Small Clause Research Articles

Syntactic Analysis of Nominal Clauses Based on Chomsky’s Generative Grammar and Implications for Language Teaching

Nominal clause is a clause with nominal feature and syntactic analysis is the study of laws of sentence constructions. And Chomsky’s Generative Grammar is a very useful method to analyse a sentence in an explanatory way. This paper aims to focus on how to understand a nominal clause under Generative Grammar (GG) for the explanatory adequacy. In doing so, it will give a brief explanation to the generative mechanisms of simple sentence under GG, then move on to the similar mechanisms of complex sentence, here, it will focus on nominal clauses. On the syntactic analysis of nominal clauses, there are two steps: first recognizing its position in the whole sentence, then picking a proper connective for the nominal clause. Notice this paper will analyse a complex noun sentence for two sentences, one is the whole sentence, and another is the small clause, namely, the nominal clause within the whole sentence. Thus, it can conclude a way to analyse nominal clauses syntactically, and understand their inner constructions. Furthermore, it can explain why a nominal clause form like this and have a better understanding of complex sentences. More importantly, such method can play its role in linguistics and foreign language teaching, which would help language teachers build up a better understanding of the nature of language and the process of language learning.

Syntax and the brain: language evolution as the missing link(ing theory)?

This paper provides proof of concept that neurolinguistic research on human language syntax would benefit greatly by expanding its scope to include evolutionary considerations, as well as non-propositional functions of language, including naming/nicknaming and verbal aggression. In particular, an evolutionary approach can help circumvent the so-called granularity problem in studying the processing of syntax in the brain, that is, the apparent mismatch between the abstract postulates of syntax (e.g. Tense Phrase (TP), Determiner Phrase (DP), etc.) and the concrete units of neurobiology (neurons, axons, etc.). First, we decompose syntax into its evolutionary primitives, identifying one of the earliest stages as a simple, flat combination of just one verb and one noun. Next, we identify proxies ("living fossils") of such a stage in present-day languages, including compounds and small clauses, lacking at least some layers of structure, e.g. TPs and DPs. These proxies of ancestral language have been subjected to fMRI neuroimaging experiments. We discuss the finding that less hierarchical small clauses, in contrast to full sentences with TPs and DPs, show reduced activation in the left Broca's area (BA) 44 and the right basal ganglia, consistent with the hypothesis that more recent, more elaborate syntax requires more connectivity in the Broca's-basal ganglia network, whose neuronal density has been significantly enhanced in recent evolution, implicating mutations in FOXP2 and other genes. We also discuss the finding that the processing of ancestral verb-noun compounds, which are typically used for (derogatory) naming and nicknaming, shows enhanced activation in the right fusiform gyrus area (BA 37), the area that is implicated in the processing of metaphoricity and imageability, but also in naming and face recognition, opening up an intriguing possibility that the enhanced face recognition in humans was facilitated by the early emergence of a simple syntactic strategy for naming. The considerations in this paper are consistent with the hypothesis of a gradual gene-culture co-evolution of syntax and the brain, targeting cortico-striatal brain networks. It is also of note that a sound grounding in neurobiology of language should in turn inform syntactic theories themselves.

Online evidence for pseudo-relative effects on Italian RC attachment resolution

ABSTRACT This study investigates the resolution of relative clause attachment ambiguities, focussing on the availability of Pseudo-Relative Small Clauses (PRs) in Italian. The PR-first hypothesis posits that, when controlling for other factors, PRs are preferred over relative clauses due to their structural simplicity, leading to an apparent preference for “high attachment” in PR-licensing languages. Through a self-paced reading experiment, this study examines how PR availability affects ambiguity resolution in Italian, and how it interacts with locality principles during online sentence processing. We find a significant slowdown in the LA condition with PR-licensing verbs, also tied to lower comprehension accuracy, and unclear evidence for an advantage of LA in non-PR contexts. Overall, our results add support to the PR-first hypothesis for Italian, while opening new questions about the interplay of structural ambiguity, locality, and language-specific properties.

Coding all clauses in L2 data: A call for consistency

Linguistic complexity is considered a hallmark of language proficiency (Norris & Ortega, 2009), and it is often a focus of second language (L2) research (Pallotti, 2015). Within the construct of complexity, syntactic complexity considers the combination of words and clauses. The term clause, however, is underspecified in the field, and L2 researchers only occasionally define how clause is operationalized in the coding. After a review of the importance of consistent clause coding, this commentary argues that coordinated verb phrases, nonfinite clauses, and verbal small clauses can reach the complexity of finite clauses by the production of another element, making these constructions commensurate with subordinate finite clauses. Since these constructions are structurally similar to accepted clauses (e.g., imperatives), their exclusion from the clausal complexity calculation threatens the validity and reliability of the coding. Because a narrow definition requires an arbitrary division along a continuum of complex verbal constructions, the field should adopt this broader definition of clause. Further, researchers should clarify their methodology choices and acknowledge coding challenges, which are common in L2 data, especially L2 speech data. The increased transparency in research methodology supports the interpretation of research results and facilitates comparisons across L2 studies.

Anaphora and Depictives Do Not Rule Out Small Clause Approaches to Argument Structure: A Reply to Bruening 2018

Abstract Bruening (2018) uses the facts of anaphora and depictive modification to justify non-small-clause analyses of resultative constructions, caused-motion constructions, verb-particle constructions, and double object constructions: these constructions behave differently from canonical small clause constructions in terms of anaphora and depictive modification. In this reply, we argue against treating these tests as reliable diagnostics of small clauses. For one thing, we show that small clauses may have two different kinds of interpretations: they can be either semantically complete or incomplete. For another, Bruening’s (2018) arguments rely on some particular assumptions about anaphora and depictive modification which, we argue, are not without problems. If we adopt another set of reasonable assumptions, those facts of anaphora and depictive modification can be accounted for via the two kinds of interpretations for small clauses and thus do not argue in favor of non-small-clause analyses of the relevant constructions.

A refinement of the analysis of the resultative V-de construction in Mandarin Chinese

Abstract This paper proposes two major modifications to previous analyses of the resultative V-de construction in Mandarin Chinese. First, while -de is argued to be prepositional in nature, it is shown at the same time that -de is different from other regular prepositions in that the former, but not the latter, undergoes head movement in a resultative. To reconcile these apparently conflicting observations, we propose to treat -de as the exponent of a prepositional categorizer. Second, we argue that a small clause analysis of the resultative V-de construction is not only conceptually motivated by the Direct Object Restriction but also empirically supported by the fact that it can participate in the bǎ alternation, as with constructions that are canonically assumed to contain a small clause.

Some implications of again‐modification for the syntax of English particle verb constructions

AbstractThis paper examines the way in which scope‐taking of again interacts with word order in the English particle verb alternation. Small‐clause approaches to the particle verb alternation differ from most competing approaches in taking both verb‐particle‐object and verb‐object‐particle orders to contain a result state‐denoting small clause. An expectation of this approach on a structural approach to again ambiguity is that both orders should admit restitutive again readings. Results from a controlled judgment survey of 73 North American English speakers bear out this prediction.

Adverbial Agreement: Phi Features, Nominalizations, and Fragment Answers

We investigate adverbial agreement in Sandəmarkesə (S. Marco in Lamis, Apulia) proposing phase-bound, local agreement relations, reducible to coordination, as in past and absolute participial constructions, suggesting a copulaless analysis where arguments are subjects in a small clause. With disjunct nominals with matching φ-features, the adverb agrees separately with each part in the set, otherwise resulting in ‘non-agreeing’ forms, which we test also with negative polarity items (niʃun-, ‘nobody’ and nentə, ‘nothing’). With fragment answers, the negation scopes over adverbs agreeing with the two proposed topics: matching of the φ-features of both nouns values the negative operator with the same features. In fronted adverbs, agreement occurs when the question contains overt coordinated arguments, elements continuing a chain, and if coordinated arguments have matching φ-features. In agreement in topical contexts with fronted adverbs, agreement occurs with the aboutness-shift topic closely preceding them, rather than with the embedded direct object.

Brazilian Portuguese argument ellipsis

The present study puts forward a novel analysis of argument ellipsis (AE) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), according to which AE in BP takes place in a clitic doubling configuration, where the clitic is a phonologically null clitic and AE targets the clitic doubled DP. The clitic doubling analysis accounts for a number of the properties of AE in BP. Specifically, it accounts for the ability of AE to target object DPs; for the inability of AE to target subject DPs, including not only subjects of finite clauses but also subjects of small clauses and infinitival clauses; and for the inability of AE to target non-specific indefinite DPs and idiomatically construed DPs. The present study also reviews the influential anti-agreement theory of AE and argues that it does not offer a viable account of AE in BP, as it both undergenerates and overgenerates AE in BP.

The syntax of two existential unaccusative verbs in Polish

Abstract The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish – ubyć. perf/ubywać.imperf ‘to disappear, to decrease’ and przybyć. perf/przybywać.imperf ‘to arrive, to increase’ – with a view to shedding light on the structure of existential unaccusatives. The two above-mentioned verbs appear in two distinct paradigms – the disappearance/motion verb and the existential one – both of which are taken to represent subtypes of existential structure. Existential verbs are treated here as monadic predicates with a single small clause complement, whose internal structure may vary, depending on the predicate. The two existential unaccusatives analysed in the paper may select two different types of small clause complement, which are different from the small clause selected by the existential być ‘to be’. Thus, Polish seems to make use of three different small clause structures in existential clauses. The paper also provides evidence that in Polish, like in English, existential unaccusatives are structurally distinct from change of state unaccusatives, and thus in the two languages there is more than one way to be structurally unaccusative. The account bears on the analysis of the genitive of negation in Polish, especially the issue of its inapplicability to existential unaccusatives versus its presence with the existential być ‘to be’.

Dative possessor variation in Romance: a formal feature account with special reference to Portuguese

In this paper we address possessor dative structures (PDSs) in European Portuguese (EP) and in the Mozambican variety of Portuguese spoken in Maputo, which is mainly in contact with the Bantu language Changana. Focusing primarily on data from EP, we argue that PDSs show microvariation across Romance. We account for this microvariation by extending to Romance languages the distinction between nuclear and non-nuclear external possession structures originally proposed for Bantu languages, and propose that the value of the formal nominal feature [ipart] is the source of the observed variation. We argue that the derivation of PDSs in EP involves movement of the possessor from the specifier position of a small clause for formal feature valuation, which accounts for the common properties of give-type verbs and possessor dative structures, as well as for the incompatibility of both constructions. We further adopt a corpus-based approach and an exploratory elicitation task for the discussion of possessor datives in urban MozP. The findings support the role of the formal feature [ipart] in the acceptability of sentences which do not converge with EP, arguably as a consequence of contact with Changana, but also show that Mozambican Portuguese exhibits convergence with the VP structure of EP.

The Syntax of Secondary Predicates in Standard Arabic: A Minimalist Approach

This paper examines the structure of the secondary predicates in Standard Arabic using the Minimalist Program. The main aim of the paper is to make generalizations about the structure as well as to find a uniform analysis of this structure. Among the most important results reached are as follows: The secondary predicates have a unified structure that is derived from small clauses that form a phase. In addition, despite having one unified structure, these predicates have distinct positions. Moreover, secondary predicates also possess shared arguments (with main predicates) and secondary predicates differ depending on the types of shared argument it modifies. We also find that the apparent ‘accusative’ Case shown on the secondary predicates has nothing to do with verbs. In fact, the Case hosted on secondary predicates is an abstract Case, which is derived through the genitive Case parameter. Finally, the control structure provided by some predicates is derived by copying and merging the shared argument from the specifier of the small clause to a higher position in the sentence structure, noting that the empty element PRO does not exist within the proposed analysis.

The structure of wh-exclamatives in Jordanian Arabic and beyond

ABSTRACT This paper presents an analysis of the characteristics of wh-exclamatives in Jordanian Arabic. I argue that exclamatives are not complete sentences because they are temporally deictic to the moment of utterance. In other words, they lack Tense specification and are considered tenseless expressions (i.e., root small clauses). Two notable complexities arise in wh-exclamatives in Jordanian Arabic, namely the obligatory presence of the demonstrative-like element ha- and fixed word order. These intricacies are attributed to the exclamative head’s requirement for a specifier. This requirement can be fulfilled either through the combination of a wh-form (external merge) or the movement of the degree phrase to the specifier position (internal merge). The study proposes that the demonstrative-like ha- functions as the actual manifestation of the Relator head which connects and establishes the relationship between the two constituents in exclamatives. Furthermore, based on the distinct semantic and distributional properties of the auxiliary kān ‘was’, the paper argues for the differentiation of the auxiliary in exclamatives from other typical auxiliaries that occupy verb or Tense nodes in sentences. Therefore, it suggests that exclamative auxiliaries encode and express the grammatical features of the functional head, labeled as Excl.

Definiteness Effect in the PP

This article demonstrates that abessive PPs impose the same type of definiteness restriction on their complements that existential predicates impose on their subjects. The definiteness effect (DE) in PPs is accounted for in the framework of the DE theory of Szabolcsi (1986a,b, 1992), who derives the DE from the incompatibility of a presuppositional subject and a logical predicate of existence that is present in a wide class of predicates (including verbs meaning ‘(cause to) come to exist in a particular fashion’ and nominal predicates meaning ‘(non)existence at a particular location’). The analysis points out this predicate of existence in the small clause complements of abessive Ps.

Small clause predicates and sluicing

AbstractThis Commentaire bears out a prediction of Anand et al.'s (to appear) syntactic identity condition on sluicing. Identity is calculated over argument domains as small as small clauses. With extraction of a small clause subject, sluicing is possible where only a small clause predicate has an antecedent.

From Naming Verb to Copula: The Case of Wangerooge Frisian Heit

In the now extinct Frisian dialect of the island of Wangerooge, the naming verb heit ‘to be called’ had partially grammaticalized into a copular verb ‘to be’ competing, to some extent, with the original copula wízze ‘to be’. In this paper, I discuss the development and the status of the copula heit in some detail and consider what it might tell one about the taxonomy of copular clauses (Higgins 1979). I show that the functional change from naming verb to copula initially occurred in identificational copular clauses. From there heit spread to classifi-cational and specificational copular clauses, but not to predicational ones. This development suggests a principled distinction between predicational copular clauses on the one hand and identificational copular clauses (conceived as comprising classifying, specifying, and equating ones) on the other. This does not imply, however, that heit is an identificational copula or that it selects an identificational small clause. I analyze copular heit used with an identificational small clause as a suppletive allomorph of wízze ‘to be’.*

CAUSAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES WITH KAK(O)IN THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE

The work is aimed at describing the steps of evolution of causal meaning of the Russian subordinator како/какъ. We claim that the causal use of како/какъgoes back to the question word како/какъthat could have a causal meaning as well, and this meaning raised from the manner meaning due to the metaphorical shift from manner to cause. We analyze finite clauses with какоand small clauses (appositions) separately. It is shown that какоwas used as a causal subordinator already in the early documents of the 12thcentury. Up to the 18thcentury it introduced embedded finite clauses with or without a correlate in the matrix clause. In the 18thcentury the constructions without a correlate decrease in frequency; the choice of correlates is very broad and includes both one-word deictics such as тоand такand combinations such as по тому, по сему, adverbs such as следовательно. In the 19thcentury these constructions gradually decrease in use and in the beginning of the 20thcentury they are completely lost. The causal construction with a small clause has another origin. We suggest that it is a result of an expansion of какоonto the contexts of the conjunction аки/акы. The increase of frequency of causal small clauses with какоis observed in parallel with the gradual decrease ofаки.

DOES RUSSIAN ATTEST SYNTACTIC RAISING? PART 2: SMALL CLAUSES

I propose a raising analysis for a number of Russian constructions based on non-verbal predication: (1) constructions with nominal predicates and semi-lexical verbs; (2) constructions with transitive attitude verbs; (3) constructions with transitive perception verbs; (4) constructions with transitive causative verbs. What they all have in common is that their predicate can take a small clause as an internal argument. The small clause’s subject is assigned structural case in the matrix clause and attests all structural properties of the matrix subject / direct object, which signals raising. The peculiarity of raising in Russian is thus its restriction to small clauses.

French Predicate Anaphora, Comparatives, and Ellipsis

Abstract While French does not display the kind of VP-ellipsis found in languages like English, it effects verbal anaphora by means of two constructions that have received relatively little attention in the literature. Both of these combine the generic ‘action verb’ faire ‘do’ with what appears to be a pronoun. The first one, which I call le-faire anaphora (LFA), uses the clitic le, whereas the second one, which I call faire-ça anaphora (FCA), brings into play the strong pronoun ça ‘it/that’. Taking such pronouns to be substitutive pro-forms devoid of inner structure cannot, however, explain why LFA, but not FCA, can appear in the standard of a comparative, a property that distinguishes English VP-ellipsis from VP-pro-forms like do it/that/so, which behave like FCA. On the other hand, LFA, unlike English VP-ellipsis, does not allow wh-extraction from a VP-internal position outside the realm of comparatives, which leads to a paradox left unresolved in the literature. In this article, I argue that LFA involves ellipsis of a whole vP phase. Specifically, I argue that faire in LFA, but not in FCA, is a (semi)auxiliary verb that takes a vP complement and bears an E-feature lexicalized by the clitic le. I show that this correctly predicts that A-movement out of the ellipsis site is possible and that A-bar movement of a degree wh-phrase out of vP in comparatives is made possible by the fact that French licenses Quantification at a Distance, a grammatical operation that allows degree quantifiers to escape vP before the next phasal head (C) is merged and triggers ellipsis. Other wh-quantifiers that do not benefit from the Quantification at a Distance option are then expected to not be able to escape vP prior to ellipsis, hence run-of-the-mill wh-extraction out of VP is correctly predicted to be incompatible with LFA. I then turn to what appears to be a related anaphoric phenomenon, which consists of the predicational copula être ‘be’ and the clitic le, which I call l’être anaphora (LEA), and show that it too is an instance of ellipsis in that it allows the full range of extraction phenomena out of the missing constituent introduced by the copula. I assume that in those cases in which the copula takes a small clause, it participates in an asymmetric structure where it lexicalizes Pred, a head that mediates between subject and predicate. In those cases in which the copula introduces a passivized VP, on the other hand, I assume that it lexicalizes v, an assumption in line with theories that posit multiple instantiations of predicate mediators (so-called ‘flavors of v’). In both cases, the copula in LEA heads a phase, bears an E-feature lexicalized by le, and is argued to license ellipsis of its phasal complement. Thus, elements are allowed to escape ellipsis by moving to the edge of the phase headed by the copula, and this correctly predicts that LEA permits a wider range of extractions out of the ellipsis site than LFA does.

ELLIPSIS AND SMALL CLAUSES IN ENGLISH AND SERBIAN

The paper examines the relationship between ellipsis and small clauses in the selected corpus of the Serbian and English languages from a syntactic-semantic point of view. The functional potential of both structures is realized in the informative complexity of the sentence without its syntactic expansion, which is again a common feature for both languages and is systemic in character. The ‘unspoken’ predication in small clauses is actually reminiscent of the implied character of omitted structures in elliptical constructions, and this is where we find the similarities between these two linguistic mechanisms analyzed in this paper. From a terminological point of view, small clauses do not fall under the category of elliptical constructions, so the subject of our research is also aimed at determining the degree of compatibility and distinction between the two constructions.<p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0202/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>