional understanding of these two concepts. We contend that a neo-Gramscian approach focusing on hegemonic struggles and adopting a complex conceptualisation of class can overcome these functionalist tendencies, because it perceives politics and ideology as crucial factors in the formation of social groups and the emergence and actions of social blocs. We further claim that a neo-Gramscian approach has broader applicability. To ground our claims empirically, we analyse a case which cannot be accounted for by the social bloc perspective. This is a case in which two social blocs composing different social groups with rivalling worldviews shared some meaningful ideological beliefs and cooperated politically to realise them.

From Identity to Ecology in the new Bulgarian Cinema: the Unique Case of Àga (2018) and the Poetics of the Icy Wasteland

After the perestroika, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR and the socialist bloc, Bulgarian post-totalitarian cinema stands on a new path and contexts, in the milieu of wide East European or Balkan cinema. The film artifact offers a unique opportunity not only to interpret the foreign world, but also to rearrange its own cultural values. The issue of dialogue between identities in the global and contemporary cinema process is definitely extremely interesting, complex and multifaceted. The present study focuses its attention on an internationally recognized co-production – Àga full-length movie (2018, dir. Milko Lazarov, Bulgaria-Germany-France, 96`), shot in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Definitely, this is something new for the national cinema – to realize original themes and stories on the Bulgarian-Asian axis, to introduce the total unused, attractive even personages, often even in a non-Bulgarian cultural environment. The film is among the best of Bulgarians cinema produced since 1989. A very important aspect in Àga is not only the topic of Otherness, but also the strong environmental engagement. The analysis shows that Lazarov`s film is not purely or only ecological, but universal as onscreen suggestions. Àga affects fundamental and universal human categories. Through the language of the closed Inuit community, a kind of microcosm, speaks to the world community – the macro level.

“Building of Friendship” in Relations of Soviet Union and East Germany (1949—1989)

The attempt to characterize the process of “building of friendship” within the socialist bloc on the example of relations between the USSR and the GDR is made in the article. The leadership of these countries sought to establish the most friendly relations, the basis for which was a memorial consensus based on the unconditional acceptance by the official German side of the Soviet view of the events of World War II. However, at the level of interpersonal contacts, the “negative tail” of the communicative memory of the events of 1941—1945 persisted (moving into the “zone of silence”), even despite the widespread introduction of institutions, practices and rituals of friendship into relations between citizens of the two countries, a vivid example of which was regularly mass festivals of friendship between the youth of the USSR and the GDR, held in the 1970s and 1980s. In general, the author of the article concludes that the project of constructing the Soviet-German friendship was not effective enough not only because of the hidden memorial contradictions, but also because of the lack of a promising picture of a common future. By the 1970s and 1980s, citizens of the two countries, especially young people, had not received a clear, realistic idea of the future joint development of their countries within the framework of the common project of socialist integration, which contributed to the growth of skepticism in this direction and, as a result, became one of the reasons for the collapse of the socialist bloc in the late 1980s.

Constructing “People’s Science-Technology”: The Culture of Science and Technology in Early North Korea, 1945-1950

This article examines how North Korean leadership in 1945-50 strove to popularize “people’s science-technology 인민의 과학기술,” equipping an assertive attitude in matters of science and technology, arguing that the Soviet Union served as the most important point of reference that tremendously inspired, and to a lesser degree materially supported, North Korean planners to employ this attitude as a mobilization scheme. Drawing upon a range of previously unexamined Soviet archival sources and relevant North Korean publications, it is this author’s intent to offer original narratives of how limited but crucial Soviet assistance undergirded North Korean leaders’ quest for an advanced economy and how various North Korean actors understood and acted upon “people’s science-technology.” Charting the intentions and roles of North Korean policy-makers, North Korean expert communities, and the Soviet authorities in the making of the culture of science and technology in early North Korea, the expectations and goals as perceived and practiced by the North Koreans are revealed in this research. Additionally, North Koreans’ understanding of science and technology, which greatly boosted the country’s extended engagement with the socialist bloc in the search for its own mode of continuing industrial development in the subsequent decade, is examined.

The Consequences of Stalinist Economic Policy in Hungary (1949-1953)

By 1948, with the eradication of private property ownership and multi-party-system, the institutional background of the Soviet-type dictatorship was created by the Hungarian Workers Party (HWP). In economic terms, forced industrialisation became buzzword, whereas both agricultural and infrastructural development were neglected by the communist leadership. The forced collectivisation in the agriculture, accompanied by the postponement of necessary investments led to a permanent shortage of goods. Compulsory deliveries coupled with the application of the principle of quantity further aggravated the situation of the agrarian sector. As a result of aggressive campaign against the wealthy peasants and forced collectivisation, 300 000 people ceased to work in the agriculture and were employed by industry. Within the centrally planned economy, profitability, cost of production, marketability and quality of products were neglected. Only one principle was taken into account, which was the fulfilment or overfulfilment of the global production plan index and all other criteria were ignored by decision-makers. Foreign trade relations were embedded within the framework of the command economy. Foreign trade corporations were set up and world market prices became hermetically isolated from domestic prices. Within Comecon, the endeavour of the USSR was to reduce any dependency of the socialist bloc on world markets and to achieve self-sufficiency. The introduction of fixed prices in 1950 led to serious price distortions, whilst Hungary depended on increasing import of raw material, which was essential for the development of heavy industry. Therefore, the targets of foreign trade were not fulfilled during the period 1949-53. The irrational economic objectives of the first Five-Year Plan produced lasting damages in the national economy of Hungary.

Liberalization, democratization and the remaking of the South African corporate network 1993–2020

Abstract Two broad, complementary approaches have defined the literature on interlocking directorates. Inter-organizational theories see them as an outgrowth of firms’ efforts to monitor and manage their commercial environment. Intra-class theories focus on their functionality in harmonizing and coordinating the political action of different segments of the capitalist elite. But comparative work on network formation has drawn almost exclusively on the first of these approaches—linking variation in typologies to the economic institutions that shape patterns of inter-firm engagement. Here I deploy a synthesis of inter-organizational and intra-class theories to understand the evolution of the South African corporate network over the post-Apartheid period. I trace out a broad trend of fragmentation as a hierarchical business system gave way to one modeled on Anglo-Saxon lines. But I also demonstrate the persistence of a cohesive core in the network, firstly centered around the historically dominant social bloc, and subsequently around the personal networks of politically connected black directors. The results show the potential of intra-class theories to enrich our understanding of how corporate networks form and change.

A message to the Global South? Che Guevara’s view on the NEP and the law of value

This paper reveals the theoretical framework and practical experience of Ernesto Guevara, investigating how he got involved in the specific task of building socialism in Cuba. Guevara studied Marxist literature extensively, and the changes experienced by socialist bloc countries in the 1960s. He elaborated the Budgetary Finance System which was opposed to the auto-financing defended by Carlos Rafael Rodrígues. This opposition was embodied in the Great Economic Debate. A crucial point of the discussion was the view on planning and the law of value. For Guevara, the latter could not be used to build socialism, whilst centralised planning was the ‘defining category’ of socialism. Explaining the context and the main measures of the New Economic Policy (NEP) applied in Soviet Russia in 1920s, this paper investigates Guevara’s critical view on it, based on his methodological approach to Das Kapital. Guevara revealed a link between the NEP and market experiments of the 1960s, forecasting a return to capitalism in the USSR. Guevara’s radical political economy is crucial for understanding his legacy holistically and may be considered a message to the countries and social movements of the Global South in their struggle for socialism, warning them away from distortion of Marxism.

Nowa lewica w Rosji

THE NEW LEFT IN RUSSIA: BORIS KAGARLITSKY: PRACTICE AND THEORY&#x0D; This article examines the essential ideas of the theory and practice of New Left politics in the work of the well-known scientist and politician Boris Kagarlitsky. Since he is actively involved in the political life of the New Russian Left, the exposition of theoretical issues is impossible without placing them in the context of the socio-political situation of contemporary Russia. The collapse of the USSR and the socialist bloc revived the ideas of the ‘free market’ and liberalism. Today the liberal capitalist system is in crisis; this does not lead to a renaissance of leftwing forces, though. The forces of the Left at the beginning of the 21st century proved to be completely incapable of offering a coherent political program. Even the obvious resistance of the Left to Neo-Liberalism and its reforms in the social sphere, medicine and education has not become a consolidating factor in the new politics. The article attempts to examine how the New Left in Russia answers the question of what it means to build a society that is qualitatively different from capitalism: what nineteenth-century ideologists called socialism.