Sino-African Relations Research Articles

African Perceptions of Donor Agencies: Emerging developments in Sino-African relations

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that African perceptions of donor agencies such as China may differ from country to country, and are informed by elements such as the country of origin, the knowledge base and orientation towards China. China has been a longstanding partner of Africa since time immemorial through series of trade and cultural exchanges. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches to inquiry, we collect primary data via social survey using google forms with questionnaires administered to participants of ten (10) and six (6) tertiary institutions in Ghana and Togo respectively. This is to give voice to participants from Francophone and Anglophone speaking countries on the subject matter. We give more meaning to the survey data using documentary evidence. Evidence from our frequency distribution of the weighted responses on the various dimension of engagement and that of our phenomenology and narrative tools indicate that there are no singular overarching African perception of China as a donor agent; as the African continent is a 55-state region with diverse conflicting political, economic and socio-cultural proclivities. Africans have embraced China as an emerging force but unlike traditional multilateral bodies, China prefer to deal with Africa on an individual level without going public on matters relating to debt reliefs.

African Perceptions of Donor Agencies: Emerging Developments in Sino-African Relations

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that African perceptions of donor agencies such as China may differ from country to country, and are informed by elements such as the country of origin, the knowledge base and orientation towards China. China has been a longstanding partner of Africa since time immemorial through series of trade and cultural exchanges. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches to inquiry, we collect primary data via social survey using google forms with questionnaires administered to participants of ten (10) and six (6) tertiary institutions in Ghana and Togo respectively. This is to give voice to participants from Francophone and Anglophone speaking countries on the subject matter. We give more meaning to the survey data using documentary evidence. Evidence from our frequency distribution of the weighted responses on the various dimension of engagement and that of our phenomenology and narrative tools indicate that there are no singular overarching African perception of China as a donor agent; as the African continent is a 55-state region with diverse conflicting political, economic and socio-cultural proclivities. Africans have embraced China as an emerging force but unlike traditional multilateral bodies, China prefer to deal with Africa on an individual level without going public on matters relating to debt reliefs.

Major Constraints of the Sino-African Relations in the Nigerian Construction Industry

Over the years, China has become an integral part of Africa’s development both in infrastructure and economy. This fit was attained through unrelenting investment in the continent. However, as the relationship between the continent and China grew, numerous challenges hindered the effective participation in Africa’s infrastructure development and construction. This study, therefore, assesses the challenges hindering effective Chinese participation in the Nigerian construction industry. The study followed a descriptive nature and a quantitative model was adopted. Data for the study was gathered from core construction professionals within Nigeria by a means of a questionnaire survey. Out of 150 targeted respondents, only 139 responses were retrieved and used as the basis of the research. The collected data were analyzed using factor analysis in conjunction with descriptive analysis and presented. Also, the data collected was subjected to a normality test and a non-parametric test. The result of the analysis grouped the variables under factors which were subsequently named challenges posed by system inefficiencies, challenges posed by demographic differences, challenges posed by Chinese firms operating style, challenges posed by unethical operations, and challenges posed by the host national government. The study concluded that all stakeholders of the Sino-African relations must play their part to ensure the efficient and effective operation of Chinese firms and professionals in Africa and especially in the construction industry.

African Perceptions of Trade Partners: A Ghanaian and Togolese Perspective of Sino-African Relations

Studies on perception in both development studies and international relations have shown that most nations have mutual perceptions predicated on and influenced by either fact, biases or stereotypes, or a combination of other identifiable qualitative variables. In this study, we explore and demonstrate that African perceptions differ from country to country and are well influenced by factors such as the country of origin, the knowledge base and orientation towards China. The connection between Africa and China is long etched in history (206 bce to 220 ce) evidenced by a series of cultural and trade exchanges between China and Egypt, and long since antiquated in historical records by the Chinese traveller, Du Huan, of the Tang Dynasty. With a combination of primary and secondary data collected via social survey using google forms with questionnaires administered to participants of 10 and 6 tertiary institutions in Ghana and Togo, respectively, and bolstered with documentary evidence, we find that there are no singular overarching African perceptions of China, as the African continent is a 55-state region with diverse conflicting political, economic and sociocultural proclivities. The study further observed that compared to Togolese, more Ghanaians perceive China to be a goodwill partner predicated on its involvement on public health emergencies of international concerns (PHEIC) and influence on national economies through debt reliefs and other form of assistance.

The Beijing Consensus and the New Silk Road in Africa: Chinese investments in new disputes of hegemony

This paper is going to analyze, from governmental and academic reports, the development of Sino-African relations mainly in the sphere of influence of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC); and of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) project, also known as the New Silk Road.

Africa and Africans in Wolf Warrior 2: Narratives of Trust, Patriotism and Rationalized Racism among Chinese University Students

This paper analyses responses from Chinese university students to China’s most successful blockbuster to date, Wolf Warrior 2. Responses revealed racialized language objectifying the black African Other and affirmation of existing scepticisms towards Sino-African relations. It is argued that these responses must be understood within the context of trust these students have in the mediated messages they encounter, the Chinese leadership, the hearsay of social networks, and film industry standards established by Hollywood, all of which precondition Chinese student understandings of ‘Africa’ and ‘Africans’ that informs their viewing experience. Trust in the nation’s film industry, however, also suggests Chinese cinema may have the ability to improve racial awareness among Chinese audiences. To do so though, would require a shift in the film industry’s objectives from its current efforts in patriotic education, to portraying China and the Chinese as one of many within an interconnected global community.

Sino-African Relations: Emerging Concerns and Dynamics

The objective of this article is to demonstrate that one of the most significant consequences of the growth of China-Africa relations is the positioning of the African continent as a possible theatre for US-China geo-political rivalry. The interpretative approach adopted in this essay involves a comprehensive review of extant literature, and draws on recent data to highlight China’s economic forays into Africa and the attendant implications. Undeniably, Africa’s strategic minerals are of great value to both competing global powers, that is, the United States and China. Interestingly, China’s presence in Africa has been bolstered by its state-capitalist model which has captivated and convinced most African leaders into believing that this alternative development paradigm might be the answer to Africa’s long quest for economic growth. To many African leaders whose regimes are mainly pseudo-democracies, the Chinese model which delivers economic growth without embracing democracy has become an attractive option vis-à-vis the Western model which is predicated on unpopular conditionalities of good governance and respect for human rights. While the emergence of China in Africa has been welcomed in the continent, it is equally true that some concerns and fears are emerging over the growing presence of China in Africa. Some of these concerns include the reversal of the democratization agenda in some African countries; the unequal trade relations between Africa and China; environmental questions on Chinese investments; and fears of a re-packaged form of new colonialism.More importantly, most African countries are apprehensive about the growing tensions between China and the US over Africa which might lead to a new ‘Scramble for Africa’ and the re-emergence of proxy conflicts on the continent.

Sino-African Relations: Economic Opportunities and Challenges for China

Africa is known for its massive labour force and natural resources. In terms of economic growth, African countries have faced prolonged phases of economic crises. China is a significant contributor in Africa’s economic stability. This paper analyses and evaluates the current opportunities and challenges related to China’s engagements in Africa and its policies for triggering economic development in African countries. China’s comprehensive approach is more concentrated on the sustainable development of the domestic infrastructure and job creation for the Africa communities. But there exists a gap in the current Chinese policies that have deepened the concerns of the locals about economic growth and progress. China needs to develop policies that would be mutually beneficial, these policies must ensure economic stability, job creation and growth. Various ongoing development projects initiated by the Chinese have in fact created insecurities amongst the Africans. This anxiety among the locals have become a major hurdle for China’s plans in the continent. Ongoing Chinese policies need to be innovative along with the integration of modern economic models. A reform in the current policies would ensure maximum benefits for both economic partners.

A survey on the Washington Consensus and the Beijing Model: reconciling development perspectives

Reconciling the two dominant development models of the Washington Consensus (WC) and Beijing Model (BM) remains a critical challenge in the literature. The challenge is even more demanding when emerging development paradigms like the Liberal Institutional Pluralism (LIP) and New Structural Economics (NSE) schools have to be integrated. While the latter has recognized both State and market failures but failed to provide a unified theory, the former has left the challenging concern of how institutional diversity matter in the development process. We synthesize perspectives from recently published papers on development and Sino-African relations in order to present the relevance of both the WC and BM in the long-term and short-run respectively. While the paper postulates for a unified theory by reconciling the WC and the BM to complement the NSE, it at the same time presents a case for economic rights and political rights as short-run and long-run development priorities respectively. By attempting to reconcile the WC with the BM, the study contributes at the same to macroeconomic NSE literature of unifying a development theory and to the LIP literature on institutional preferences with stages of development. Hence, the proposed reconciliation takes into account the structural and institutional realities of nations at different stages of the process of development.

Clientelism at work? A case study of Kenyan Standard Gauge Railway project

ABSTRACTThrough investigating Kenya’s newly launched Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) project, this article explores the impact of clientelism on mega-infrastructure projects. This research traces the initiation and implementation of this Chinese-financed and -constructed railway in Kenya, based on over 100 interviews and triangulated with media and policy reports on SGR. We argue that clientelism had mixed effects on holding project management and the government accountable, conditional on the inclusiveness of the patron–client network. In areas where local people and businesses were included in the patronage system, for instance as constituents or trade union members, the patron–client networks held the project management accountable. The patronage system was conducive to corruption and oligopoly when the system only included elites and excluded citizens/businesses. In most situations we found that China has played a less influential role in the politics around the construction management than is generally assumed. This paper provides new evidence to the debate around clientelism and development in Kenya, and the conditions when patronage systems work for and against accountability. Moreover, this research advances the ‘African agency’ position in Sino-African relations literature by showing not only whether but also how Kenyan actors exercise their agency in interaction with Chinese counterparts.

An Analysis of China and Africa Relations with Special Focus on ‘One Belt and One Road’

China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ (OBOR) initiative has been billed as its most ambitious project ever in trying to shape and influence behaviour in the international system in line with her growing stature. At the same time, growing Sino-Africa relations have been the subject of scholarly debate with supporters taking an optimistic view, also presented by China itself, of this relationship being a win-win partnership. Critics led by the United States argue China is just using Africa to extract resources for its use, an allegation it refutes. The authors therefore sought to look at Sino-African relations but focussing on the implementation of OBOR in the African continent. Being the centrepiece of China’s foreign policy since 2013, a study on OBOR in Africa will give an understanding and hopefully answer some questions surrounding these relations. The lack of official bilateral agreements between China and some African countries has been examined, together with the possibility of expansion of the OBOR initiative to cover more African states.

Sino-African Relations and ODA in the Twenty-First Century: Chinese Aid and Public Expenditure in Education and Health Sectors of Sub-Saharan African Nations

This paper explores the indirect relationship between Chinese aid and public expenditure in human development sectors in African nations. This is achieved through analyzing the change of public expenditure in the education and health sectors of the top two African recipients of Chinese ODA—Ethiopia and Cote d’Ivoire, with an extended analysis to an additional five African nations. Through a comparative analysis, this paper investigates if a direct connection between public expenditure in the health and education and Chinese aid can be established, and explores its implications in the larger international aid system. The study discovers an overall pattern of increased public health and education expenditure in African nations after the influx of Chinese ODA; however, a connection between the two cannot be established. The study discovered that public health and education expenditure increased by larger percentages in nations with previously established ambitions and goals of poverty reduction and human development, indicating that the surge of Chinese aid may have contributed to increased fiscal autonomy in the African aid recipients, providing more freedom to increase expenditure in already prioritized sectors. The result of this analysis, hence, contravenes the narrative of Chinese aid hindering African human development.

Theorizing Sino-African Relations: A Constructivist Perspective

Theorizing Sino-African Relations: A Constructivist Perspective Jean-Germain Gros, Hung-Gay Fung Abstract Studies of contemporary Sino-African relations often display two perspectives, which also happen to be dominant in the field of international relations. One is zero-sum and informed by realism and Marxism, viewing Sino-African relations as evocative of European colonialism in the late 19th century. The other perspective is positive-sum and rooted in (neo)liberalism, which is sometimes coated with a Chinese flavor (Sino-neoliberalism). China-centric initiatives, such as One Belt One Road (OBOR), are emblematic of this outlook, according to which both China and Africa stand to benefit from greater cooperation (so-called win-win). This article counteroffers a broadly constructivist approach to Marxist-realist-liberal discourses on Sino-African relations, which are too structurally deterministic and, by implication, insufficiently agential and intersubjective. The article summarizes Marxism, realism, and liberalism, demonstrating where and why they fall short. It highlights constructivism as theory. It examines the history of Sino-African relations from 1957 to 2018 from the constructivist perspective, to validate the central argument: i.e., constructivism shines a brighter light on Sino-African relations than the other theories. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/jirfp.v7n1a4

A Survey on the Washington Consensus and the Beijing Model: Reconciling Development Perspectives

Reconciling the two dominant development models of the Washington Consensus (WC) and Beijing Model (BM) remains a critical challenge in the literature. The challenge is even more demanding when emerging development paradigms like the Liberal Institutional Pluralism (LIP) and New Structural Economics (NSE) schools have to be integrated. While the latter has recognized both State and market failures but failed to provide a unified theory, the former has left the challenging concern of how institutional diversity matter in the development process. We synthesize perspectives from recently published papers on development and Sino-African relations in order to present the relevance of both the WC and BM in the long-term and short-run, respectively. While the paper postulates for a unified theory by reconciling the WC and the BM to complement the NSE, it at the same time presents a case for economic rights and political rights as short-run and long-run development priorities respectively. By attempting to reconcile the WC with the BM, the study contributes at the same to macroeconomic NSE literature of unifying a development theory and to the LIP literature on institutional preferences with stages of development. Hence, the proposed reconciliation takes into account the structural and institutional realities of nations at different stages of the process of development.

Can China’s Economic Statecraft Win Soft Power in Africa? Unpacking Trade, Investment and Aid

Boosting China’s soft power is an important goal of Chinese economic statecraft in Africa. However, African opinions of China – in particular those of ordinary people – are understudied, and existing evidence suggests African viewpoints on China are highly varied and polarized. On the one hand, China’s growing economic linkages are welcomed by Africans as an important alternative to traditional partners, and a vital source of funding for development needs. On the other hand, Africans see China as a source of poor-quality products and an exploitative threat to local markets. How can scholars understand these polarized opinions on China? Using data from the Afrobarometer Round 6 survey (2016), this article aims to untangle African perceptions of Chinese economic engagement through unpacking the distinctive effects of China’s three tools of economic statecraft: trade, foreign direct investment, and aid. Analyses of Chinese influence frequently package these three modes of engagement together, but in practice they have very different consequences for China’s soft power. Negative perceptions of China among African citizens are primarily associated with trade-related issues. China’s investment and aid, on the other hand, generally make a positive contribution to Chinese soft power in Africa. By highlighting the contrasting effects of different instruments of economic engagement, this analysis contributes insight into Sino-African relations and China’s wider economic diplomacy.

Exploitation dressed in a suit, shining shoes, and carrying a suitcase full of dollars: What does China want in Africa?

China has provided billions of dollars in loans to African countries with no strings attached compared with Western financial aid. Although the argument that China is exploiting Africa for its resources has often clouded Beijing's continued support for Africa, many African leaders have welcomed China's economic assistance and have begun to see China as a more reliable partner compared with the West. By strictly examining relevant literature on Sino–African relations, this study comprehensively explores the dynamics, implications, and benefits of Chinese investments in Africa. Whether China is indeed exploiting Africa, which will continue to be debated, it is clear that Chinese investments have contributed significantly to the development of Africa and will continue to do so as the West has been replaced by Beijing as Africa's biggest trading partner. African countries are therefore likely to continue strengthening their relationship with China further jeopardising the interests of West in the continent.

China in Africa: Debtbook Diplomacy?

The public debt is surely one of the most important challenges of the 21st century for many African countries. For this continent—which has a young and dynamic population—it remains complicated to reach development and financial autonomy as long as it supports a lot of debt obligation. However, that modern African legend of Sisyphus got more interest thanks to China’s return. Indeed, during the last two decades, we have seen Beijing’s investing more in Africa on behalf of a certain old friendship and become the first bilateral commercial partner of the African continent (2009) instead of Western powers. This change created new political and economic contexts swaying between competition and cooperation according to protagonists (governments, national and international economic operators …) and situations. At that stage, the Chinese diplomacy used in Africa has been sometimes perceived as an opportunity, sometimes as a curse by observers. That is why many researchers, influenced by the rumors of a new colonialism, compare it to a “Debtbook Diplomacy”. And because journalists are always only presenting one part of the problem, it is easier to compare Chinese presence in Africa as an invasion. This article’s goal is to make a modest contribution to the long list of papers already written with the purpose to highlight Sino-African relations through a qualitative research (collection, comparison and analysis of documents, interviews, reports …).

Infrastrukturális beruházások Afrikában – Kína és az új tengeri selyemút

Infrastructure deficit is one of the biggest obstacles to economic growth in developing countries. With regard to the built-up infrastructure for transport, telecommunications and energy supply, the African region is poorly performing. In the absence of adequate domestic financing, African countries rely heavily on sources outside the continent. The purpose of the study is to outline possible solutions to the problem of infrastructure deficit in Africa. For this reason, it pays particular attention to the infrastructure development objective of aid and Foreign Direct Investment. Apart from classical donors, the emerging economies, especially China, are already financing Africa’s development. However, China’s perception of Africa is very heterogeneous. In order to ensure more balanced Sino-African relations and the effective functioning of the New Maritime Silk Road, attention should be paid not only to quantitative, but also to qualitative aspects of Chinese developments in the future.

Criticism of neo-colonialism: clarification of Sino-African cooperation and its implication to the west

ABSTRACTThis paper examines whether the claims regarding the nature of the Sino-African relations can be qualified or categorised as a neo-colonialism approach. Additionally, the paper analyses the Western perception and implication towards the Sino-African geopolitical cooperation and clarifies whether China is taking advantage of the weak African states in the name of South–South cooperation or playing the role of a contemporary proxy of the old colonial system and re-partitioning Africa. The relation between China and Africa simultaneously presents both challenges and opportunities for either of them. This study argues that the criticism that China is invading the continent and practicing neo-colonialism is just a speculation or Sino-phobia. In fact, the Chinese have no gene in their blood to invade Africa and it is crystal clear that unlike China, the Western world has had an influential history in the African continent. The African government and their societies have the ability to address the issues of Sino-African relations. This paper additionally provides a theoretical analysis of China’s enthusiastic involvement and contribution to the international aid operations and its presence and contribution in Africa.

China’s “Going Global” Policy in Africa: An Exploratory Overview of an Evolving Policy Framework

<p><em>The pace of economic engagement between China and Africa has increased exponentially in recent years, fueled mostly by burgeoning trade and investment ties. This impressive transformation of Sino-African relations has been complimented significantly by China’s “Going Global” policy, resulting in a huge number and diversity of Chinese multinational companies on the African continent. This proliferation of Chinese companies in Africa has generated new opportunities and prospects for all stakeholders, but has also engendered a host of challenges. This has no doubt had a significant impact on both the making and shaping of China’s foreign policy in Africa, and subsequently China Africa relations as a whole. This study relies on an extensive review of available qualitative and quantitative data to gain insights into the complex institutional and operational framework behind Chinese government support for the international ambitions of Chinese companies in Africa. What are the motives behind Beijing’s “Going Global” Policy? Which key institutions are involved, and what policy tools are employed to encourage the overseas investments of Chinese companies? What are the key drivers behind Chinese companies’ foray into the African market</em><em> </em><em>and what are the implications for China Africa relations, both in the short-term and long-term? These and other essential questions are addressed in this paper.</em><em></em></p>