Senior Chiefs Research Articles

Physician Assistants Employed by the Federal Government.

Physician assistants (PAs) are health professionals who have received advance medical training and are licensed to diagnose illness, develop and manage treatment plans, prescribe medications, and serve as principal health care provider. Although the U.S. federal government is the largest single employer of PAs, at the same time little is known about them across the wide array of diverse settings and agencies. The objective of this project was to determine the census of PAs in federal employment, their location, and personal characteristics. This included approximating the number of uniformed PAs. Taking stock of a unique labor force sets the stage for more granular analyses of how and where PAs are utilized and are deployed. No one central database identifies all federally employed PAs. To undertake this project, three sources were examined. Data were derived from the U.S. Office of Personnel Management and the National Commission on Certification of Physician Assistants. Uniformed PA numbers were the result of networking with senior chiefs in the military services and the U.S. Public Health Service. The data were collolated and summarized for comparison and discussion. As of 2018, approximately 5,200 PAs were dispersed in most branches and agencies of the government that provide health care services, including the Departments of Defense, Veterans Affairs, Health and Human Services, Justice, and Homeland Security. Federally employed PAs are civil servants or hold a commission in the uniformed services (ie, Army, Navy, Air Force, Coast Guard, and Public Health Service). Most PAs are in clinical roles, although a few hundred are in management positions. Approximately 81% of civilian PAs have had less than 15years of federal employment. The diverse utilization and deployment of PAs validate the importance of the role they serve as medical professionals in the federal government. From 2008 to 2019, PA employment in the federal government grew by approximately 50% supporting the forecast that substantial national PA growth is on track.

The impact of Acceptance of Leader criteria on Instructional Leadership

There are different criteria that may affect active leadership concepts that enhance the role of a principal as an instructional leader. However, many principals lack such criteria where a strong principal can be considered as an instructional leader. To become instructional leaders, principals must functional role directed toward teacher's productive collaboration relationship. Furthermore, a school principal as a leader should play an important role in enhancing teachers’ satisfaction . This study aims to investigate the impact of acceptance of leader on instructional leadership. In doing so, the paper presents a conceptual model linking the acceptance of leader on instructional leadership. The study reports the findings from mix methods a survey of 536 participants including teachers, principals and senior chiefs at various levels of primary, elementary and secondary schools across Kingdom of Bahrain. And focus group method include six senior chiefs. The analysis of the results shows positive relationship between acceptance of leader and instructional leaders. More specifically, acceptance of leaders is influenced by the referent power. The findings show that there is a significant difference between principals’, teachers’, and senior chiefs’ perceptions on the effectiveness of acceptance of leader on instructional leadership.Keyword: Instructional leadership, acceptance of leader, referent power

Investigating the Effectiveness of Leadership Styles on Instructional Leadership and Teachers Job Expectancy in Kingdom of Bahrain

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effective of the four leadership styles (directive, supportive, participative, and achievement-oriented) on instructional leadership and teachers job expectancies. However, many schools lack a strong principal as instructional leader. Principals have to transform their practices from managerial to instructional emphasis. Principals need to exercise their leadership by attributing the leadership styles in their role and character, or their role will merely deliver an administrative persona that can only be fit to an administrative area. Furthermore, principal play an important role in promote teachers’ performance and satisfaction which has declined to its lowest point. The study reports the findings from a survey of 536 subjects of teachers, principals and senior chiefs at various levels of primary, elementary and secondary schools across Kingdom of Bahrain. In addition qualitative method using a focus group interview was conducted of senior chiefs. Simple Regression analysis identifies the relation of leadership styles effect on instructional leadership and job expectancies. The findings contribute to practical implementation of conduct a significant relation between instructional leadership and the four leadership styles. Job expectancy effected by the concept of Transactional Leadership. Distributive leadership contributes to decrees of principal managerial work. The supportive leadership style is most prevalent among instructional leadership and males have less interest in applying leadership styles in Kingdom of Bahrain. All the hypotheses were accepted and the null hypothesis was rejected.

Te Kooti Arikirangi Te Turuki, c.1832–17 April 1893

Te Kooti Arikirangi has been remembered primarily as a warrior and prophetic leader. But he should be as well known as a composer of waiata (songs), along with the texts and sayings of the Ringatū church, which he founded. He is famous for the unique painted and carved Māori meetinghouses that he created in the later nineteenth century to teach history and to bring into existence a new Māori visual language of symbols. At the end of the New Zealand wars 1860–1872, Te Kooti carried his message of peace to Māori communities. As the greatest of the Māori guerrilla fighters, he became (along with Te Whiti-o-Rongomai, whose teachings he eschewed), the most influential of the prophets of peace and reconciliation. At the same time, he warned Māori – through his waiata and predictive statements – of abuses of law by which most of their land would be taken in the later nineteenth century. It cannot be said that he was wrong. Until recent times, Te Kooti was excoriated in standard histories as a ‘murderer’ and a ‘rebel without a cause’. He was singled out by the colonial armed forces and popular newspapers as a ‘villainous’ fighter, because he led attacks on civilian settlements, both Māori and settler communities. He was usually treated as a ‘savage’, cunning but irrational. The reasons for his actions, including his military strategies, were never assessed, and he bore the burdens of prejudice all his life. It is a tribute to the man that he rose above these condemnations to become a religious leader and advocate of peace and compassion. Te Kooti was born about 1832 in the community of Te Pā-ō-Kahu on the shores of the coastal lagoon at Tūranganui (Poverty Bay). He was the second of four surviving children of Hōne Te Rangipātahi and Tūrākau (Hēni) of the Rongowhakaata iwi. His elder brother, Kōmene, remained a close intimate until Kōmene’s death in battle in 1868. The children were born in a line of descent collateral with the senior chiefs of Ngāti Maru, a major hapu of Rongowhakaata, and in their youth were known as turbulent, potential leaders. However, Te Kooti was the more famous because of an early prediction associated with his birth: the seer, Toiroa, who lived on Mahia peninsula, foresaw the births of two (or three) children to close kinsmen. The sequence of their births foretold the future, for good or ill: if the fir st born, the child of Te Tūruki, died and the younger, the child of Te Rangipātahi, lived,

Medicine Murder in Basutoland: Colonial Rule and Moral Crisis

AbstractThis article analyses an acute moral crisis in the colonial administration of Basutoland in the late 1940s. It was provoked by a contagious rash of what became known as ‘medicine murders’, apparently perpetrated by senior chiefs. Two particular murders of this kind are examined in detail, as a result of which, in 1949, two very senior chiefs and some of their followers were hanged. This harshly dramatic episode brought into stark question the meaning of generations of the ‘civilising mission’, the fitness of the chiefs as leaders of the people, the moral integrity of the Basotho nation and the legitimacy both of colonial rule in general and of certain specific practices of the police. The political context of the murders is outlined, and the judicial process is dissected with special reference to the question of the validity of accomplice evidence.

“RUNAWAY WIVES,” NATIVE LAW AND CUSTOM IN BENIN, AND EARLY COLONIAL COURTS, NIGERIA

The Edo‐speaking peoples today are found in much the same area of southwestern Nigeria that was the center of the Benin kingdom up to the end of the 19th century. From the early 16th to late 17th century the kingdom extended to the west, beyond Lagos to the present Republic of Benin, and east across southern Nigeria to beyond the Niger River. Benin City has always been the heart of the culture and the political capital of the kingdom and the empire. In recent years the city and surrounding area have become even more diverse with many ethnic groups in traditional Benin territory on farms, in businesses, schools, hospitals, and trades in towns and the city. Religious institutions in the city include numerous mosques, churches, evangelical groups, and missionaries from around the world, as well as local indigenous shrines and masquerades, and rituals of central worship at the Oba's Palace.Oba Erediauwa, the present traditional ruler of some 2 million Edo‐speaking peoples in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, has as one of his important roles the adjudicating of disputes involving people, land, and inheritance based on native law and custom. People today can go to Customary Court in such disputes, but many seek resolution at the Oba's Palace, when family meetings and the efforts of local elders and chiefs prove unsatisfactory to one or the other parties. Anyone unsatisfied with the Oba's decision still has recourse to the courts, but his decisions have yet to be over‐ruled by the judiciary. Oba Erediauwa, like his forebears, was trained by senior chiefs from childhood for the pre‐destined role of spiritual and temporal head of the Edo‐speaking peoples. Unlike his forebears he was also educated in England and read law at Kings College, Cambridge University.aIn precolonial times the Oba had sole power over life and death. His Palace in Benin City was the center of a tropical rainforest empire that dominated much of what is today southern Nigeria, from medieval times. The site of the Oba's Palace, which has been dated to the 13th century, is possibly as old as the 11th century (Connah 1975: 248). To the north and elsewhere in the south the warlike Benins had complex and fractious relations with its neighbors over many centuries. The Benin kingdom which expanded and contracted over time has always included various ethnic groups within its shifting political and cultural boundaries. The kingdom's independence was finally ended by a British military expedition in 1897, ushering in colonial rule.The exiled Oba of Benin, Oba Ovonramwen, died in eastern Nigeria in 1913. The British then found it expedient to bring his son and heir to the throne, crowned Oba Eweka II, in 1914. Benin territory had been administered locally in the absence of the Oba (1897–1914), through a group of chiefs approved by the British, led by Chief Obaseki. The resulting tensions between Obaseki and Oba Eweka II, before and after the restoration, are still remembered in Benin. It was a situation that lasted until Obaseki's sudden death on September 9th, 1920. He had been given the title “Obaseki,” by Oba Ovonramwen. Oba Eweka II, after coming to the throne and seeking to ease tensions, named him the Ivase, leader of the town chiefs; and married one of his daughters to him. Gradually, after 1914, Oba Eweka II reasserted his power, and ruled until 1933. His first son, Oba Akenzua II, occupied the throne for 45 years (1933–1978). Oba Erediauwa (1978–), greatgrandson of Oba Ovonramwen, followed his father, Oba Akenzua II, in a dynastic succession that Benins trace back to the 12th century (Oba Erediauwa, personal communication, December 21, 1990).In the 1952 census a mostly agricultural population was still living in rural areas. The population of Benin City, the seat of the Edos, was then estimated at 50,000. In the 1990 census, Benin City, the capital of Edo State, included over 200,000 diverse peoples.

A MEMORABLE GATHERING OF SIERRA LEONIANS IN LONDON, 1919

TWO RECENT ARTICLES have stressed the close links that existed between Africans and people from the Caribbean living in, and visiting Britain, and especially London, in the early decades of this century.l Many of these men, and some women, belonged to the professional classes as businessmen, clergymen, lawyers, journalists and musicians. This photograph overleaf, of a 'memorable gathering of Sierra Leonians' appeared in the African Telegraph and Gold Coast Mirror, a West African owned newspaper published in London, in November 1919. It helps to illustrate the strong bonds that existed among the Freetown creoles and the close ties between members of the various English-speaking elite communities on the West African coast. Those close ties owed much to a common social and spiritual heritage, bonded by trading relations and inter-marriage. They were further strengthened by the determination of West African merchants to resist the oligoplistic power gained by British trading companies during the First World War, and to demand the franchise and reforms from colonial governments. During 1919 elite politicians from the four British West African territories prepared the ground for the formation of the National Congress of British West Africa, which met in Accra in March 1920, and sent a delegation to London later that year. The immediate post-war years produced a surge of political activity in West Africa, in particular among the educated elite who expected political reforms as a matter of right as well as a reward for their loyal support during the war. And conscious of the historical import of their political protests they were photographed as groups and delegations, besuited men of respectability, senior chiefs in traditional dress, serious and determined to represent communities whose interests were being increasingly disregarded by the colonial authorities and foreign commercial concerns. All photographs pose questions: where was the image taken? when was it taken? by whom? and how was the photograph used?.2 With this

Anthropological Models in Yoruba History

Opening ParagraphThe recent appearance of a monograph by a social anthropologist, Peter Lloyd, on The Political Development of Yoruba Kingdoms in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries is likely to arouse considerable interest among historians of Africa, whose appetites have been whetted by adumbrations of his interpretation in some of his earlier publications. Lloyd traces the political development of the kingdom of Oyo through its period of imperial expansion in the eighteenth century until its collapse in the 1830s, and of five Yoruba states in the nineteenth century—Ibadan, Ado Ekiti, Abeokuta, Iwo, and Ilorin. He seeks to apply to the history of these states a model of the process whereby ‘tribal kingdoms’ develop into ‘highly centralised monarchies’. A ‘tribal kingdom’ is defined as one in which ‘political power…rests with a council of chiefs, each of which is selected by and from among members of a descent group—[and] the king is seen more as an arbiter between the chiefs than as an autocrat’. In a centralized monarchy, on the other hand, power rests with the king, the senior chiefs are appointed by the king, and a concept of ‘citizenship’ develops to replace descent-group loyalties. The Yoruba states discussed in this monograph did not, in fact, develop in this way, and Lloyd's theme is their failure to achieve centralization. The analysis is applied principally to Oyo. Of the nineteenth-century states discussed, relatively little is said of Iwo and Ado Ekiti, while Ibadan, Abeokuta, and Ilorin did not start out as ‘tribal kingdoms’ but as war-camps without kings. Moreover, it is suggested that the failure of Oyo to achieve centralization provided precedents for decentralization which influenced the development of its successors in the nineteenth century.

Malay Nationalism, 1896–1941

The political concept of the Malays was essentially a product of the society they lived in. Before the British intervened in the Malay States in 1874, the Malay society was a feudal society par excellence. The Ruler, known as the Sultan, was eminently feudal and autocratic. He was responsible to none. He was assisted, in his capacity as Ruler, by senior and minor chiefs whose number varied from State to State. For example, in Pahang, there were four Major Chiefs, known as Orang Besar Ber-Empat. Under them there were the Orang Besar Lapan, the Eight Chiefs, and this group was followed by that of sixteen and thirty two. This was essentially a Hindu political pattern. In other Malay States this regular arrangement did not exist, but the main principle remained, namely, that there ran in descending order, from the Sultan downwards to the Penghulu, the village headman, an absolute autocracy. Each chief or Penghulu in his respective capacity was a sultan miniature.

Tribal Rule and Modern Politics in Northern Rhodesia

endeavour dug the past 30 years to build up an efficient system of African local government. It has clearly been based, with very few exceptions, on indigenous political systems; we have been endeavouring to adapt the old to the new and not to substitute the new for the old. This important point is brought home very forcibly when a window on other territones is opened on occasions like conferences on local government. There one leams that in many parts of Africa either the traditional Chiefs have some time ago taken a back seat or in many cases traditional institlltions such as we have known in Northem Rhodesia have hardly existed at all. I rnake no bones about the stress that we lay on chieftainship, because in the great majority of cases in African political systems it is the Chief who is the keystone of the local government arch. I have spent rising 29 years in this territory and I have been privileged to serve in all its provinces. I have met and known men who have looked every inch Paramount Chiefs or Senior Chiefs of their tribes. Aere have been many others who have impressed those who know them with their ability, personality, integrity, and in some cases solid determination to rule their countries wisely and well in what have been difficult times. I would be the first to admit that there are at the same time a number of Chiefs whose performance administratively is indifferent and that there are others whose administration of their areas is lacking in efficiency, or who are so conservative in their outlook that genuine progress is not easily understood by them. But the point is that in all cases the Chiefs are respected because they are the traditional leaders of the tribe. The Chief is the most important man in his country. His power and influence is derived from the fact that he is as it were the anointed head of his people. He is the man whose election to the chieftainship had the full support of his subjects and who has later been recognised by the Government as Chief of the area. He has administrative and judicial functions, but at least of equal importance is the spiritual relationship whereby the Chief is seen through the eyes of his people to be the intermediary between them and their ancestors. Izhe Chief, in most cases in this territory, is the man who has gone through the customar,r initiation ceremony, which is the overture to the assumption of the Chieftainship. It is he who is the guardian of the relics, the arcana