Serbian Government Research Articles

Experiences and aftermath of the COVID-19 lockdown among community-dwelling older people in Serbia: A qualitative study.

At the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, the Serbian government instituted a 24-hcurfew for people aged ≥65 years for 2 months. The aim of this study was to examine the experiences and perceptions of curfew for older people in Serbia 15 months after the curfew had ended. In-depth interviews were carried out with 23 older adults from urban areas in Serbia. We identified the first three participants, while others were selected using the snowballing method. The interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed and data were analyzed according to guidelines for qualitative studies. Six topics emerged: (1) perception of the curfew announcement; (2) attitude toward the curfew; (3) organization of daily living; (4) mood; (5) frustrations/limitationsand 6) making sense of the curfew 15 months after. Older people in this study overall remember not feeling disturbed by the curfew because they perceived it as prevention, especially because this population group is considered to have the highest rate of mortality from COVID-19. Some people remember being extremely frustrated because of the restrictions and considered them unnecessary. Most people remembered that the lack of social interactions and lack of physical activity were the most difficult to cope with. Although challenging and bothersome, the majority of older people in this study accepted the curfew as an appropriate measure to avoid catching the virus and combat the COVID-19 pandemic.

Assessment of household food waste management during the COVID-19 pandemic in Serbia: a cross-sectional online survey.

The Serbian government has taken several measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19. These measures may have led to a disruption of daily life and affected food-related behaviors. This paper investigates the state of food waste management in Serbia and COVID-19’s direct effect on consumer awareness, food consumption, and food waste behaviors. The study is based on an online survey using a structured questionnaire administered in Serbian from May 13 until June 13, 2020, through the Google forms platform. A total of 1212 valid answers were collected, mainly from female, young, and high-educated people. The survey results suggested that (i) household food waste in Serbia is low and there is a positive attitude toward food waste prevention; (ii) food waste increased during the COVID-19 pandemic; (iii) consumers reduced the number of shopping trips and shopped more than usual during the pandemic. This study contributes to a better understanding of consumers’ consumption habits and attitudes toward food waste to prevent and reduce it.

GOLUB BABIĆ I MILETA DESPOTOVIĆ: SKICE ZA BIOGRAFIJE USTANIČKIH VOĐA U BOSNI 1875–1878.

Golub Babić and Mileta Despotović do not have separate biographies. These are sketches for their biographies, during the time they were at the head of the uprising in southwestern Bosnia from 1875 to 1878. In the 1860s, Golub Babić, still a migrant from Krajina, was involved in the conspiratorial activities of the Serbian government in Bosnia. He came to southwestern Bosnia in August 1875 from Belgrade, although a supporter of the guerrilla way of war, Duke Babić was the first to start forming a military organization according to the modern European model, while Educating the “Head Authority of the Rebellion” on that inaccessible terrain. With Serbiaʼs entry into the war against Turkey on June 28, 1876, the uprising in Bosnia became part of a united Serbian front. Babić was deposed and a native of Šumadija and a former Russian officer, Colonel Mileta Despotović was entrusted the work on further insurgent military organizations. With that change the previous guerrilla way of warfare was replaced by frontal warfare, however the insurgent army in southwestern Bosnia failed to defend itself from the superior Turkish enemy on August 4, 1877. A year later, the Berlin Congress and the Austro–Hungarian occupation found the insurgent army in complete disarray.

Calic , Marie-Janine The Great Cauldron: A History of Southeastern Europe by Elizabeth Janik (review)

SEER, 99, 3, JULY 2021 566 decade in the twentieth century, that of national awakening, followed by a declaration of independence in 1991 and two decades of searching, which led to the Republic of Moldova becoming the poorest country in Europe. Finally, we fully agree with her conclusion: ‘Moldova is likely to remain for the foreseeable future as contested a cultural and political space as it has always been’ (p. 183). Faculty of History Laurențiu Rădvan Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași Calic, Marie-Janine. The Great Cauldron: A History of Southeastern Europe. Translated by Elizabeth Janik. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA and London, 2019. x + 724 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Chronology. Glossary. Notes. Works cited. Index. $39.95: £28.95: €36.00. The Great Cauldron is a remarkable book that avoids the common preoccupation of treatments of Southeast European history, which is that edgy competitiveness, the assigning of blame for the various ills that have beset the region and its peoples, which is often the result when an author uses nations and their histories as their entrée. Marie-Janine Calic’s vision is laid out clearly from the beginning — ‘This book reinterprets the evolution of southeastern Europe from the perspective of transcultural relations and global history’ (p. 1). She fulfils her vision and has written a beautiful, comprehensive history of Southeast Europe that will last. Calic deftly balances detail and synthesis, which is critical in any study that professes to treat its subject matter transculturally and globally. Her mastery of a vast literature is impressive — she easily moves from Ottoman to Russian to Habsburg to Venetian to US/Soviet contexts and works with the histories of a dozen or so cultures and peoples, weaving stories and historical processes together quite effectively. In this, she helps herself by choosing good examples for breakout analysis — she explicitly addresses various cities at particular points: Belgrade in 1813, Dubrovnik in 1776, Sarajevo in 1984, for instance, but also focuses on personalities that contribute to her overall vision (like Mehmed Pasha Sokollu, Alexander Stamboliyski and George Castriot Skanderbeg, none of whom are necessarily obscure, but all serve her and the reader well here). The author’s transnational/global positioning opens the door to regular opportunities for slight reorientations for readers. One example: Calic suggests that Ottoman expansion into Europe may not have been motivated by the religious zeal that we are so used to crediting — rather, ‘purely imperial logic’ may have been the motivator (p. 75). This sort of adjustment, which snaps our REVIEWS 567 understanding of the Ottomans from the slightly inscrutable and even mystical to the more expected norm set by their neighbours, happens here often. Reorientations that render the Balkans less a constant producer of metaphors for the strange and more a part of straightforward European processes can also be seen in her discussions of the Ralli family of Greek merchants with a global read (p. 177), her discussion of the origins of government in Serbia (p. 265), in which she highlights the words of Leopold von Ranke, who was bemused by the (mainstream European) choices the Serbs had made, and the brief but telling story of Kosta Dimić, the Serb who served in the Congo in the service of King Leopold and wrote of the exotic nature of the place’s inhabitants (p. 375), among numerous examples. Calic’s conclusion includes the suggestion that ‘the Balkan countries are in no way fated to remain in the poorhouse of Europe but […] they themselves have the resources to change their difficult situations’ (p. 561). She thus distances herself and her subjects from earlier, often quite popular treatments, which argued that the peoples of the Balkans have been captives of impenetrable hatreds, manipulative European powers, and/or other external or inexplicable forces. Others have written dispassionate and reliable histories of the Balkans, but not with the same extraordinary care and above all attention to the ways the people and processes of the region’s history are parts of a larger and comprehensible whole. I have two reservations about the book, neither of which detracts from its brilliance. The more substantive one is a matter of preference: I would like to...

Vojnový Album: Dr. Jenő Lesskó–Belehrad 1915–1916. Ratni Album: Dr. Jenő Lesskó–Beograd 1915–1916

Vojnový Album: Dr. Jenő Lesskó–Belehrad 1915–1916. Ratni Album: Dr. Jenő Lesskó–Beograd 1915–1916

Nuclear Power Risk Perception in Serbia: Fear of Exposure to Radiation vs. Social Benefits

Nuclear power remains one of the most accessible choices in addressing environmental and social concerns due to the continuously increasing energy needs around the world. While it remains an excellent source of energy due to its low price and low level of emissions, potential accidents remain a serious problem. An example of such is the most recent accident in the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant (2011), which reminded the world of the potential risks of nuclear energy and the consequences of which continue to have a lasting effect. There is no nuclear power plant in Serbia, but there are about 15 nuclear power stations scattered within its neighboring countries. Therefore, the Serbian Government decided to study how the Serbian public perceives the risks related to the potential construction of nuclear power stations in the country, nuclear energy in general, and its possible benefits and risks. The objective of this paper is to present the results of this assessment along with a literature overview on the (environmental) risk of nuclear power. A pilot study consisted of a series of 270 randomized face-to-face interviews that took place in the public square of Belgrade in March 2019. Logistic regression was used to examine the cumulative effects of the different risk factors. The results showed that the majority of the respondents are skeptical and do not support the construction of nuclear power stations in Serbia. Furthermore, this research identified several additional important correlations that have a significant impact on the public perception of risk.

Vaccine diplomacy during the COVID-19 pandemic on the example of the Republic of Serbia

The global COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented in scale and scope. The COVID-19 vaccines have not only become an indispensable weapon in the fight against the pandemic but also served as a sign of the technological and scientific prestige of the countries that developed them. While the term "vaccine diplomacy" is not new, it may have become much more relevant in times of global pandemic. The aim of this research is to analyze the vaccine diplomacy of China, the EU, and Russia towards Serbia during the global COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, the study also presents Serbia's efforts to engage in its own vaccine diplomacy at the global level. The novelty of this research can be seen in a comparative analysis of the efforts of the "vaccine diplomacy" of the EU, China, and Russia towards Serbia. In addition, this research also presents the results of the survey data on Serbian citizens and their perceptions of foreign aid received during the pandemic. It can be concluded that the Chinese and Russian medical aid to Serbia were very well received by the Serbian government, government-aligned media, and the Serbian public. Concerning the aid of the European Union, it was neither significantly advertised by the media, nor was the Serbian public perception significantly changed in the favour of the EU. At the same time, the Serbian government engaged in vaccine diplomacy of its own, to strengthen the ties with Yugoslavia's former allies from the Non-Alignment Movement.

Serbia’s relations with its Western Balkan neighbours as a challenge for its accession to the EU

Serbia, as the second regional frontrunner (after Montenegro) in the EU accession process, hopes to be able to meet the required conditions and join the EU by 2025 which the European Commission 2018 enlargement strategy declared as the earliest possible date for the admission of new EU members. However, some of the EU’s expectations and requirements which Serbia has to meet, particularly those regarding the ‘normalisation’ of its relations with Kosovo and the resolution of ‘bilateral disputes’ which it has with some other neighbours, seem to be very tough and challenging for the Serbian government. The article discusses the recent developments in Serbia’s relations with its ‘most problematic’ neighbours and critically assesses the strength of problems in these relations as an obstacle for Serbia’s accession to the EU. The article shows that thanks to EU assistance and the commitment of interested parties to find a common ground, Serbia’s relations with Kosovo may become even less of an obstacle to its accession than its relations with its three western neighbours, particularly Croatia.

The role of pro-reform civil society in Serbia’s accession to the EU: oppositional discourses, watchdog role and EU advocacy

This article critically assesses the role of pro-reform and pro-EU civil society in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union (EU). Civil society (the so-called non-government or third sector) has played a fundamental role in the democratisation of former Communist countries, including in the Western Balkans where the majority of aspirant EU members still reside. Serbia’s democratic transformation began soon after its regime-change occurred on 5 October 2000. This country’s process of democratic consolidation is ongoing and is strongly supported by pro-EU civil society actors who are key drivers of Europeanisation. Civil society organisations and actors have increased general knowledge about the quality of democratic reforms in Serbia and brought in technical expertise which has assisted Serbian society to align better with the EU’s acquis. Specific examples of civil society’s activism in this article will demonstrate some unique characteristics of Serbia’s third sector. Its evolution from an anti-war movement and loosely connected individuals and citizens’ associations in the 1990s to becoming a major advocate of EU membership in Serbia and a partner to the Serbian Government on EU accession is worthy of further academic research and analysis.

Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Epidemic and Mental Health Status in the General Adult Population of Serbia: A Cross-Sectional Study.

Since its outbreak, coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has rapidly spread throughout the world. The Serbian government declared a state of emergency on 15 March 2020, implementing some of Europe’s strictest measures to combat the pandemic. The aim of this study was to determine the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic on the mental health of the general adult Serbian population and to identify associated factors during the state of emergency and lockdown. Data were collected with a snowball sampling method between 23 March and 25 April 2020, by using an online questionnaire. Multiple ordinal regression was performed to establish the associations between socio-demographic characteristics, self-estimated health status, and depression, anxiety, and stress. Out of 1057 participants included in the study, 28.9%, 36.9%, and 38.1% reported moderate to severe depression, anxiety, and stress symptoms. Uneasiness related to COVID-19 news, the feeling of helplessness, likeliness of impending death, and presence of COVID-19 symptoms were associated with higher depression, anxiety, and stress scores. Current smoking status was associated with a higher risk of depression and stress. Students had a significantly higher level of depression and stress, while older age was protective against anxiety and stress. Higher socioeconomic status was significantly associated with lower levels of depression, anxiety, and stress.

Representing and Embodying a Peripheral City’s Place in the World

ABSTRACT In an increasingly globalizing world, the aesthetics of Dubai have become potentially available even for impoverished, peripheral cities such as Belgrade. With the explicit rhetoric of finally achieving a “global profile” for the city, the Serbian government has hired an Emirati company to build a “world city” in a centrally located district of Belgrade. The rationale for the development is explicitly aesthetic, and the high-rises planned articulate the globally recognizable aesthetic vocabulary of superlatives and (generic) modernity. The tall buildings suggest economic growth while forming a façade against which Belgraders play the role of extras. This paper builds on Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s notion of the body schema as well as James J. Gibson’s notion of affordances and recent contributions to architectural aesthetics that grew from it, to outline an alternative, embodied ideal of urban aesthetics. The paper presupposes that the common world is to be understood as a task to be achieved. The city, understood in its material form, as urbs, as well as in terms of social relations, as civitas, is the place where the common world can potentially be tangibly experienced. Its architecture narrates, but also affords and prohibits social change, and reversely social and political relations influence the making of the material city. The paper argues that a city’s place in the world is not a matter of gaining access to a supposedly pre-existing reality by displaying the right look, but of engaging actively in the making of the common world.

Principi evropeizacije u administraciji i arhitekturi srpske države druge polovine 19. veka - primer načelstva Okruga pirotskog

The aim of this paper is to briefly present the origin and organization of the state administration in the Pirot region and of the Municipality of the Pirot County after the annexation to Serbia in 1878, and the erection of the Municipality building and its place in the visual culture of Pirot in the second half of the 19th century. The end of the Serbian-Turkish wars of 1876-1878, and the acquisition of international recognition of the Principality of Serbia at the Berlin Congress in 1878, represents the beginning of a new period of legal, political and cultural development. It was necessary to harmonize the legal and political organization of the new parts of Serbia with the same in the Principality of Serbia, which was a complex and difficult process. The unification of the organization of new regions with the organization of the rest of Serbia meant the transformation of the political and legal order on the model of the European one. Namely, in the time of the rule of the constitutionalists, and the laws related to local government at that time were valid for a long period, the system of local government resembled the French system of centralization, which was founded by Napoleon. The basis of the French local government was the prefect, with the sub-prefect (manager of the arrondissement, county), and the counterpart of that in Serbia was the county chief with the chief of lower administrative unit, named srez. In the later period, taking into account the basis of the mechanism of work of the county self-government, the local government in Serbia maintained similarity with the French, which reformed its self-government in 1871. The county chief in Serbia remained a counterpart to the French prefect, who was subordinated to the central government and supervised the local assembly. The Municipality of the Pirot County developed in accordance with the process of annexing the new parts of Serbia, after 1878, which was a painstaking process of unifying the state administration in those areas with the same in the rest of the Principality and, later, the Kingdom of Serbia. In essence, it is a process of Europeanization of public administration, which, through a series of reforms throughout the 19th century, starting from the time of the constitutionalists, was reflected in respecting the role models in modern European countries (especially the French model), but also in searching for indigenous solutions, the most suitable with the Serbian society, which was in constant development, as well as state institutions. In that sense, it was not a matter of merely transmitting European norms, but of seeking one's own path, following the example of organized modern states. In the same direction, we notice the process of modernization and transformation of Pirot into a modern, European city, and the abandonment of Ottoman heritage and the principles of organization of cities of the Ottoman period. New urban plans were being created and public buildings of national importance were being built, all within the development of the new national identity and the needs of Serbian society and the state. There was a need for the break with the Ottoman period and for accelerated Europeanization, based on laying new foundations in line with modern trends in Southeast Europe, in times when new nations, nation-states and modern societies emerged, resurrected with liberation from centuries of Ottoman rule.

Reporting of the Politika Belgrade daily newspaper on the epidemics of typhus in Serbia during the First World War

Background/Aim. The epidemic of typhus lasted for sever-al months in the Kingdom of Serbia during the First World War, and a vast number of people lost their lives. The objective of the paper was to investigate how the Politika, Belgrade daily newspaper, informed the then Serbian public about the epidemic of typhus in the Great War. Methods. By using statistical and historical-critical method, the analysis of all texts published in the Politika from February 1915, when the Serbian government and the Supreme Command allowed the press to write about the epidemic of typhus, until the outbreak began to calm down at the beginning of May 1915, was performed. Results. In the observed period, among the texts dedicated to the typhus epidemic, news about people who died of typhus (obituaries), news about the epidemic itself, as well as affirmative texts about the feats of doctors. There were more texts about allies? military missions than about Serbian Army Medical Corps. The reporting was balanced and highly professional. Conclusion. In the period February?May 1915, a number of different articles about the typhus epidemic in Serbia during the Great War were published in the daily newspaper Politika. The reporting was well-balanced, ethical and highly professional.

Regulisanje učiteljskih plata i overa svedočanstva na Kosovu i Metohiji u periodu od 1878. do 1912. godine

The position of the Serbian schools and teachers in Kosovo and Metohija was harsh and insecure due to constant attack and criticism from the Turks and Arbanasi. The Turkish government considered the teachers to be the people actively working on achieving Serbian national interests, and the schools were believed to be places where the utmost authority of the Turkish government and state is being constantly undermined. Educational politics sought to make schools places where students and bearers of national cultural prosperity are educated. Perceived this way, elementary school and conception of education and upbringing, instigated high demands from future educators. Teachers were required to be both transmitters of knowledge as well as the national workers and educators. Unable to start fundamental social changes, teachers focused their social work on awakening national consciousness and preserving school self-government based on the privileges of the Patriarchate and on informing the Consulate about all events in their area. Serbian government used their reports for official protests in front of Turkish Porta as well as for informing the world public about the position of their countrymen in Ottoman Empire. Thus, most of all, the Turkish state authorities challenged the work permit of Serbian schools. Teachers had to confirm their school diplomas before the competent authorities in the town of Skoplje, which fundamentally changed the social position of Serbian schools.

The position of women in Yugoslav and Serbian sport: Idea, reality and (dis) continuity

The paper analyses the position of women in Yugoslav sport through analysis of archival material and compares it to the position of women in Serbian sport half a century later. The subject and the goal of the paper are exposed in the introductory part of the paper, and the methods used in the paper are exposed in the special part of the paper. The results, discussion and conclusion are the remaining three parts of the paper. Authors conclude that despite the progressive policy conducted first by the post-WW2 Yugoslav government and then by the Serbian government in contemporary Serbia, the position of women in sports has remained essentially the same. Prejudice, misunderstanding and overall gender inequality are typical of both periods. This fact reveals the weaknesses of progressive policies lacking an adequate material basis, since the social conditions of rural areas are the main reasons for such inequality. Furthermore, authors point to the complexity and significance of the phenomenon and prove that the struggle for gender equality in sports is far from over, as the position of women in Yugoslav and Serbian sport has shown only slight improvement since the difficult initial steps.

Education is becoming digital: The youth attitudes towards online teaching during the COVID-19 pandemic

One year has passed since the world declared a state of a pandemic caused by COVID-19. The main objective was to limit the number of people in public places to mitigate the spread of the virus. The Serbian government also decided to suspend teaching in higher education institutions, secondary and primary schools, and the regular operation of preschool education institutions. The habitats of all the inhabitants of the world have completely changed in all spheres of life. Offices and classrooms have moved into family homes and the question now arises as to how much digitization has made it easier or harder to complete everyday responsibilities. However, they all had to come to terms with the fact and adapt in a possible way to the current situation. Teachers and parents faced a difficult challenge, but perhaps the most difficult was for pupils and students, among whom many have not had direct contact with their professors for a year and they master most of the material on their own. The aim of the research in this paper was to determine how much the way of conducting online teaching in Serbia has changed, compared to last year. An attempt was made to determine whether more positive or negative grades were given by students for the approach and manner of teaching in high schools and faculties.

O sprovođenju prinudnog izvršenja u uslovima vanrednog stanja izazvanog epidemijom korona virusa

The purpose of this paper was to tackle conducting enforcement of civil claims in Serbia during state of emergency that has been declared because of coronavirus pandemic. Based on its constitutional powers in state of emergency Serbian Government has passed special regulation dealing with deadlines for initiating court proceedings and for filing legal remedies in the course of court proceedings. This regulation has also been applied to procedure for enforcement of civil claims. Ministry of Justice, High Judicial Council and Chamber of Public Enforcement Agents have issued various recommendations, conclusions and directives dealing with actions of courts and public enforcement agents. Since only the Serbian Government has undisputed constitutional authority to pass regulations in the state of emergency, all questions related to conducting civil enforcement had to be dealt by government regulations. In this way would have clear legal framework for enforcement of civil claims during state of emergency.

Haos u oku posmatrača - razotkrivanje jedne nazovikritike Srpskog citatnog indeksa

The article is a response to criticism published by Rajko Bukvić in Ekonomski vidici in the paper 'On quality and visibility of social and economic sciences of Serbia', more precisely in the section entitled Scandals directed by CEON/CEES: Does chaos rule in our (economic) periodic publishing? In this section, the author directly accuses CEON/CEES for producing chaos in social sciences in Serbia by "excluding" many journals from its database called the Serbian Citation Index (SCIndeks). According to the author, CEON/CEES, after the termination of the financial support by the Serbian ministry responsible for science, blackmailed journal publishers by accepting for indexation only those willing to pay a fee for content maintenance. The author also claims that excluding three journals published by the Faculty of Organizational Sciences (FON), University of Belgrade, was illegal and scandalous. He adds to his allegations against SCIndeks several other unfounded, less important issues, supported by some serious unwarranted ethical accusations against its publisher. In this response, it is demonstrated that all accusations are fabricated and malicious. The alleged exclusion of formerly indexed journals was explained as a fully justified action of "non-inclusion" of journals unwilling to pay the necessary service fee after the forced transition of SCIndeks's business model from a government-sponsored to the journals-sponsored ("diamond open access", Ševkušić, Kosanović, & Šipka, 2020). Also, the suspension of the journals published by FON was a legitimate action aimed at protecting SCIndeks from a publisher who turned out to be untrustworthy, as demonstrated by the act of concealing the blatant plagiarism in the PhD thesis of the current Minister of Finance in the Serbian Government. The decision was reinforced by the discovery of a history of publishing in predatory journals by many members of the journals' editorial boards, the Dean's Collegium, and the Faculty Council. The author of the criticism is unmasked as lacking not only the basic knowledge on scientometrics, but also research and ethic integrity.

Tackling the Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Economy and Labour – a Case Studey of Serbia Regulation

The paper deals with the foundation of policy and legal national framework addresses, particularly, the adequacy of state measures in the areas of economy and labour as a response to Covid-19 pandemic. The aim is, by analyzing recent soft law documents of international organizations and the introduced models of comparative policy practices, to make critical considerations regarding the policy responses in the crises conducted by the Serbian Government. The human-centered, holistic, and integrated approach had been applied accompanied by the legal normative and comparative methods. Putting the current Serbian regulation in the context of the international area of policy emergency response, the territorial approach has been determined as most applicable, accompanied by the spatial coverage to the most vulnerable sectors. Government stimulation policy in the area of economy and employment in the Covid-19 crisis must be based on the rapid and reliable assessment of the impact of a lockdown or trade and job restrictions as on medium to longer-term recovery strategies of trade and employment. The principle of global and national solidarity, public-private partnership are core elements that need to be incorporated in the legal framework to tackle the impact of the Covid-19 pandemics in the economy and labour.

Od zahteva za slobodne i poštene izbore do izborne reforme - dijalog vlasti i opozicije u Srbiji 2019. godine

This article analyses the context that led to a dialogue on electoral conditions between the Serbian government and the opposition by applying the methodological matrix of standards for "free and fair" elections as defined by international organizations. Serbian electoral law has implemented international standards, but all electoral cycles have shown a certain level of irregularities that call into question the integrity of a number of electoral processes in the 2012-2017 interval. Two rounds of interparty dialogue produced only partial results. By amending a number of laws, certain election procedures were improved, but they remained in the shadow of unresolved crucial problems. Public broadcasting services remained closed to opposition parties and alternative policies, and the pressure on voters remained present. Instead of improving election conditions, major electoral reform was carried out. The electoral threshold was lowered from 5% to 3%. This form of electoral engineering carried out by the government did not diminish the boycott of the opposition, but it brought about significant changes in the electoral system, the effects of which were felt in the next elections. The epilogue of the dialogue was a boycott of the election by a part of the opposition parties, a politically unrepresentative parliament, and the Serbia's return to the ranks of authoritarian, hybrid regimes in index bases that measure the quality of democracy. The announcement of early elections immediately after the constitution of the national parliament and a new round of dialogue on electoral conditions show that the problem of electoral integrity is still waiting for a solution.