Sky Father Research Articles

Whānau wellbeing: reclaiming precolonial Māori perspectives of men, fathers and parenting

ABSTRACT The role of mātua (fathers) in the parenting of their tamariki (children) is bound within cultural worldviews, values, norms and expectations. For pre-colonial Māori, the primal parents, Ranginui (Sky Father) and Papatūānuku (Earth Mother), not only provided an archetypical depiction of parenting, but established child rearing practices, whānau (familial and extended family) roles and responsibilities and the place of individuals, including tamariki and mātua. Colonisation impacted hugely on traditional tamaiti (child) rearing practices, introducing western parenting norms and perspectives. This article explores the knowledge, experiences and understandings of contemporary mātua, related to their ideas about being tāne [The use of the macron above the ā in words such as tane (tāne) and matua (mātua) indicates the plural form is being referred to. Where relevant we have followed this convention throughout] (men) Māori, parenting understandings, roles, relationships and aspirations for their tamariki.

Orion as a celestial representation of Wākea as determined from Kūkaniloko on O’ahu in the Hawaiian Islands

ABSTRACT This paper investigates whether in Hawaiʻi, Orion – one of the most recognizable constellations in the night sky – represents Wākea, the best known cosmogonic male progenitor of Hawaiian cosmogony. Wākea, commonly referred to as Sky Father and the ‘wide expanse of the sky,’ is noted in the name for the celestial equator, Ke ala i ka piko o Wākea (the path to the navel/center of Wākea), with the star Mintaka of Orion’s Belt representing Wākea’s celestial piko.

Te taiao, te tinana, e rua, e rua

The title of this paper reflects a Māori[1] perspective to the world we live and move in and our interaction with the environment. Its literal translation, ‘The taiao (environment) and the tinana (human body) are kin’ is the underlying theme of this paper. In researching philosophies and narratives handed down by my ancestors, and those recorded by early ethnologists who came to Aotearoa/New Zealand, it becomes immediately apparent that the ancestors, through careful observation whilst living at one with the environment—its interconnectedness and infinite moods, fashioned a knowledge that everything in this world is connected through whakapapa (genealogy). The interconnected energies that dwell in Ranginui (Sky Father) ngā whetū (stars), momo ua (types of rain), ngā kapua (clouds), te hau (wind) and all weather patterns are all connected through a network of genealogies. On Papatūānuku (Earth Mother), ngā toka me ngā kōhatu (rocks and stones), te wai (water—fresh and salt), ngā rākau (trees), ngā ngārara (insects), ngā manu (birds) and animal life both on earth and in the oceanare all part of a genealogy that reflects the ancestors understanding of the natural world. In the ever-present concern of global warming, climate change and the growing awareness of the need to protect and respect our environmentthis perspective of connected genealogy will assist in providing a conceptual lens to encourage one to view the environment as a living organism, breathing with moods and emotions similar to the human body that is totally interconnected. Through an analysis of the linguistic terms placed on the land by my tīpuna (ancestors) in Aotearoa I will provide a unique perspective that individuals can utilise to solidify their own personal relationship to the taiao (environment), to Papatūānuku, to Ranginui and the energies that sustain life. This analysis may also provide a conduit for comparison or contrast of other indigenous perspectives towards the use of terms for both the environment and the body. [1] The Māori people are the indigenous people of Aotearoa-New Zealand.

The Family of Zeus in Early Greek Poetry and Myths

The Family of Zeus in Early Greek Poetry and Myths In early epic poetry it is evident that certain differences exist in both traditions, mainly due to the fact that Homer’s epic poems were written on the western coast of Asia Minor and the surrounding islands, while Hesiod’s poems were composed on mainland Greece. From the analysis, it becomes clear that the development of the cult of an Indo-European Sky Father differs significantly from the assumed Proto-Indo-European tradition. His family is completely different from that in the Indo-European tradition. His wife is the goddess Hera, whom Homer calls ‘old’, as opposed to the Hesiodic tradition, in which Hestia and Demeter are older than her. Homer makes no mention whatsoever of Hestia. The ‘daughters of Zeus’ are the goddesses Athena and Aphrodite, and the ‘son of Zeus’ is Apollo. The family of Zeus according to Homer also differs from the archaeological findings of the tradition on land. Hera of Samos bears no resemblance to Hera of Argos. The oldest large temples are connected to her, as well as to the memory of Oceanus and Thetis as parents to the gods, which is a direct influence of the Mesopotamian myths of Apsu and Tiamat. Homer’s Zeus from Mount Ida, Hera of Samos, Apollo of Cilla, and Tenedus and Artemis of Ephesus are closer to the Anatolian tradition.

Let the Rivers Speak

This article explores deep underlying assumptions about relationships between people and the planet, and how these translate into very different ways of relating to waterways in Aotearoa New Zealand. In te ao Mäori – ancestral Mäori ways of living – rivers and lakes are the tears of Ranginui, the sky father, mourning his separation from Papatüänuku, the earth mother, and people are their descendants, joined in complex whakapapa that link all forms of life together. In modern ways of thinking, on the other hand, ideas such as private property, resource management and ecosystem services can be traced back to the Genesis story of God’s gift of ‘dominion’ to Adam and Eve over fish, birds, plants and the earth itself, including waterways, in which all other life forms are created for human purposes. In successive Waitangi Tribunal claims, iwi have disputed these assumptions in relation to fisheries, tribal lands and rivers, and, in worldleading legislation, the Whanganui River has been declared a legal person with its own rights. In this article, the authors discuss different ways in which the rights of rivers as rivers might be understood in scientific terms, investigating the ‘geomorphic rights’ of the Whanganui River, for instance, and how rivers as living communities of land, water, plants, animals and people might be understood through ‘river ethnography’, an approach that aligns a wide range of natural and social sciences with mätauranga taiao – ancestral knowledge of other living systems. They also consider how current policy discussions might be informed by such framings, so that river communities across Aotearoa New Zealand may be restored to a state of ora – life, health, abundance and prosperity.

Classifying the mauri of wai in the Matahuru Awa in North Waikato

ABSTRACT Moohiotanga Tuku Iho, contemporary maatauranga and western science were used to classify the mauri (life force) of wai (water) in Matahuru Awa (river) in North Waikato. Moohiotanga Tuku Iho is tuupuna (ancestral) knowledge passed down through generations and together with local classifications were the guiding principles for using attributes of Taaonga Tuku Iho (treasures inherited) as parameters to classify the mauri of wai. Taaonga Tuku Iho in the taiao (environment) whakapapa (genealogy) to Papatu-aa-nuku (earth mother) and Ranginui-aa-tea (sky father), and subordinate atua (gods) ensured the continued existence of taaonga would maintain the mauri of wai in awa. Models in the literature were used to explore the advantages re-establishing ngaahere (forest) where they have been removed for manu (birds) to nest and breed for example, advantages that would not only enhance the mauri of the wai in Matahuru Awa, it would restore the mana (respect) of the hapuu (sub tribe).

Walking Toward Green Man: Encounters with the Sacred Masculine

My intention in taking a medicine walk was to finally encounter Green Man, the elusive and ancient archetypal figure representing the masculine spirit within nature. Symbolized by the face in the tree, he is the uniting essence joining the archetypal Sky Father to Earth Mother, bringing polarized (and polarizing) energies into alignment and harmony. He is a central symbol often hidden within most major myths and religions, unidentifiable unless you know where and how to look. Today Green Man takes form as a prophetic voice for the planet, challenging the population to return to its roots, dig deep, and ground itself once again for the sake of future generations—if only we would listen. This medicine walk was a chance to hear what he had to say, but the daylong journey felt rather lackluster and uneventful, and it seemed as if Green Man had eluded me yet again. However, much post-walk introspection and mirroring with my companions revealed that he not only made contact with me, but that he has been walking with me for years, whispering in my ear, and I simply did not acknowledge him. This is the story of a seemingly banal medicine walk that ended up revealing a sacred and abiding relationship with Green Man, who then initiated me into the new realm of Father Earth.

Cosmology and structure: the tāhuhu in the 19th-century whare Māori

Maori construction and structural principles have received limited detailed attention since Reverend Herbert W. Williams published 'The Maori Whare: Notes on the Construction of a Maori House' in this journal in 1896. Since then, publications that have considered Maori construction have relied heavily on this text. Subsequent discussion of Maori construction has examined 19th-century practices largely through Western historical and technical perspectives. This paper discusses Maori building concepts and technology from a bicultural viewpoint, involving both Maori tectonics and cosmology, and Western engineering principles. In doing so it draws from a close scrutiny of 'whare' 'house' components, written and oral accounts of Maori cosmology and building, and from the analysis of large-scale structural models. The article focuses on the 'tahuhu' 'ridgepole' as a principal component of Maori architecture that activates both the primary cosmological structure of Te Ao Marama 'creation narrative' and the structural system of the 19th-century Maori house. It is argued that the 'tahuhu' in its metaphorical manifestation as the 'atua' 'god' Tane (within Te Ao Marama) corresponds in the construction of the 'whare' with the holding up of the roof, understood as Ranginui, the sky father. Monumental in scale and ancestry, the 'tahuhu' mobilised a cooperative social dimension to its deployment in the 'whare', co-opting manpower from 'hapu' and 'iwi' 'subtribal and tribal groups'. The paper concludes that the 'tahuhu' was a key element in a sophisticated and high performing Pacific building technology that was, in many ways, antithetical to Western building principles. Located in the abstract and conceptual distance of machine function, Western analysis appears to have failed to identify and understand the effective capacity of socially-collective Polynesian engineering.

Appendix: The Genesis of Greek Religion

When groups of Indo-European raiders invaded Greece at the beginning of the second millennium bc, they did not arrive without religious baggage. On the contrary, it is surprising how much of later classical belief and practice goes back to this early heritage. Linguists have concluded that the early Indo-Europeans worshipped a divine family consisting of a Sky Father (*Dyeus pater), his wife the Earth Goddess (*Pltwi mater), a Daughter of the Sky (*Diwos dhugeter), and twin Sons of the Sky (*Diwos sûnû) – all figures in the Greek pantheon. The Sky Father became Zeus, still the most prominent god, but the name of his one-time wife only survived in a small town, Boeotian Plataea. In ancient India, the Daughter of the Sky was Dawn, Usas, whose name survived as Eos, but she was no longer a ‘daughter of Zeus’; that title was now used for other goddesses, such as Athena, Artemis, and, especially, Aphrodite. Finally, the twin Sons survived as the Dioskouroi, whose name reflects the fact that they had become role models for the military age-set of youths beyond adolescence in pre-Homeric times, the kouroi. In some cases, then, we note continuity in structure not name, in others continuity in name not structure, but it is important to note that in all these cases continuity does not mean lack of change: tradition always has to be appropriated.

이족의 전통문양을 활용한 가방디자인 개발 연구: 패브릭 패턴 디자인을 중심으로

The purpose of this study is to link the Yi tribe`s traditional patterns to bag design. Yi tribe is a minor ethic group in China, whose traditional pattern has a high artistic value in that its shapes are diverse and each one has peculiar elegance. Traditional patterns are also indicative of spiritual dept or symbolic stories, rather than being indicative of simple formative beauty. Thus, reorganizing these patterns and applying them artistically to design- in terms of resource utilization- would be significant. Out of all of the Yi tribe`s traditional patterns, the cherry blossom_(马樱花), water wave_(水波), sky father and earth mother_(天父地母), pomegranate blossom, triangle, sheep` horn, wisteria vine_(藤条), square and diaper_(四角菱形) and the zigzag_(曲折) patterns were chosen for use during the development of a bag design. This study is based upon document study, including research papers and internet web sites, the point of which was to investigate the form of the traditional patterns, and the creative design process. The design procedure includes these sub-processes: selection, arrangement and color-scheme. In the selection process, the form of the pattern was edited using Adobe Photoshop. The pattern was freely arranged to reflect various emotions. In terms of the color-scheme of the patterns, the colors used by Henri Matisse(1869-1954) in his work were selected and adapted when dyeing the patterns. Subsequently, the final design resulting from these design development processes was applied to the actual production of the bag by using canvas fabric and leather, after which the bag image was proposed using computer simulation. In conclusion, six bag designs were created using traditional patterns from the Yi tribe. Through the processes explained above, this study confirmed that traditional patterns could be widely applied as design motifs and that more sophisticated, modern, and creative designs could be developed based on traditional patterns.

Mauna Kea: Temple Under Siege (review)

Reviewed by: Mauna Kea: Temple Under Siege Georganne Nordstrom Mauna Kea: Temple Under Siege, 56:40 minutes, VHS and DVD, color, 2004. Produced and Directed by Puhipau and Joan Lander. Distributed by Nā Maka o ka 'Äina. Information on price and ordering is available at <http://www.namaka.com/> "Clashing Cosmologies." Manu Aluli Meyer uses these words to describe the conflict between Western scientists and Hawaiians regarding the use of Mauna Kea, the subject of the documentary Mauna Kea: Temple Under Siege. The film articulates the opposing interests of scientists, who have built and wish to continue to build telescopes on the summit for scientific research, and Hawaiians, who want the sacredness of the mountain acknowledged and the abuses resulting from the telescopes and their use to stop. With music performed by Brother Noland and striking footage of the mountain—its majesty juxtaposed against the telescopes— this documentary not only captures the importance of Mauna Kea to the [End Page 207] Hawaiian people, but shows it as a symbol representing the larger controversy stemming from the differing values of the indigenous people of Hawai'i and Western settlers. The film features many Native Hawaiian scholars and küpuna (elders), including Kealoha Pisciotta, Manu Meyer, Marie Solomon, and representatives from the Royal Order of Kamehameha, all of whom gave testimony about the cultural significance of Mauna Kea. The kūpuna and kumu, or teachers, recount (one of) the Hawaiian tradition(s) affirming that Mauna Kea is the piko (navel) of the first born of Papa and Wākea, and as such is a kupuna to Hawaiians. They clarify how this tradition fits in Native Hawaiian cosmology, explaining that Papa and Wākea are the earth mother and sky father for Hawaiians, and thus, Hawaiians have a familial relationship to the 'āina, or land. It seemed that many of us sitting in the audience the day I viewed the documentary were familiar with this tradition, and therefore, understood its significance. However, because of the lack of respect and understanding many westerners have for oral tradition and the role storytelling has in indigenous people's way of knowing who they are and where they come from, the full meaning of this tradition is often lost on those educated to value technology and scientific exploration above all else. Yet it is through oral traditions, or mo'olelo, that Hawaiians know and understand Mauna Kea. One mo'olelo shared in the film is the story of Poli'ahu, the snow goddess, and Pele, the goddess of the volcano. The story tells how the two goddesses fought on the summit, with Pele eventually leaving Mauna Kea to Poli'ahu. While the volcano at Mauna Kea has not erupted for over four thousand years, showing that Pele has kept her promise, a specific kind of pōhaku (rock) resulted from the heating and cooling that occurred during battle between these two goddesses. Hawaiians found this pōhaku perfect for making ko'i (adzes). Mauna Kea is home to numerous archeological sites, of which this ancient adze quarry is but one. Representatives from the Royal Order of Kamehameha also spoke to the cultural importance of the summit—but I question whether the significance of the order is appreciated other than by those who understand the order's legacy. Dressed in their regalia, I wonder if to outsiders they appear to be just another tourist attraction. Since the historical context of this group, its lineage, and its purpose, were not discussed (other than mentioning that the order honored the present-day princess of Japan's grandfather with honorary membership under the reign of King Kalākaua), I imagine the impact of their presence and words was lessened for those unfamiliar with Hawaiian tradition. Alongside the mo'olelo and Hawaiian tradition, Hawaiian scholars—those educated mostly in Western institutions and who can speak in ways westerners respect, including biologists and entomologists—discuss the desecration of this wahi pana (sacred place), and the negative ecological impact the telescopes have [End Page 208] had on the summit. Numerous plants and animals now sit on the verge of extinction due to deforestation and traffic at the summit. Images of the mountain—some picturing...

“The Coming of the Light”: Privileging Indigenous Beliefs

Before the Coming of the Light there was darkness. Polynesian beliefs refer to this time as Po, night, when the earth mother and sky father were joined, before their children separated them and the world was flooded by light (Ao). It was then that the world as we know it was brought into existence; it was then that the oral traditions and cultures of the peoples of the Pacific were created. The passage from darkness to light (Po ma te ao) is reenacted daily. For most island cultures, a liminal space exists in the unknown time between night and day. It is within this space that ritual takes place, creative endeavor is acknowledged, and our past and present are unified. It is within this space that the art of Lily Laita, Ellen Jose, and Niki Hastings-McFall functions.The contrast between light and dark, white and brown is utilized by each in her art practice. They use the antagonism between the antipodes; the contrast of white and brown; and the polarity of night and day as a means of exploring issues of cultural imperialism and its legacy. Issues of difference are addressed through the juxtaposition of various cultural readings of similar symbols. These echo the discrepant ideologies of Pacific peoples and Christian missionaries in the nineteenth century when each group used the phrase “the coming of the light.”

Was there an early Polynesian ‘sky father’?∗

Abstract There is a recurring Polynesian cosmogonic tradition whereby the primordial world was transformed into the modem world by a series of events often consisting first of vague cosmic beings (whose names and nature are not generally cognate) giving rise to a Primordial Pair who then gave rise to first order anthropomorphic gods. The Primordial Pair in Tonga were ‘Seaweed’ and ‘Sediment/Slime’ while in Nuclear Polynesian we find the female named Papa‐adj. and evidence for the male being named Papa‐adj. in Proto Nuclear Polynesian and Proto Central Eastern Polynesian as well. These are thought of as physical strata or rock in Samoa while in Central Eastern Polynesia there was commonly the notion that Papa (the female) was the earth itself and that her mate was the sky or the space between the sky and the earth. It was, however, only amongst New Zealand Maori that the male was specifically given the name ‘Sky’ although an alternative name for the male in the Marquesas is ‘Sky Parent’ but seems a (lexical) development independent of the N.Z. Maori.

Page of Stone

Dark Moon was gone, Low Cloud lamented. Gone forever. The Clan Wise Man had gone back to the place whence the Puma People, like all creatures treading upon the Great Mother's mesa or flying under the Great Father's sky, had come, and whither they would all return. And so never again would be see all the moons that had been and those to be and share this vision. Young Low Cloud bad never known a time without Dark Moon's sage presence to reassure the Puma Clan of the Sky Father's constant blessings, even throughout this endless drought Not that Low Cloud allowed himself to be sad. That would be disrespectful. No, he was happy for Dark Moon like every other member of the Clan, none of whom thougbt the Earth Mother had called Her Wise Man back to Her womb too soon, because that would be blasphemy. Yet during the burial even the Sky Father Himself had shed misty tears, just enough to moisten His beloved Spouse's sandstone breast. Dark Moon gone? It could not be. Yet it was. Because Low Cloud was not dreaming, but rather walking across the withering Sleeping Mesa's Sacred Long Arm toward a promised harvest awaiting him despite the many moons with almost no rain. Only three nights ago, Dark Moon had said in the Great Kiva, Low Cloud, Go out alone to the Long Arm's Fist and eat from the fruit that has ripened there and the Sky Father will bless you and the entire clan. In the Great Kiva after the funeral the Elders had debated the wisdom of Low Cloud's solitary mission until the embers grew weary and fell asleep. And then Black Snake, the Clan's Eldest Elder, finally spoke. He said, During such a drought no pinyon forest on any mesa arm can offer up bounty, but if Dark Moon told Low Cloud to march out to the Fist and pick its fruit, then, Young Brother, you must go. The other Elders concurred in these wise words, and as one voice they asked the Sky Father to bless their Young Brother's undertaking beyond any hope or sense. So now Low Cloud was treading among patches of withered com in search of what could not be. And when he reacherl the mesa-top edge, he continued along the precipice. That the Puma Clan's Wise Man was gone forever kept striking him like a false omen, like a dream that was merely a dream and not a vision, but it was true. Worst of all, Dark Moon had left the Clan without naming a successor, a choice now up to the Sky Father alone. May it come soon, Low Cloud prayed. Not for his own sake, but for all his Puma Clan brothers and sisters and fathers and mothers. A canyon wren's sharp trill brought him to an abrupt halt just as the brown sandstone beneath his feet