Situation In Libya Research Articles

The Role of Artificial Intelligence in Enhancing Criminal Justice: Challenges and Opportunities in the Libyan Context

This research examines the role of artificial intelligence (AI) in enhancing criminal justice systems, focusing on advanced applications such as predictive crime analysis, facial recognition, and forensic evidence analysis. Predictive analysis relies on sophisticated algorithms that use historical data to anticipate crime locations and timings, thereby improving the allocation of security resources and reducing crime rates. However, the use of these technologies raises ethical concerns related to privacy protection and algorithmic bias that may affect ethnic minorities. The study employs a qualitative methodology, including literature review and expert interviews, highlighting the situation in Libya, where the application of AI is limited due to inadequate infrastructure. The findings indicate that while AI can improve the efficiency of criminal investigations, it is crucial to establish robust legal and ethical frameworks to ensure responsible use. Therefore, cooperation between the government and civil society is essential to maximize the benefits of these technologies while minimizing their risks. Keywords: artificial intelligence, criminal problems, predictive analysis, privacy violations, organized crime.

The evolution of the internal political situation in Libya after the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime

Researchers from Western countries and some Russian scientists initially enthusiastically classified anti-government protests and uprisings in the 2010s in a number of Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa as «Arab Spring» or «Arab Awakening».However, the consequences of these «springs» and «awakenings» in some countries of the abovementioned region caused less delight and more anxiety. Indeed, if Tunisia after its «Arab Spring» returned to stable development, in Egypt one general (Hosni Mubarak) was replaced by another (Abdul-Fattah al-Sisi), then in Yemen, and especially in Libya, as a consequence of the «Arab awakenings» civil wars occurred, that are still ongoing, and threaten the complete disintegration of the above-mentioned countries.Based on the above, it is quite obvious that the analysis of the causes, the content of the main stages and consequences of the evolution of the internal political situation in Libya after the overthrow of the regime of M. Gaddafi in October 2011 is not only an urgent scientific, but also a political task. The purpose of the article is to analyze the reasons for the destabilization of the internal political situation in Libya since October 2011, the content of its key stages and consequences. When writing the text of the article, the following scientific methods were used: problem-chronological, comparativehistorical, periodization method, historical-genetic, historical-retrospective, etc. The development of the internal political situation in Libya since October 2011 has led the Libyan state to total disintegration. The Libyan statehood, which until October 2011 was not particularly strong and stable, is confidently drifting towards fragmentation and autonomy within not only individual regions, but even individual cities.

Assessing the Decade After: A Critical Analysis of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in the Libya Intervention

Currently, 12 years post-NATO intervention, Libya falls into the category of a fragile state, with worsening indices in the economic, security, and social aspects since 2011. While not a new topic, the situation in Libya in 2011 can always serve as a lesson and exemplification of the discourse on humanitarian intervention, specifically the principal aspects of Responsibility to Protect (R2P). The current situation in Libya raises questions about whether there were flaws in the military intervention carried out by the NATO alliance in 2011. This paper aims to analyze the just ad bellum features related to the principal aspects within R2P were implemented in the NATO intervention in Libya. Thus, this study argues that the failure of the military intervention in Libya is due to the non-fulfillment of the basic aspects of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), especially in relation to just ad bellum, such as right authority, last resort, just cause, right intention, proportional means, and reasonable prospects in carrying out humanitarian intervention.

Applications of Realism and Idealism in foreign policy (American foreign policy as a model)

The study aims at identifying the most prominent features of idealistic and realistic American foreign policy through highlighting three Arab issues, namely the American occupation of Iraq, the American position on the Syrian Libyan uprisings. To achieve this goal, the study used the decision-making approach, and the comparative approach in accordance with their relation to the nature of the case-study. 
 It is revealed that there is a difference in US foreign policy towards each issue separately, and that there is a difference in managing the issue itself. This is related to the difference in the personal aspects of the American president in that period, and the idealistic or realistic tendencies that governed his vision.
 The occupation of Iraq in 2003 could be seen as indicators of realism in US foreign policy. With the succession of US administrations, those realistic indicators changed to ideal ones after the US withdrawal from Iraq in 2011, and the attempt to establish normal relations with Iraq and focus on developing the strategic partnership between the two countries.
 The American position on the Libyan revolution also varied between realism after the direct military intervention in to eliminate Muammar Gaddafi’s regime, and idealism through the presentation of the Obama’s administration to programs and plans related to issues of democratic transition, human rights, development of informal organizations and the provision of necessary support to them, and the establishment of Trump administration high-level diplomatic activity on Libya in mid-2020 to intensify efforts to stabilize the political situation in Libya. In addition, the positions of the US administration have fluctuated on the Syrian revolution of 2011. There are realistic features, most notably the operation that the Trump administration directed at the Syrian army’s Shayrat Airbase in April 2017, and ideal features represented by the Obama administration’s attempts not to directly interfere in the Syrian revolution and to stay away from military action, and overlooking Russia’s incursion into Syria to avoid the United States of America entering new wars, or getting directly involved in Middle Eastern conflicts.

Association of ABO blood types and clinical variables with COVID-19 infection severity in Libya.

The continuing COVID-19 pandemic is a coronavirus-related health emergency (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2). Inadequate efforts are still being made to address the illness situation in Libya, and this must change. To address these issues, we looked into the demography and trend of the disease as well as the potential risk factors for infection. This study is a retrospective case-control study conducted online among 616 COVID-19 patients. The p0.05 value, odds ratios, and 95% confidence intervals were calculated and analyzed from the drawn data. Males were at high risk of COVID-19 than females (odds ratio = 1.3, 95% confidence interval: 1.042-1.622; p = 0.02). Anosmia and ageusia were more prominent in females. Patients with an "AB" blood group are significantly susceptible to infection. Adults (31 and above) are highly liable to infection. The univariate logistic regression analysis revealed that smoking is a risk factor for those above 60 years (odds ratio = 2.228, 95% confidence interval: 1.145-4.336; p = 0.018). Individuals with chronic diseases such as diabetes and/or hypertension are more prone to COVID-19 (odds ratio = 10.045, 95% confidence interval: 3.078-32.794; p = 0.000 and odds ratio = 11.508, 95% confidence interval: 3.930-33.695; p = 0.000, respectively). This study provided for the first time the demographic data and the trend of COVID-19 infection in Libya, which will assist the stakeholders and governmental bodies in planning protection strategies against the pandemic.

Factors Determining Libyan Banking Employees’ Readiness to Support the Transformation to a Full-Fledged Islamic Banking System

The purpose of this research is to examine the determinants of banking employees’ readiness to support the transformation to the full-fledged Islamic banking system in Libya. Using the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) and employing survey questionnaires of 323 employees of 10 conventional Libyan banks analysed using Structural Equation Modelling (SEM). This research revealed that the readiness of Libyan banks’ employees is influenced significantly and positively by attitudinal, religious and subjective norms. Moreover, attitude toward transformation is the most critical factor that determines readiness among bank employees. This indicates that bank employees are willing to support the transformation process toward Islamic banking. Due to the unstable security situation in Libya, this research is confined to two states (Tripoli and Benghazi). Further researches may extend applying the proposed model to other states in the country, which may enhance the generalisability of this research’s findings. Overall, this research provides support for the transformation process to Islamic banking as a way to evaluate the readiness of Libyan banking employees for such change. Also, this research emphasizes the importance of undertaking a pre-implementation evaluation of readiness for change in Libyan commercial banks.

Italy, the second Libyan war, and the Frontex Irini Operation

In 2011, Libya plunged into a civil war after the outbreak of the Arab Spring, a revolutionary movement characterized by massive civil protests which tried to build democratic societies in the Middle East and North Africa and put to an end the old repressive political regimes. After several months of civil war and bombings over Libya, longtime Muamar Ghaddafi’s dictatorial regime fell. Although the U.S. did not directly intervene in Libya, it supported the overthrow of Ghadafi through the intervention of NATO, providing aerial support and airstrikes for the opposition force (it also established a no-fly zone over Libya, authorized by the United Nations). In 2014, contested parliamentary elections led to the formation of two rival political power centers — one in the east, based in Tobruk and backed by military commander Khalifa Haftar, and another in the west of the country, an UN-supported administration in the capital of Tripoli. Each side was supported by a variety of militias and foreign powers, who competed for influence and oil resources, raising fears that oil-rich Libya could become the theater of a regional conflict. In April 2019, Haftar and his forces, backed by Russia (the Russian military contractors of the Wagner Group), Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates launched an offensive to capture the capital. His campaign collapsed after Turkey and Qatar offered their military support to the Tripoli government with hundreds of Turkish troops and thousands of Syrian mercenaries, belonging to the Free Syrian Army. The outbreak of violence in Libya in April 2019 severely affected the institutional reunification and stability of the country. Warning that the situation in Libya could become "a second Syria", with a new large wave of refugees directed towards the EU, Germany offered to call a peace conference for the conflicting sides, held on 19th January 2020 under the auspices of the United Nations. The aim was to stop the military support for the civil war parties and uphold an existing UN arms embargo, re-launching the peace process for a political settlement, after nine months of fighting over the capital. Operation EUNAVFOR MED IRINI was launched by the European Union on 31 March 2020, as part of the European Union's contribution to the Berlin conference. The core task of the Operation is the implementation of the UN arms embargo on Libya through aerial, satellite, and maritime assets, an embargo that had been decided in 2016 by the United Nations Security Council Resolution. This ongoing mission replaced the Sophia Operation, which had been in place for five years, combating the organized crime and trafficking of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea. In June 2016, the European Council decided to extend Sophia’s mandate until July 2017, adding two supporting tasks: training the Libyan coastguards and contributing to the implementation of the UN arms embargo on the high seas off the coast of Libya. This paper attempts to analyze the response of the European Union to the Libyan crisis by launching the Irini operation, a military-naval Joint force, setting out to secure the Berlin Conference’s commitments. Finally, we try to explain if Italy which seems to have preferred to stay on the sidelines, succeeded in reinserting itself into the Libyan equation, a significant diplomatic area for the Chigi Palace.

HAS THE ARAB SPRING CHANGED THE SOCIO-POLITICAL LANDSCAPE? THE CASE OF LIBYA

The Arab Spring, which first erupted in Tunisia and spread to parts of the Arab world, remains one of the most realistic issues on the international political agenda in recent years. With the deepening of the political transformation in the Middle East, the political development of Libya, Turkey, Iran and other countries has encountered more and more difficulties. Libya has also experienced the Arab Spring, and whether the socio-political landscape has changed has become a topic of debate. The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the socio-political landscape of Libya has changed politically and economically since the Arab Spring. In the early days of the Arab Spring, Libya's political system has changed, and some economic achievements have been made. However, these achievements at the political and economic level are superficial, which means that Libya's political and economic landscape has not been fundamentally transformed, and what was achieved at the time did not last long. After a brief introduction to the Arab Spring and the current social situation in Libya, this paper will discuss the specific changes in Libya's socio-political landscape from both political and economic aspects.

Политические позиции ливийских племен в ходе гражданской войны (2019–2020 гг.)

In this article, the author analyzes one of the most difficult problems in the Arab region, the civil war in Libya after the overthrow of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. The author focuses on the fresh round of the escalation of the conflict (2019–20) between the eastern and western centers of power. The paper presents the importance of the political positions of Libyan tribes in the course of hostilities and their impact on the internal situation. The key issue of the study considered in the article directly concerns the political positions of the main clans within Libya. The author explains why some of the clans decided to participate in the military campaign on the side of the Libyan National Army, while the other defended the Government of National Accord; there were also those who adopted the position of non-interference in national affairs, since they sought to maintain autonomy. The main purpose of this work is to demonstrate the specifics of the Libyan problem, which is not only the desire of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan for their autonomous existence but also the internal contradictions between different tribes. It remains one of the most important factors hindering the unification of the country. After analyzing the publications in the modern Arabic-language press, the author offered her vision of the reasons for the ongoing armed confrontation in Libya and also presented and analyzed the full range of political positions and the role of the main Libyan tribes during the civil conflict, especially its latest round, which gives an idea of the complexity of the internal situation in Libya. The conclusion indicates the main reasons why Libya as a country cannot currently be a single and whole entity. The problem lies mainly in the complex ethnic and tribal situation as well as in the desire of individual tribes for an autonomous existence.

Prezydent przed Trybunałem? Analiza skutków prawnych wydania przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny nakazu aresztowania Omara al-Bashira i Muammara al-Kaddafiego

One of the most frightening aspects of the crime of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity is not so much their scale as their relationship with the sovereign power of the state, which either condone, or even participate in their making. It happens when the theoretically unlimited sovereign state power, which is connected with a monopoly on the use of coercive measures, begins to be used against its own citizens. Because of such a misuse of the state functions in the second half of the 20th century international law began to be treated as an element of protection of innocent people against the unpredictable sovereign state. Providing such a protection is enshrined in the international conventions, and in the activities of various international bodies, including in particular the Security Council of the United Nations. But so far there has not been found in the international law an ideal way to solve the conflict between the need to protect fundamental individual rights and the respect of sovereignty of the state. Creation by an international treaty of the International Criminal Court can be described as a major step on the way to the final determination of the relationship between human rights and state sovereignty. Hence, the process of its creation and first years of operation was marked by a dispute between the defenders of those values. In particular this is reflected in a controversy that caused the issuing by the Court of the arrest warrant for the Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, suspected of committing on the territory of Darfur war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. One of the key issues emerging in connection with the Arrest Warrant issued for the head of state is a way to determine the mutual relationship between the obligations of states towards the international court, appointed for the purpose to prevent the gravest international crimes remaining unpunished, and the norms of international law obligating respect for the state sovereignty, by ensuring the immunity of his head is being observed. This article is an attempt to analyze this relationship, regarding the provisions of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, the wording of Security Council Resolution 1593, refering to the Court situation in Darfur and the Security Council Resolution 1970 refering to the Court situation in Libya, and also appropriate rules of customary international law and decisions of international courts.

Online Learning in the Time of Crisis: A Study of EFL Students’ Attitudes

Abstract
 This article discussed the importance of utilizing online learning during times of crises with special emphasis on the situation in Libya. In spite of the dangerous current situation i.e., the wide spread of a deadly Corona Virus, educational institutions (schools, universities, and academies) in Libya are still based on traditional procedures of learning, i.e., they adopt the traditional way of face-to-face classes and meetings. Although there have been some attempts of using blended learning, still most of the institutions are stuck with old methods. The current situation in the country since the beginning of the unrest in 2011 and recently with the emergence of a sudden outbreak of a deadly disease called Covid-19 caused by a Corona Virus shook the entire country and called for an urgent intervention. However, because of the fragile situation and the decrepit infrastructure in Libya, challenges to the education system are huge. This article highlighted the perceptions of a group of postgraduate students of English on online learning and also included the Advantages, Disadvantages, Opportunities, and Barriers (ADOB) analysis of e-learning modes in the time of crisis. The findings revealed that access to online learning in Libya was hindered by many challenges, and consequently students perceived online learning as inefficient. The paper also provided some suggestions for academic institutions of how to deal with challenges associated with online learning.
 

Struggle for Libya: External Actors and Their Bets

Libya is the country affected most by the Arab Spring and actually disintegrated into separate enclaves, which was largely facilitated by the actions of external actors, primarily the United States and France. External forces continue to influence the situation in Libya in their own interests, largely consisting in access to the natural resources of this country and ensuring political influence through the support of forces loyal to them. In addition to the abovementioned countries, Italy, Germany, Russia, China, Turkey, Egypt and, to a certain extent, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are also involved in the Libyan events. The article examines in a historical context their views on the problem, the interests of external actors and the military-political and economic tools used to ensure them. The pandemic somewhat constrained their actions, but in the current situation Turkey was the most active, intervening in the course of the Libyan conflict, showing a high degree of interest in access to Libyan oil and gas, and strengthening its own, including geopolitical, positions. The United States is trying to act through UN institutions, while Russia is trying to find compromises between the two main forces of the Libyan conflict. At this stage, the positions of external players are so contradictory that achieving peace and stability looks difficult, and attempts to coordinate their actions within the framework of the Berlin Forum have not been crowned with success. For now, the efforts of the United States look preferable in terms of influencing the overall situation, although Germany retains the best chances to mediate. The article also examines the possible consequences of the unsettled situation in Libya and the impact of the Libyan events on the outside world.

THE NORTH AFRICAN FACTOR IN EUROPEAN SECURITY

"Since 2000, there have been frequent outbreaks of violent terrorist incidents in many European countries, the reasons for which are both external reasons of the deteriorating global security situation and internal reasons of the development dilemma that European countries themselves are caught in. Many European countries suffered from financial crisis, economic development stagnated and social conflicts intensified. Of particular concern is that these terrorist incidents in European countries are closely linked to North African countries. the refugee flows since 2015 have exacerbated tensions between Europe and North Africa, putting European security at great risk. Europe and North Africa have been inextricably linked through time in terms of geographic location, historical processes and physical developments. At present, security concerns of European countries still exist, and if appropriate measures are not taken to address them, these concerns will not disappear on their own and may even continue to worsen if the global counterterrorism situation takes a turn for the worse or the situation in Libya remains intractable, and I will propose some solutions to this problem in this paper."

A líbiai biztonsági szektor fejlődési sajátosságai

Líbia geopolitikai helyzete, valamint az országot jellemző instabilitás új típusú biztonsági kihívásokat állít az Európai Unió – és ezen keresztül Magyarország – elé, elsősorban a migráció, az energiabiztonság és a terrorizmus területén. A líbiai helyzet stabilizálása alapvető fontosságú lenne az EU déli irányú biztonságának növelése érdekében. Ennek ellenére komolyabb eredményeket sem politikai, sem biztonsági téren nem sikerült elérni. 
 KULCSSZAVAK: Líbia, biztonsági szektor, Max Weber, kétszintű biztonsági rendszer, központi hatalom

Why there were few cases of coronavirus disease 2019 in Libya during the first two months of the pandemic?

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is a pandemic that affected almost all countries worldwide with more than 29,439,120 confirmed cases and 932,486 deaths recorded till on September 14, 2020. However, on May 25, 2020, after 2 months from the first reported case of COVID-19 in Libya, the country was among very few countries in the world that had very few cases of COVID-19 with a total of 75 confirmed cases and three deaths during the first 2 months since the detection of the first case on March 24, 2020. Based on the global epidemiological pattern of the disease, the magnitude of COVID-19 in Libya could have been much worse. However, the reality is eccentrically different and the epidemiology exhibited different scenario with very few cases being recorded during the first 2 months of pandemic in Libya. In this article, a review of COVID-19 situation in Libya is presented with thoughts about the potential reasons that could explain the very few cases of COVID-19 in the country in context with the global figures of the pandemic.

An overview of the corporate governance framework in Libya

This paper provides an overview of the corporate governance framework in Libya, and the effort establishing corporate governance in the Libyan banks and companies. For this, this article depends on a review and analysis of the available literature on corporate governance in Libya conducted during the period from 2010 to 2017 such as laws, regulations, academic and professional research. The paper concluded that the concept of governance is still very limited in the Libyan Business environment, corporate governance adoption in Libya is still in its early stages due to the political and security situation in Libya. There is a need to adopt a strategy for the implementation of governance in Libya, based on raising awareness at all levels, and training leaders in various institutions on them, while developing the legislative tool to comply with the requirements of governance

A Concept without Consensus: Conceptualisation of the ‘Situation’ Notion in the Rome Statute

In response to quelling Libya’s popular uprising against the authoritarian rule of Gaddafi, the United Nations Security Council referred the situation in Libya to the International Criminal Court. Subsequently, the Office of the Prosecutor brought four cases against the most responsible seniors for attacking civilians protesting the Gaddafi regime in 2011. Later, the Prosecutor went behind the borders of the original situation by prosecuting Al-Werfalli, who was accused of crimes taking place in the summer 2017, when there was no repressive apparatus against Gaddafi’s opponents. This recent case may pose a jurisdictional challenge that leads to a conceptual question: what does the concept of a ‘situation’ mean? The Court’s jurisdiction limits the contours of a situation. The main constituent element of a situation is a concrete crisis that differentiates the situation from others. This contextual element will be discussed in this article.

LIBYA – SOMALIA AT THE GATES

Since the collapse of the Gaddafi regime and the end of NATO-led Operation Unified Protector, the security situation in Libya has deteriorated significantly. Lacking comprehensive post-conflict stabilisation and state-building, the country has become a de facto failed state which made the rise of different Jihadists groups possible. In comparison with the history of al-Shabaab on the Horn of Africa, it seems that the country is on a good way to become a new Somalia. This analysis examines which similarities can be discovered in the two crises. It will not explore the conflict in Somalia and Libya in details, but the paper will focus on the main parallel aspects of them. These will be the lack of strong basics, namely functioning central government and national identity, which easily led to the collapse of the state; the missed post-conflict stabilisation, which is the historical responsibility of both local and international actors; the deepening and atomized conflict which covered the interests of only a tight elite; and the rise of radical Islamists, who offered universal solutions for the woe of the neglected citizens

Libya: Prospects for Solution

The article describes the situation which Libya has been facing in the period since October 2011, when Libyan leader M. Qaddafi was killed and his regime was toppled. The author analyses the ongoing conflict between the two opposing parties – one in Tripoli (in the west of the country) and the other in Tobruk (in the east of the country) – each of which has its own parliament, government and military forces. The balance of power is patchy and changing which makes further confrontation very unpredictable. The author also studies the UN mediation efforts to reconcile the opposing parties and to restore the unity of the country. It refers to parliamentary and presidential elections in Libya which are expected to take place in 2018. However, in the foreseeable future the normalization of the present situation in Libya is unlikely.

Coping with the Libyan migration crisis

ABSTRACTThis article discusses the EU's response to the recent Libyan ‘migration crisis’. The central Mediterranean migration route, via Libya, is now the principal route for mixed flows into the EU – primarily owing to the non-existence of a Libyan state to enforce migration controls in collaboration with the EU. The situation in Libya itself is dire, with extensive human rights violations committed against mostly African migrants. While the EU's efforts to curb migration from Libya through enhanced maritime patrol operations have been largely unsuccessful, the recent Italian–Libyan collaboration seems to have led to a significant reduction in the number of migrants departing from Libya's shores. In addition, the EU has also been enlisting transit countries further south – Niger, in particular – in its migration control efforts, with the provision of financial and other resources for capacity-building in migration management. Overall, the EU persists with buttressing its fortress, continues to push for the external hosting of refugee populations within the region and intensifies its collaboration with countries with a dismal track record in terms of respecting the rights of migrants and refugees.