Sino-European Relations Research Articles

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ И ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЕ ИЗМЕРЕНИЯ КИТАЙСКО-ЕВРОПЕЙСКИХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ НА СОВРЕМЕННОМ ЭТАПЕ: ОСНОВНЫЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИИ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ

The relations between China and the EU are one of the defining tracks for the further development of the international order. In the last few years, they are characterized by an increasing tension, since there are confrontational trends in the political interaction, along with the robust trade and economic development. In addition, the third parties have a decisive influence on the China-EU relations. The article attempts to determine the current state of the Sino-European relations, as well as to consequently make a forecast of their further development. The methods of the retrospective and comparative analysis are used to systematically compare and evaluate the Sino-European relations in their development, and also to identify the patterns characterizing them. A discourse analysis of the statements of the European and Chinese political figures is used as an auxiliary mechanism. The author highlights such tendencies as the degradation of the relations, primarily in the political sphere, the strengthening of economic interdependence, the development of the bilateral relations with the EU member states, rather than with the supranational bodies of the integration association. In addition, it is suggested that the influence of the various structural factors leads to a significant increase in the rivalry between China and the European Union. The author concludes that the Sino-European relations will be determined to a greater extent by their relationship with the third parties, and the current trends will continue to develop, increasing the degradation of the political interaction between Beijing and Brussels

GEOPOLITICAL VIEWS AND GEO-ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS ON THE GERMAN STRATEGY AND EU WIDER FRAMEWORK RELATIONS WITH CHINA

On July 13, 2023, the German Government has released the first national strategy related to approaching China in international relations, including from a geo-economic perspective. The text of the German strategy is of significant importance for other EU member states and the EU authorities, as it encloses aspects pertaining to the industrial policy and cyber-security, serving nonetheless as a use-case and / or a model for developing a coherent approach to China, including the perspective of economic diplomacy in the larger context of policy dialogues with China. From a diplomatic stance, China has anchored international relations in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, some of which being EU members – in 2012, China forged partnerships via the “16+1” Cooperation, later extended after the Dubrovnik Summit to “17+1” by the adhesion of Greece. China looks to consolidate bilateral relations in Europe via a multi-level approach and sectorial-specific coordination (to include trade, energy, financial technologies, forestry, maritime services, etc) and the German strategy complements the projected EU-China comprehensive strategic partnership, rather than to be an alternative to it. In this context, the paper explores the implications of the German strategy towards China from the European viewpoint and analyses its value-added potential to supporting the wider angle of EU international relations towards China. The research hypothesis is that in the current international geopolitical context related to China, the German strategy enhances at the national level the guiding principles of EU approach to managing the relations with China and adds value to EU economic diplomacy instead of duplicating it. The research methodology is focused on a qualitative analysis of documented authentic scientific public resources and synthesis of key aspects from a geopolitical and geo-economical wide angle of Sino-European relations. The conclusions draw on the fact that China acts as an international challenger, on a path to consolidate its international role and the EU and the German strategies towards China support the mitigation of exposures to economic dependencies by de-risking linkages rather than economic de-coupling from “a partner, a competitor and a systemic rival” at the same time, as designated by EU.

The impact of Russia’s war against Ukraine on Sino-European relations

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the development of Sino-European relations following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. I argue that the behaviour of European and Chinese leaders is driven by the availability and attractiveness of outside options. While both sides want to reduce their dependence on the other, neither actor seeks a radical decoupling. Measures to diversify supply chains, the negotiation of new trade agreements around the world, and the ‘technology war’ have made Beijing’s outside options less favourable. Europeans are emboldened to articulate their interests more forcefully, particularly in the areas of human rights, scrutiny of foreign funding, and economic coercion. China, in turn, provides diplomatic cover for Russia but resists undermining Western sanctions.

The trajectory of Sino-European relations: The political and economic impact of the Covid-19 Pandemic

In the recent years, the power dynamics of Sino-European relations has shifted with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) becoming more assertive and strategic. However, with disruption and uncertainty in Europe due to the former US Trump administration, Brexit, and the Ukrainian war, the EU needs PRC’s international engagement to build a resilient international political community. PRC also needs the European market to expand outwardly, via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), to overcome its stagnation of domestic economy. Amidst this sensitive phase of the developing Sino-European relationship, the pandemic of Covid-19 hit the world. According to complex interdependence theory, the social and economic interconnectedness of the world transcends intergovernmental relationship. The pandemic brought a negative impact and weakened political resilience and European countries began to re-examine negative effects of complex interdependence, especially with PRC. The objective of this paper is to examine if this unique phenomenon of the pandemic has altered the trajectory of the Sino-European relationship. This literature is significant as few scholars in the field of Social Science have analysed Sino-European relations, specifically in light of the Covid-19 pandemic. Relevant organisations, or actors, include PRC, the EU and EU member state governments, ambassadors, State Owned Enterprises (SOEs), and private firms. There is no clear theory on how these actors react to pandemics in the complex interdependent modern era. Hence, this study takes an inductive approach by gathering relevant evidence for analysis. The main conclusion and implication of this study is that the actual data appears to show a decline of Chinese FDIs (Foreign Direct Investments) in Europe after the pandemic. However, the EU increasingly recognizes PRC as a systematic rival and involved parties are raising concern on PRC’s influence over Europe.

The Western Balkans perspectives in the context of Sino-European relations

The Western Balkans perspectives in the context of Sino-European relations

ANALYSIS OF THE CONTEXTUAL FACTORS OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF CHINA'S NATIONAL IMAGE IN THE GERMAN MAINSTREAM MEDIA DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC

National image is a clear information perception of a country in the international community, reecting a country's international inuence and comprehensive national power. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the dramatic changes in the international order and landscape. As a result, there is a widespread perception in the West that the current international order has not only encountered serious challenges from emerging powers but has also led to confusion in the perception of globalisation within the West. Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the breadth and depth of attention paid to "China" in the German mainstream media have continued to rise. This study will further investigate how the image of China is constructed in cross-cultural media communication, based on the national image of China in German mainstream media coverage of China during the COVID-19 Pandemic and ideological analysis of the discursive contexts in which it is produced. This paper is basically structured as a review of the traditions and rules of the German press, an analysis of the operational characteristics of the German press industry under the COVID-19 pandemic, the social impact of German media coverage on China, and an analysis of this news production mechanism, followed by an analysis of the game between the Chinese and Western value systems and discourse power displayed by the German media during the COVID-19 pandemic, an analysis of the value orientation of the German media towards the construction of China's national image. This is followed by an academic exploration of the background and public opinion effects of the " China Phobia ". This paper also examines the changes in the social structure of Germany as a result of the pandemic, Sino-German and Sino-European relations in the context of the Sino-American conict, and the evolution of a sense of "sovereign Europe" and the current international order.

The Impact of Donald Trump’s Presidency on Sino-European Relations

Cet article analyse l’impact de la présidence de Donald Trump sur les relations sino-européennes, en se concentrant sur les politiques de sécurité, de commerce et de droits de l’homme. Les développements politiques aux États-Unis au cours des deux premières années de la présidence de Trump (2016-2018) ont représenté une opportunité pour la Chine et l’Union européenne de renforcer leur coopération dans différents domaines. Néanmoins, à partir de 2018, la politique américaine à l’égard de la Chine a radicalement changé, ayant des répercussions importantes sur les relations sino-européennes. À ce titre, les perceptions négatives de l’UE à l’égard de la Chine sont devenues la norme, entraînant des effets politiques et économiques majeurs.

Eurasian Overland Transport: Sino-European Relations in an Age of Hyper-Connectivity

This paper focuses on an aspect of Sino-European relations that is at once topical and intellectually underexplored, i.e. the developing rail connections between China and Europe. It argues that the existing scholarship on transcontinental rail is dominated by two competing narratives advanced by the logistics management and geostrategic literatures. The paper proposes an alternative way of looking at Eurasian overland transport by focusing on the infrastructure where the phenomenon takes place. Drawing on the theoretical insights of New Materialism and the ethnography of infrastructure, the paper attempts to recover the political force of materiality lost in the dominant narratives and show some of the effects, dynamics and conflicts this force can generate. The paper demonstrates how a new materialist approach can expand the ways in which we think about the Eurasian overland transport phenomenon and thereby enrich the study of this latest phase of globalization.

Socialism Capitalism and Sino-European Relations in the Deng Xiaoping Era, 1978–1992

This special issue of Cold War History looks at Sino-European relations during the Reform and Opening period in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from the late 1970s onwards. In different ways, the PRC’s connections with states in both Eastern and Western Europe helped shape Beijing’s reform policies under Deng Xiaoping, which laid the basis for China’s economic rise.

The EU through the eyes of Chinese social media: A case study of the official micro-blog of Chinese Foreign Ministry

To promote public understanding of Europe and Sino-European relations, on 24 August 2012, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China opened an official micro-blog through a Sina Weibo account named ‘@Zhongou Xinshi’ (means ‘Sino–Europe messenger’ in English). This article uses content analysis methods to examine the posts in this micro-blog so as to find out what is European Union's image in the eyes of Chinese official social media. The main findings of this study revealed that the image of Europe shaped in this Weibo is neutral, i.e., no anti-European sentiments are being expressed. The authors suggest that Chinese authorities need to make efforts to promote dialogue between China and Europe to accurately and effectively communicate via social media.

Culture, knowledge and diplomacy in contemporary EU–China relations—reflections on the legacies of Matteo Ricci

The worlds that Matteo Ricci lived in—early modern Europe, Ming China and the pre-Westphalian international order—are vastly different from the world of the 21st century, when accelerated globalization binds China and Europe together as never before and when global international society is moving decisively beyond Westphalia. How much are the legacies of Matteo Ricci still relevant, 400 years on, to enriching the relationship between China and Europe in the 21st century? This paper starts with a brief overview of the civilizational encounters between China and Europe and the unfolding of their turbulent and often troubled relationship over the last four centuries of wars, collapse of empires, internal convulsions, nation-state building, scientific and industrial revolutions and great economic transformations. Against this historical narrative is the discussion of Matteo Ricci as a cultural agent, a knowledge broker and a practitioner of public diplomacy in fostering Sino–European relations in its nascent years. The paper argues that even in an increasingly globalized world, Matteo Ricci’s conception of culture, his wisdom about the power of knowledge and his practice of people-to-people diplomacy remain valuable in informing both China and the EU, two aspiring global players, in their search for a viable China–EU strategic partnership.

Unravelling Harmony: How Distorted Trade Imperils the Sino-European Partnership

One of the main drivers of Sino-European cooperation has been the prospect of a mutually beneficial division of labour. In the best classic liberalist tradition, it was the Chinese government that nurtured a sense of economic harmony. This paper shows that a mutually beneficial partnership has not emerged. Departing from a detailed six-digit commodity export dataset, it demonstrates that the division of labour has blurred. Furthermore, Europe's growing deficits on the current account balance were not offset by inflows on the financial account. All these are symptomatic for the twin distortions that have developed in China and Europe, twin distortions that now require difficult twin adjustments. However, while both sides preach the need for rebalancing, they tend to persist in unsustainable policies, which will still most likely lead to panic and protectionism. In that regard, the Sino-European relations reveal compellingly that politically induced imbalances cause havoc in international trade relations, even if there were no initial intentions to harm other countries' economic interests, and that the optimist narratives of harmony of economic interests cannot be trusted, as long as they are not matched by free markets.

China-EU Relations: Strategic Partnership at a Crossroads

China-EU relations, after more than a decade of steady growth since the mid-1990s, are becoming increasingly more fluid and unpredictable. Observers who had been optimistic are now starting to warn of an impending downward spiral in Sino-European ties. This paper attempts to address these two questions: How do we understand the emerging dynamics in Sino-European relations? Is the Sino-European relationship inevitably moving towards an era of friction and contention, or will it be able to overcome the current challenges to get back to a new honeymoon? This article examines the key factors that have shaped and are likely to continue to play a significant role in China-EU ties, notably common economic and strategic interests. It also outlines some of the negative trends that have emerged in bilateral relations in recent years. It is argued that a sense of cautious optimism perhaps best reflects the reality in China-EU relations.

The International Politics of the Chinese Arms Embargo Issue

The Chinese arms embargo issue has gone beyond Sino-European bilateral relations to become a matter of significance – and concern – for East Asian and US policymakers. Thus, an eventual solution depends not only on the interplay between EU and Chinese policymakers’ interests and considerations, but is now interconnected with China's domestic developments and regional posture, the security concerns of China's neighbours (especially Japan and Taiwan), the evolution of US-China relations and transatlantic relations.

Long-term outlook for China’s political reform

China’s post-1978 economic reform is generally acclaimed as success, for the Chinese economy has expanded nine-fold in a matter of 25 years and the country rose from the world’s 34th largest trading nation in 1978 to the third largest in 2004 ahead of Japan. Interestingly, the Chinese experiment is often described in the West as “economic reform without political reform”. This begets the question: how could a politically un-reformed system be able to deliver such an economic miracle? In reality, China has conducted, by its own standards, major political reforms since 1978. Though far short of the Western expectations, the Chinese experience since 1978 should better be described as “great economic reforms with lesser political reforms”, without which China’s economic success would be inconceivable. China’s “lesser political reforms” have reduced country’s opportunities for greater political change, thus alienating many reform-minded intellectuals. Nevertheless, it may also have helped China avert the possible economic and social upheavals which could have resulted from rushing too fast into a radically different economic and political system. There is a strongly held belief, especially among the more ‘ideological’ observers of Chinese affairs that unless there were a radical political reform, perhaps tantamount to a revolution, to rid China of its “oppressive” Communist Party, the Chinese system would inevitably collapse just like what had happened in the USSR and Eastern Europe. As the party has been in power, China had been predicted to face collapse in the aftermath of the Tiananmen crisis of 1989, the Soviet Union’s disintegration of 1990, the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1996, and the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and the 2003 outbreak of SARS. Yet all these forecasts turned out to be wrong and the track record of the China doomsayers over the past 20 years is indeed poor. Will China become a democracy through its political reform in 20 years? Indeed, a full democracy could be the best scenario for China, the region and beyond, but it is difficult to give a definitive answer, which will, to a great extent, depend on how to achieve democracy in China, i.e. the costs/risks involved, as well as what kind of ultimate shape such a democracy will take. If full-fledged democratisation will take more time, the pressure for a more accountable government and more democratic society is growing, and this trend will continue with the rise of China’s middle class and civil society. Therefore, the most likely scenario for China in the coming two decades is that China will continue its own approach to political reform, and the relative successful experience of China’s economic reform may well set a pattern for China’s political reform in the years to come. As part of Europe’s general approach towards China’s political change, it is in Europe’s interest to assist, in line with the view of most Chinese, gradual reform rather than revolution or ‘regime change’, which could produce hugely negative consequences for China itself, Sino–European relations and European interests in China and even East Asia.

The Role of Hong Kong and Macau in China's Relations with Europe

The return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally marked the end of one era of Sino-European relations and the beginning of another. Both events had been preceded by protracted negotiations, detailed bilateral treaties and, in the history of imperial withdrawal, extended transition periods. Consequently, since the signing of the Joint Declarations (JD), the local, national and international implications of the two events have been the foci of historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation.

China and the Ideal of Order in John Webb's An Historical Essay....

Scholars of seventeenth-century intellectual history have generally relegated John Webb to the footnotes of their work on universal language schemes, architectural history, and Sino-European relations.' In this essay I suggest that Webb's An Historical Essay Endeavoring a Probability that the Language of the Empire of China is the Primitive Language (1669), which argues that for 5000 years China preserved the language spoken by Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden, makes significant contributions to seventeenth-century intellectual history and to our understanding of early modem European perceptions of China. When Webb's Essay is placed within the context of the seventeenth-century debates about the primitive language of Eden, China's ancient history, and the idealization of that empire's harmonious and prosperous culture, its deeply political nature becomes apparent. The Jesuit accounts and those of other travelers to China were especially appealing to English readers living in the aftermath of the civil wars and the turmoil of the early years of the Restoration because they offered glimpses of a seemingly ideal state ruled by a stable monarchy and blessed with seemingly infinite resources and unimaginable wealth; however, these accounts included evidence that China had maintained an unbroken historical record that antedated

China and Europe

Relations between China and Europe have traveled a fluctuant course since 1949. To a significant extent, China's relations with both Eastern and Western Europe have been a function of its broader pattern of relations with the Soviet Union and the United States. Yet, in both cases, independent factors have served to sustain and strain ties. This article examines the course and dynamics of these relationships over the past four decades. Sino-European relations today are businesslike yet fragile—a fragility that the receding Cold War, the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, and the West European common market of 1992 will all serve to intensify.

Sino-European Relations in the Global Context: Increased Parallels in an Increasingly Plural World

Sino-European Relations in the Global Context: Increased Parallels in an Increasingly Plural World

Sino-European Relations in the Global Context: Increased Parallels in an Increasingly Plural World

Research Article| November 01 1986 Sino-European Relations in the Global Context: Increased Parallels in an Increasingly Plural World Shen Shouyuan Shen Shouyuan Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1957) 26 (11): 1164–1183. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644314 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Shen Shouyuan; Sino-European Relations in the Global Context: Increased Parallels in an Increasingly Plural World. Far Eastern Survey 1 November 1957; 26 (11): 1164–1183. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2644314 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1986 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.