Slovak Government Research Articles

The Instrumental Use of European Union Conditionality: Regionalization in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

Numerous Central and Eastern European countries have restructured their regional level of public administration in the context of their accession to the European Union. Focusing on the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the article studies how the EU has influenced the institutionalization of regions and regional self-government. Regionalization may have been driven mainly by EU conditionality or, as a competing explanation suggests, more by domestic factors. The article argues that the EU altered the opportunity structure faced by domestic actors but that its role was more complementary than decisive. Czech and Slovak governments instrumentalized a perceived EU conditionality to promote their own political objectives. These findings demonstrate that a top-down concept of conditionality lends itself to fallacies and should be substantiated by reconstructing the domestic politics of Europeanization.

Slovak agriculture and the integration into the EU

The paper is briefly outlining the expected changes in the economic and financial pre-conditions for Slovak farming during the period after the country’s accession to the EU. The starting point of authors reasoning is the current piece of knowledge, saying that the economic performance of individual farms is widely differentiated and the ability of individual farms to meet the future challenges and to use the opportunities is very unevenly distributed among them. Also the competitiveness if a particular agricultural commodity varies. Despite of expectations concerning the price development after accession, not all commodities will be competitive on the single market. The economic situation of farms will considerably benefit from direct payments. Nevertheless, the fact that the Slovak government opted for the Single Area payment Scheme will have some adverse effects on possible gains from payments in productive regions and in farms with high output performance. In order to mitigate these redistribution effects the author is proposing to implement a different scheme of allocation of national top-up is to direct payments. In the final part of his paper the author gives a comprehensive review on payments aimed to promote rural development and payments from the Guidance section of the EAGGF targeted at enhancement of farm re-structuring.

Perception vs. Reality: Slovak Views of the Hungarian Minority in Slovakia

After Slovakia and the Czech lands separated in 1993, concerns arose regarding Slovakia's ethnic Hungarian, or Magyar, minority. There were concerns about the Slovak government's attitude toward its considerable Magyar population as well as worries about the Hungarian government's stance regarding Magyars in Slovakia and the Slovak-Hungarian border. Frequently over the past decade, the topic of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia has been manipulated by politicians. In both Slovakia and Hungary, Slovak and Hungarian politicians alike have tried to expose “injustices” or “excesses” for political gain. Indeed, the maneuvering of national politicians might lead one to perceive that the reality of contemporary Slovak-Magyar relations was tenuous and acrimonious. But politics aside, what does the average Slovak think of the Magyar minority and Magyar-Slovak relations generally? To what extent do the political debates encompass their actual concerns and deeply held views?

Does domestic politics limit the influence of external actors on ethnic politics?

Domestic politics is naturally important in ethnic policies. However, in spite of their potency, domestic political factors are not always the most decisive. International organizations have influenced the Latvian and Estonian governments, and at times the Slovak and Romanian governments. However, the ability of different organizational strategies to overcome domestic opposition and thus bring about their desired policy varies widely. In most cases, actors need to use conditionality and aim it at the appropriate decision makers. In spite of their widespread use, efforts that rely solely on persuasion and diplomacy tend only to work when the domestic opposition is initially quite low or when ethnic minorities themselves have some bargaining power in the government.

DEMOCRATIC RENEWAL AND THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY QUESTION IN SLOVAKIA

In this article an attempt is made to analyse and conceptualize socio-political developments in Slovakia since the end of the Mec ) iar regime in September/October 1998. It is argued that the policy of democratic renewal pursued by the present Slovak government is subject to certain limitations that are the result of the ethno-national character of the Slovak Republic's founding ideology and of the basic ethno-national Weltanschauung and ideological perspective of both Slovak and ethnic Hungarian citizens and politicians. It is suggested that the emerging democratic order in Slovakia is likely to be a form of ethnic democracy rather than a liberal democracy in the conventional Western sense. This may also help to explain along what lines a resolution of the Hungarian minority question in the Slovak Republic is looked for.

Rapid and multifaceted privatization: Experience of the Czech and Slovak Republics

Within three years of the overthrow of the communist regime, the Czech and Slovak governments have privatized about one-half of the economy. In its speed and extent, this is an unprecedented transformation, especially since the governments had neither prior experience nor the legal and institutional base for the process. The paper provides a descriptive analysis of the Czech and Slovak privatization process from 1990 to 1993. It examines each of the three programs of the overall privatization effort - restitution of property, small scale privatization, and large scale privatization - and evaluates the relative success of each. For each program, the paper outlines the background debates, describes the key institutions, examines the legal framework, and assesses the mechanics and outcomes.

The Reemergence of Slovakia

There are no differences between the Czech and Slovak governments’ views on the forms of the future coexistence and relations between the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Our positions are literally identical.Vladimir Meciar, Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic (August 1990)Since our democratic revolution, the situation [in relations between the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic] has never been as serious and precipitous as it is today.Vaclav Havel, President of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic (September 1991)On 9 June 1992 came the shattering announcement by newly elected Czech Republic Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus, that the Czechoslovak federation was no more. An interim (but trimmed) federal government was to be set up to preside over the hasty dismantlement of the 74-year old state. By 30 September, the Czechoslovak Republic was to be completely split in two. And by January 1993, the finances of state are supposed to be completely divided.

The Reemergence of Slovakia

There are no differences between the Czech and Slovak governments’ views on the forms of the future coexistence and relations between the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Our positions are literally identical.Vladimir Meciar, Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic (August 1990)Since our democratic revolution, the situation [in relations between the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic] has never been as serious and precipitous as it is today.Vaclav Havel, President of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic (September 1991)On 9 June 1992 came the shattering announcement by newly elected Czech Republic Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus, that the Czechoslovak federation was no more. An interim (but trimmed) federal government was to be set up to preside over the hasty dismantlement of the 74-year old state. By 30 September, the Czechoslovak Republic was to be completely split in two. And by January 1993, the finances of state are supposed to be completely divided.