Separatist Tendencies Research Articles

The East Timor Crisis: A Test Case for Humanitarian Intervention

On 11 June 1999, the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) was established through the Security Council Resolution 1246 to implement the 5 May Agreement between Indonesia and Portugal which granted East Timor a referendum or consultation on its future. The term consultation was used for two reasons. First, to placate a Habibie administration concerned that an outright referendum would open up deep divisions within East Timor and lead to civil war. Second, apprehension that letting East Timor go would open the Pandora's box by encouraging separatist tendencies elsewhere in Indone sia's vast archipelago. The 5 May Agreement concluded that if the East Timorese voted to reject autonomy, then Indonesia would have to undertake the legal procedures necessary to restore East Timor's status prior to 17 July 1976 in order to begin the transition to independence. The U.N. Consultation, originally scheduled for 8 August 1999, was initially delayed until 30 August due to the deteriorating security circumstances created by Jakarta-backed militia violence. What made this particular U.N. operation unique was the character of the U.N. intervention. Under the terms of the organization's charter, this was not a Chapter 7 intervention. The Indonesian police (Polri) remained respon sible for security in East Timor for the duration of the U.N. Consultation. In this regard, the U.N. presence was by invitation, and the authority it could exercise was limited by its mandate. Significantly, U.N. police personnel would be confined to their role as advisers. Under such circumstances, the United Nations was operating under the provisions of Chapter 6, that is, through acceptance by all the parties concerned. The U.N. Consultation set in motion a painful process of self-determination for the Timorese people which reached its conclusion through a People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) decree on 28 October 1999 to officially recog nize East Timor's historic vote for independence and declare null and void a 1978 decree annexing the territory. The MPR vote on the decree recognized the result of the 30 August ballot, where of 98.6 per cent of eligible voters who cast their votes, 78.5 per cent voted for independence. Voters defied threats

Islam in the African-American Experience

African-American Islam, especially as practiced by the Nation oflslam, continuesto engage the attention of many scholars. The racial separatist tendency,contrasted against the color blindness of global Islam, has been the focal pointof most of these studies. The historical presence of African Americans in themidst of American racism has been explained as, among other things, the mainimpetus behind African-American nationalism and racial separatism. Islam inthe African-American Experience is yet another attempt to explain this historicalposition. Originally the author's Ph.D. dissertation, the book spans 293pages, including notes, select biographies, indices, and thirteen illustrations. Itstwo parts, "Root Sources" and "Prophets of the City," comprise six chapters; there is also an introduction and an epilogue. The book is particularly designedfor students interested in African-American Islam. The central theme of thebook is the signifktion (naming and identifying) of the African Americanwithin the context of global Islam. The author identifies three factors thatexplain the racial-separatist phenomenon of African-American Islam:American racism, the Pan-African political movements of African-Americansin the early twentieth century, and the historic patterns of racial separatism inIslam. His explanations of the first two factors, though not new to the field ofAfrican-American studies, is well presented. However, his third explanation,which tries to connect the racial-separatist tendency of African-AmericanMuslims to what he tern the “historic pattern of racial separatism” in Islam,seems both controversial and problematic.In his introduction, the author touches on the African American’s sensitivityto signification, citing the long debate in African-American circles. Islam, heargues, offered African Americans two consolations: first, a spiritual, communal,and global meaning, which discoMects them in some way from Americanpolitical and public life; second, a source of political and cultural meaning inAfrican-American popular culture. He argues that a black person in America,Muslim or otherwise, takes an Islamic name to maintain or reclaim Africancultural roots or to negate the power and meaning of his European name. Thus,Islam to the black American is not just a spiritual domain, but also a culturalheritage.Part 1, “Root Sources,” contains two chapters and traces the black Africancontact with Islam from the beginning with Bilal during the time of theProphet, to the subsequent expansion of Islam to black Africa, particularlyWest Africa, by means of conversion, conquest, and trade. He also points to animportant fact: the exemplary spiritual and intellectual qualities of NorthAmerican Muslims were major factors behind black West Africans conversionto Islam. The author discusses the role of Arab Muslims in the enslavement ofAfrican Muslims under the banner of jihad, particularly in West Africa, abehavior the author described as Arabs’ separate and radical agenda for WestAfrican black Muslims. Nonetheless, the author categorically absolves Islam,as a system of religion, from the acts of its adherents (p. 21). This notwithstanding,the author notes the role these Muslims played in the educational andprofessional development of African Muslims ...

A Geopolitical Approach to China's Future as an Empire

A geopolitcal theory developed by Randall Collins (1986) predicted the fall of the Soviet empire. The question now being asked is how long China will exist within its present frontiers. The unity of the state is threatened by overextension of resources, growing economic inequality, and ethnic separatism. An attempt is made to quantify the potential for separatism of the Chinese provinces. The highest scores were received by Xinjiang, Tibet, Guangdong, Fujian and Zhejiang. The pull of the strong Hong Kong and Taiwanese economies may create an integrated South Chinese economic space, stretching from Hainan to Shanghai. The pull from the Turkic and Islamic states in Central Asia may increase separatist tendencies in Xinjiang.

The Meiji Unification through the Lens of Ishikawa Prefecture

Credit for the swift unification of Japan following the 1868 overthrow of the Tokugawa shogunate is usually given to the national leaders who instigated the coup and formed the new Meiji government. But is brilliant leadership at the top sufficient to explain how regional separatist tendencies and loyalties to the old lords were overcome in the formation of a nationally unified state? On the contrary, argues James C. Baxter. Though plans were drawn up by policy makers in Tokyo, the efforts of citizens all over the country were required to implement these plans and create a sense of national identity among local populations. Drawing on extensive archival resources, Baxter describes the transformation of the Tokugawa domain of Kaga into the Meiji prefecture of Ishikawa. The result is a richly detailed study that helps explain how Japan achieved national unity without the bloody struggles that have often accompanied modernization and nation-building.

University Networks and the Rise of Qinghua Graduates in China's Leadership

Previous articleNext article No AccessUniversity Networks and the Rise of Qinghua Graduates in China's LeadershipCheng LiCheng Li Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 32Jul., 1994 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2949825 Views: 10Total views on this site Citations: 20Citations are reported from Crossref Journal History This article was published in The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs (1979-1995), which is continued by The China Journal (1995-present). Copyright Australian Journal of Chinese AffairsPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Jérôme Doyon, Franziska Barbara Keller Knowing the Wrong Cadre? Networks and Promotions in the Chinese Party-State, Political Studies 68, no.44 (Dec 2019): 1036–1053.https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321719888854You Ji How Xi Jinping Dominates Elite Party Politics: A Case Study of Civil-Military Leadership Formation, The China Journal 84 (Jun 2020): 1–28.https://doi.org/10.1086/708647Qin Pang, Fan Jiang Hong Kong’s Growing Separatist Tendencies against China’s Rise: Comparing Mainland and Hong Kong College Students’ National Identities, Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 48, no.11 (Nov 2019): 3–28.https://doi.org/10.1177/1868102619886597En-Chung Chang, Ting-Jui Chou, Chungming Huang, Xun Wang The Categories, Rules, and Demonstrations of Guanxi in Chinese Society, Journal of Business-to-Business Marketing 23, no.44 (Jan 2017): 311–325.https://doi.org/10.1080/1051712X.2016.1250596Wenhui Yang, Ling Chen Political capital and intergenerational mobility: Evidence from elite college admissions in China, Chinese Journal of Sociology 2, no.22 (Apr 2016): 194–213.https://doi.org/10.1177/2057150X16641046David Meyer, Victor C. Shih, Jonghyuk Lee FACTIONS OF DIFFERENT STRIPES: GAUGING THE RECRUITMENT LOGICS OF FACTIONS IN THE REFORM PERIOD, Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no.11 (May 2016): 43–60.https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.5David A. Meyer, Megha Ram, Laura Wilke CIRCULATION OF THE ELITE IN THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY, Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no.11 (May 2016): 147–184.https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2015.6Alex Payette, Ting-sheng Lin La sélection des Élites communistes chinoises : de la politique factionnelle à l'institutionnalisation du leadership, Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no.11 (Jun 2013): 49–68.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423913000516Genia Kostka Environmental Protection Bureau Leadership at the Provincial Level in China: Examining Diverging Career Backgrounds and Appointment Patterns, Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning 15, no.11 (Mar 2013): 41–63.https://doi.org/10.1080/1523908X.2012.752184Mike Murphy, Eugene Coyle Engineering Leadership, (Oct 2012): 341–356.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5282-5_21Victor Shih, Wei Shan, Mingxing Liu Gauging the Elite Political Equilibrium in the CCP: A Quantitative Approach Using Biographical Data, The China Quarterly 201 (Mar 2010): 79–103.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741009991081Martin King Whyte Paradoxes of China's Economic Boom, Annual Review of Sociology 35, no.11 (Aug 2009): 371–392.https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-115905ALESIA F. MONTGOMERY Virtual enclaves: the influence of alumni email lists on the workspaces of transnational software engineers, Global Networks 8, no.11 (Dec 2007): 71–93.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-0374.2008.00186.xLi Cheng Jiang Zemin's Successors: The Rise of the Fourth Generation of Leaders in the PRC, The China Quarterly 161 (Feb 2009): 1–40.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000003921Cong Cao Social Origins of the Chinese Scientific Elite, The China Quarterly 160 (Feb 2009): 992–1018.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000001417Stéphanie Lautard State, Party, and Market: Chinese Politics and the Asian Crisis, International Political Science Review 20, no.33 (Jul 1999): 285–306.https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512199203004Xiaowei Zang Ethnic Representation in the Current Chinese Leadership, The China Quarterly 153 (Feb 2009): 107–127.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000003003Andrew B. Kipnis The Language of Gifts, Modern China 22, no.33 (Aug 2016): 285–314.https://doi.org/10.1177/009770049602200302 Irving Epstein Comparative and International Education Bibliography (1994), Comparative Education Review 39, no.33 (Oct 2015): 396–417.https://doi.org/10.1086/447336Ellen Hertz Le bien de l’autre : justice et corruption en Chine populaire, (): 99–122.https://doi.org/10.4000/books.iheid.2624

Russia in search of a foreign policy

Faced with growing criticism of a foreign policy that is regarded as too soft, too pro-Western, and insufficiently attentive to Russian national interests—and the opposition comes not only from the so-called reds and browns and the military, but from centrist and democratic circles as well —President Yeltsin has been obliged to cede foreign policy positions in an effort to save domestic ones. It is a measure of the Russian president's uncertain hold on power that much of the opposition program outlined by his foreign minister, in a mock speech last December, has since become the official language of Russian diplomacy. The concept of national interest has become a codeword for internal opposition to Russia's foreign and domestic policy, and the debate has ranged over such issues as Russia's Eurasian roots, the extent of Moscow's authority over the territory of the former USSR, and an appropriate nation- al security strategy for Russia. Post-communist Russia has still to determine its national identity, national char- acter, and national interests in world affairs. It is an inauspicious time for such a debate: constitutional crisis has reinforced separatist tendencies, economic decline has promoted regional autarkies, and disparate political philosophies project compet- ing images of state and nation. Nevertheless, at the same time, there is a nation-build- ing quality to the process, as it seeks to identify common values and expectations. An enlightened view of its strategic interests could form a basis for Russian foreign poli- cy that is both understandable and predictable. The danger lies in the prospect that the search for the national interest will continue to elude a national consensus. On the same day Boris Yeltsin was forced to abandon his acting prime minister to the demands of the December 1992 Congress of Peoples Deputies in Moscow, Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev delivered what he might have thought was his own valedictory at a meeting in Stockholm of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Before an increasingly uneasy audience, Kozyrev announced a major change in Russian foreign policy. Kozyrev declared that Russia's Asian traditions set certain limits on its relations with the West; he warned against NATO interference in the Baltic states or other regions of the former Soviet Union; he demanded that UN sanctions against Yugoslavia be lifted; and he asserted that Russia firmly insist that the former Soviet republics immedi- ately join a new federation or confederation. Kozyrev later apologized for using such an oratorical technique to dramatize the demands of the opposition, and he assured his lis- teners that neither he nor President Yeltsin would ever agree to what I read in my previ- ous speech.1 Kozyrev's venture into shock diplomacy was an accurate rendition of the growing criticism in Russia of a foreign policy that many regard as too soft, too pro-Western, and

Ethnic Separatism in Southeast Asia

Maintains that many of the states in Southeast Asia have been plagued by problems of ethnic or regional separatism, either because of colonial boundaries or longer historical patterns of conquest or migration. Looks at three separatist movements which have threatened the integrity of several states in Indonesia, in the South Moluccas, Aceh and West Papua, Myanmar, the Philippines and Thailand. Explains why governments have reacted differently to separatist tendencies and how effective, or ineffective, such actions have been.

Jura Separatism in Switzerland

This case study of nationalism in the Jura region of Switzerland raises issues specific to the area as well as broader geographic and political questions. The author examines nationalist feeling and activity throughout the region in the context of the environmental, religious, and socio-economic background. Special emphasis is given to analyzing 20th-century developments and ways in which separatist tendencies--which are an issue in other societies such as Northern Ireland and Quebec--can be resolved through consensual methods.

The Militarization of the State in Latin America

Military dictatorships have been a characteristic feature of Latin America's political history since the time of the military caudillos (Bolivar, San Martin, O' Higgins, and others) who led the processes of national emancipation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Since that epoch, military dictators have been one of the resources utilized by the dominant classes to impose order during times of crisis. After independence, military regimes constituted the means of finishing off the remnants of colonialism. Later these regimes were the means for repressing the plebeian tendencies within the emancipation movements that threatened the oligarchic society. Ultimately they were the means for imposing the formation of national states in the face of the separatist tendencies of the oligarchy's most backward fractions. With establishment of the new order, the caudillos gave way to more stable political systems that better represented the oligarchy as a whole (Halpenrn Donghi, 1969). In this century, as the primary export economies of many countries began to display symptoms of profound crisis and as the social struggles that this provoked became more violent, military regimes became an instrument for safeguarding established interests. It was no longer a matter of imposing a new order but of defending and maintaining the

The Idea of a Pakistani Nationhood

The survival of Pakistan, which has been threatened from the beginning by separatist tendencies of its various regions, might be more effectively secured if its people were to develop a sense of common nationhood. Muslim nationalism, which united Indian Muslims in the establishment of Pakistan, has not been adequate to the task. Anwar Syed observes that history, ethnicity, culture, and language contain elements of diversity and unity which, depending on the circumstances, may aid or hinder national solidarity. He reflects on the conditions under which the various regional elites could be expected to support efforts toward national integration.

Byzantine Iconoclasm and Monachomachy

According to the Byzantine sources, the reign of the iconoclastic emperor Constantine v (741–775) was characterised by an attack on the very institution of monasticism, and the brunt of the persecution directed against the ‘orthodox’ was borne by the monastic order. This anti-monastic phase of iconoclasm has not passed unnoticed in modern attempts to clarify the origins and motive forces of the iconoclastic movement as a whole. The gamut of explanations ranges from an extreme position which maintains that die iconoclastic movement itself was merely a pretext for attacking parasitic monasteries and to confiscate their land holdings, through more balanced views which claim that the enthusiastic and determined propagation and defence of image-worship by monks was an obstacle which had to be removed by breaking the power of monasticism if the official iconoclastic policies were to be effective, to a recent more sophisticated approach which claims to recognise in both monasticism and icon-worship illegitimate, unlicensed forms of spirituality, signs of separatist tendencies which die State battling against Islam for survival could not afford to tolerate.

Recent Developments in American Economic History

Economic history, as a combination of two disciplines, has had a rather curious evolution. This is indicated both by looking at its checkered academic development in the United States, and by contrasting its evolution in the United States with that in England and elsewhere. Whereas in England and most European countries economic history is regarded as a separate discipline, with its own departments and professors, such an academic separation does not exist in the United States. Here, reflecting the dual nature of the subject, economic historians can be found in either history departments or in economics departments, and the nature of academic specialization often means they teach two distinct student bodies, with infrequent communication across disciplinary lines. Separatist tendencies have seemed more pronounced in the past two decades, when there was a marked change in the study of economic history in the United States, a change that has also affected other sub disciplines of history: quantification and model-building have spread into many areas of historical study. But in some measure this movement in economics reflects the recent tendency for economic historians to come from economics, rather than from history departments. Since the causes of the change seem, in part, peculiar to the United States, what I say about recent tendencies in the field may not fully reflect developments in other countries, although there seem to be similar trends emerging, albeit with some lags, in England and elsewhere in Europe.

Quakerism on the Eastern Shore (review)

130QUAKER HISTORY After a long period in which Quaker historians have largely ignored thè nineteenth century, several books have appeared which shed much light on that period. Undoubtedly there was a reluctance to discuss the separations and other controversial elements in Quaker history—a resistance to "washing our dirty linen in public." Today Friends are more willing to face differences and discuss them openly than in previous generations and perhaps enough time has elapsed to make it seem reasonable to attempt dispassionate examinations of the nineteenth century. Errol Elliott's Quakers on the American Frontier is largely focused on that period and other volumes have appeared or are about to appear. This book is a welcome addition to such studies. It is unfortunate that the editors did not provide a bibliography in addition to the thorough notes found in the back of this volume. Such a bibliography would have been useful to future students. The reviewer saw no evidence that Thomas E. Drake's definitive volume Quakers and Slavery in America had been consulted, but, generally speaking, the author did a thorough research job in preparing his manuscript. The author leaves the impression that Joseph John Gurney was a "Beaconite" (p. 35) when in fact he opposed the separatist tendencies of those Friends. The indexer has listed Etienne de Grellet as separate from Stephen Grellet. One wonders how this French version of die early nineteenth-century Evangelical got into the text, especially since the note on p. 164 uses the Anglicized version. In view of the extensive information found in die notes it would have been helpful if the indexer had indexed the notes as well as die text. Haverford CollegeEdwin B. Bronner Quakerum on the Eastern Shore. By Kenneth Carroll. Baltimore: The Maryland Historical Society. 1970. 328 pages. $12.50. It is difficult for this reviewer not to have a certain sense of sadness and disappointment in this account of Quakerism on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. The element of sadness arises from the realization that the potential for a vital and lasting Quaker influence in that area seems to have waned widi each succeeding century. The disappointment stems from the decision to include so many minute details from monthly meetings which do not add significantly to the story. No one who knows the author will question his utter devotion to historical accuracy. He is at his best when he gives die available evidence for the possible earliest planting of Quakerism in America on the Eastern Shore by Elizabeth Harris in 1655 or 1656, challenging the traditional claim of New England. But it is really too much for the average or even aboveaverage reader of Quaker history to confront an appendix and index of 129 pages with approximately 5,000 names and places. At the same time, one must admit that there are readers who enjoy such bits of rare information as the receipt of $15 by William Kemp for two trees on die Tuckahoe meetinghouse lot (p. 164). Dr. Carroll tells briefly die important known facts about the visits of early Friends to Eastern Maryland, particularly John Burnyeat, William Edmundson, and George Fox, with special emphasis on the possibility of BOOK REVIEWS131 Elizabeth Harris' visit not later than 1657. He develops the story of modest Quaker expansion in the Colonial period and the eighteenth century. Three aspects of his account give one the conviction that there was a strong nucleus for a vital Quaker community in the counties of that narrow peninsula: the sufferings experienced by some of the Friends for their theological, social, and political views; the strong stand taken by some against die holding of slaves, as early as 1 708; and the depth of commitment against war expressed by some (unfortunately not a strong and continuous testimony). It is surprising that Dr. Carroll, unlike Thomas Drake in his study of Quakers and slavery, is apparently convinced that the early Quaker demonstrator, Benjamin Lay, actually used blood instead of some kind of juice, in the famous incident to which he refers on page 133. It seems evident that diere were at times strong meetings in die Spirit and Light of Christ. There were many valiant efforts...

Euratlantica: Changing Perspectives of the European Elites.

with the theme of Nationalism and Social Communication. Nationalism and Its Alternatives is seriously marred by a confusing use of key terms. What Deutsch calls a people is what Ernest Barker, Rupert Emerson, Carlton Hayes, and others called a nation. Deutsch here reserves the term nation for a people who have control of a state or, at least, an important measure of self-government. A nation-state is defined in the traditional manner as one which has become largely identical with one people. Despite these definitions, nation is often used interchangeably with state, and nation-state and national state are often used to refer to what in fact are multinational states. Thus Spain (actually a multinational state) is referred to as a nation. The Belgians (that is, the Flemish and Walloons who uncomfortably share the territory of Belgium) are likewise referred to as a nation. Such multinational states as Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia are referred to as nationstates. Most surprising, however, is that the central subject, nationalism, is nowhere defined. Sometimes it refers to identification with a state and other times to identification with an ethnic group. There are two other aspects of the work that troubled this reviewer. One is Professor Deutsch's treatment of the states of Westem Europe as fully assimilated entities, despite the fact that Belgium, France, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom have all been troubled by ethnic discord in recent years. The second objection is to Professor Deutsch's emphasis upon the material rewards and services that groups receive from association with the state as a major element in determining whether the state will be troubled by separatist tendencies. This position is seriously questioned by the prevalence of separatist attitudes among ethnic groups even while they were rapidly closing the economic and benefit gap between themselves and the state's leading ethnic group. Flemish and Slovaks are recent cases in point. Moreover, separatist desires have grown on the part of the Croats and Slovenes, despite the fact that both people are significantly better off than are the politically dominant Serbs. At least in some instances, then, it would appear that nothing secedes like success.

Some Notes on Religious Dissent in Nineteenth-Century East Africa

While considerable literature exists on independency and separatism within the Christian churches in East Africa, 1 there is hardly any mention of schism and secession in studies dealing with East African Islam. In theory Islam has always regarded itself as a single unified umma (community of believers) held together and guided by the Shari'a (divine law), but in practice Islam, like other monotheistic religions, has suffered from separatist tendencies.2 Both the Sunni and Shi'a Muslim communities in East Africa have on numerous occasions had secessions from their ranks.3 The dissenters have either built separate mosques, thus establishing congregations independent of the parent body, or have joined one of the more loosely organized groups such as the Shi'a Ithna'Asharl sect.

Silk and Horses: Trade and Tribute between the Qing Dynasty and the Kazakh Khanate

Silk and Horses: Trade and Tribute between the Qing Dynasty and the Kazakh Khanate

Społeczne i kulturowe determinanty funkcjonowania państwa u progu XXI wieku

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.

Społeczne i kulturowe determinanty funkcjonowania państwa u progu XXI wieku

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.

De territoriale ambities van de diadochen in de eerste jaren na de dood van Alexander de Grote (323-320 v.C.)

Scholars almost universally agree that there were two tendencies among theSuccessors of Alexander the Great: while some are assumed to have aimed atgaining control of Alexander's entire empire, others supposedly were contentwith a part of it. This paper will question the foundations of this communisopinio, as both Diodorus Siculus and Cornelius Nepos explicitly state that allthe Successors wanted to lay their hands on the entire realm and no ancientauthor mentions any separatist tendencies. A new assessment might show thatmany of the alleged signs of separatism in the early Successor era can also beinterpreted in other ways.

Separatist Tendencies in Eastern India

Separatist tendencies in India's eastern region pose an aggravating problem for the Indian government. The first 20 years of independence have failed to associate the hill peoples of this region in any lasting way with the social and political evolution of the nation as a whole. Such concessions to the autonomy of the hill peoples as have been made, and there have been many, have been mainly in the sphere of legislation and appear to have had the effect of encouraging the political leaders among the hill peoples to expand their demands. These demands have created geopolitical and strategic dangers for India's unity. Judging by the outcome so far, the Indian government's success in integrating its tribal populations has been less than that of the governments of the surrounding countries, China, Pakistan and even Burma.