Representative Democracy Research Articles

How might children’s online experiences be understood through a digital ethics of care framework?

ABSTRACT To explore children’s online conduct from a child’s digital rights perspective, a small-scale child participatory study was conducted. Eighteen children (5 males; 13 females) in the UK, aged 10–11 years old, participated by conducting interviews in pairs with one another. All children had previously engaged with a lesson to develop their interview skills, framed more broadly within the usual curriculum. A reflexive, organic, thematic analysis was conducted which identified four themes: i) Online experiences and associated conduct, ii) Emotions and Interoception, iii) Agency and action, and iv) Mentalising. The findings demonstrated children’s competencies using digital technology including their insights regarding how their social online interactions and conduct can make themselves and others feel. In conclusion, the research highlights the need for larger-scale studies in partnership with academics, technology companies, political representatives and most importantly children, to be solution-focused to ensure children’s digital rights are enacted.

Challenges and possibilities in addressing health and nutrition issues for gender mainstreaming through panchayati raj institutes

Background: The study aimed to investigate knowledge, attitudes, and practices concerning health and nutrition from a gender perspective among elected representatives in India's Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). This research was conducted to understand the gender dynamics within PRIs and how they affect the implementation and monitoring of health and nutrition programs. Eighty-six elected representatives were interviewed using Key Informant Interviews across six blocks of the Khunti District of Jharkhand. The study had a gender representation of 54% male and 46% female participants. Methodology: This study collected quantitative data from Key Informant Interviews with elected representatives and panchayat-level functionaries. This approach facilitated a comprehensive understanding of the participants' knowledge, attitudes, and practices regarding health, nutrition, and gender issues. Results: The findings revealed a moderate understanding of health, nutrition, and gender issues at the Gram Panchayat level. Participants generally had positive attitudes toward implementing and monitoring health and nutrition programs. However, the study highlighted significant challenges, such as a lack of coordination and collaboration between different sectors within the PRI system. Additionally, some female representatives reported not receiving adequate support from the administration and expressed concerns that male members might obstruct gender equality efforts, with instances where women's roles were undermined by their male counterparts. Conclusions: The research concluded that to enhance gender mainstreaming in PRIs, gender-specific training for both male and female representatives is needed. Training should focus on women's roles and involvement in decision-making processes. Furthermore, it is essential to equip elected women representatives with the skills necessary to participate actively in the development process. The study recommended gender awareness workshops to promote women's rights and gender equality within local governance. It also emphasized the importance of improving access to information, fostering meaningful participation, addressing power imbalances, and offering capacity-building opportunities to effectively integrate gender perspectives in addressing health, nutrition, and other relevant issues within PRIs.

Intermediary Political Analysis: The Role of Political Parties in Single-Candidate Elections

Political parties play a central role in nominating regional head candidates to ensure voter representation in elections. The broader the representation in the electoral process, the higher the level of democracy and legitimacy achieved. However, in the 2024 Regional Elections (Pilkada), despite the relaxation of nomination requirements, the number of competing candidate pairs remains limited. According to the Constitutional Court (MK) ruling, each region should ideally have at least five candidate pairs, yet in reality, more than half of the regions were contested by only two or three pairs, with 37 regions having a single candidate running unopposed. This study aims to map the coalition of political parties in regions with single candidates and analyze the extent of political party involvement in the nomination process. The research employs representation analysis, examining the number of political parties supporting candidate pairs, the origin of candidate pairs' parties, and the nomination threshold. The findings indicate that, in many cases, political parties tend to form broad coalitions supporting a single candidate rather than fostering greater competition. This phenomenon reduces voter choices and weakens electoral competition at the regional level. As an implication, this study provides insights for policymakers to reevaluate nomination regulations to encourage healthier and more democratic political competition in regional elections.

Beyond the Trump Presidency: The Racial Underpinnings of White Americans’ Anti-Democratic Beliefs

Abstract How closely related are modern anti-democratic beliefs among white Americans, and to what extent are these beliefs shaped by exclusionary racial attitudes? Using data from the Political Unrest Study, the Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape, and the Survey of the Performance of American Elections (SPAE), we find that support for voting restrictions, opposition to voting expansions, belief in widespread voter fraud, and support for overturning democratic election results load onto a single underlying dimension. While the prevalence of anti-democratic beliefs among white Americans has remained stable over the past decade, these beliefs have become increasingly interconnected. Furthermore, racial attitudes towards out-groups—including racial resentment, anti-immigrant sentiment, and white racial grievance—strongly correlate with anti-democratic beliefs, whereas in-group racial attitudes do not. Analysis of multiple waves of the American National Election Studies (ANES) reveals that racial resentment and white grievance now explain twice as much variation in anti-democratic beliefs as they did in 2012. Experimental evidence also demonstrates that white Americans react negatively to voting expansions when the racial implications of these reforms are made explicit. These findings underscore the growing alignment between anti-democratic beliefs and racial attitudes in contemporary U.S. politics.

Do voters prefer logrolling to compromise in parliamentary democracies?

Do voters prefer logrolling to compromise in parliamentary democracies?

Everything but liberal – aid and EU democracy promotion in the European neighbourhood

ABSTRACT What types of democracy are impacted by European Union (EU) democracy promotion? Although the EU is a major democracy promoter globally, little is known about which types of democracy it impacts. This article pioneers an examination of the impact of EU aid on V-Dem’s five distinct democracy indices in the European neighbourhood from 2000 to 2020, using both aggregated and disaggregated panel data analysis for a comparative assessment. Based on a novel synthesis of rational choice theory and political legitimacy, the study hypothesizes that electoral democracy will be particularly associated with EU-provided aid. The findings reveal that EU aid is positively associated with electoral, egalitarian, deliberative, and participatory forms of democracy, however show no significant association with liberal democracy. This contribution emphasizes the relevance of disaggregated research to better understand the relationship between aid and democracy and highlights the importance of considering various democracy types when assessing EU democracy promotion.

From prefect system to Student Representative Councils via Representative Councils of Learners in South African schools: Which representative government is considered the best?

From prefect system to Student Representative Councils via Representative Councils of Learners in South African schools: Which representative government is considered the best?

The Parliamentary Origins of Party Strength in Western Europe before the Second World War

This article uses new quantitative data to systematically test established arguments concerning the origins of party strength in 11 West European countries between 1870 and 1939. Through time-series cross-sectional analyses and using a wide range of sources, I investigate the role of the development of parliamentarism, suffrage extension, civil society, and the adoption of proportional representation. I further theorize that the development of parliamentarism and suffrage had an interactive effect because the legislative strength of a party affected its electoral strength, and vice versa. The main findings are that the development of parliamentarism most consistently helps explain party strength and that suffrage extension also was important, and I find support for an interactive effect of the two. A qualitative illustration of the Dutch development offers further support. Thus, the study provides a general explanation for the historical origins of a key component of West European parliamentary democracy, its strong parties.

Political System of Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

TTurkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was established in the north of Cyprus after the intervention carried out by Türkiye in 1974, called the Cyprus Peace Operation, and declared its independence in 1983. The state, which is subjected to an international embargo in almost every area, especially in economics, politics, sports, and transportation, and therefore establishes its ties with the world through Türkiye, has had all the instruments that a democratic state should have in its domestic politics since its independence. This study deals with the political system of Northern Cyprus, which has not yet been studied comprehensively, and aims to fill an important gap in the literature. The study considers Northern Cyprus’ constitution, principle of separation of powers, form of government, ongoing democratic elections, electoral system, and party system in the context of political science literature. Utilizing historical narrative and constitutional review methods, as well as the effective number of parties (ENP) formulated by Laakso and Taagapera, the study examines the political system of Northern Cyprus together with its political history and culture.

STRATEGI BADAN PENGAWAS PEMILIHAN UMUM (BAWASLU) KOTA SURABAYA DALAM UPAYA MENCEGAH PELANGGARAN PEMILIHAN UMUM 2024 MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL

In the 2024 general elections, the role of social media is very significant. The General Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) as an institution tasked with overseeing the implementation of elections, has a big responsibility in providing education to the public to prevent violations that could occur. This study aims to explore and understand the strategies implemented by Bawaslu Surabaya City in preventing election violations. The method used in this research is qualitative with a filed research approach. Data processing and presentation are carried out through qualitative analysis techniques, which include interpretation, description, management, and interpretation of research results as a representation of the characteristics or description of certain phenomena related to the problem under study. Data collection is done through observation, interviews, and document studies. In this research, the author refers to the theory of democratic elections and supervision theory. The results showed that the Surabaya City Bawaslu utilized social media as a tool to support supervision in an effort to prevent election violations. However, the implementation is still not optimal because there are still obstacles that need to be reviewed.

Political participation and voluntary associations : A hypergraph case study.

Civic organizations, ranging from interest groups to voluntary associations, significantly influence policy formation in representative democracies. This work presents a local case study that examines the relationship between voluntary associations and local political institutions in a village with nearly two thousand residents. Traditionally, sociologists' approaches have focused on individual characteristics such as age, gender, or socio-professional status. In this study, we analyze social interactions between members of organizations modeled through a hypergraph. Specifically, we model interactions as hyperedges that correspond to activities proposed by organizations and involve the individuals who participate in those activities. Our analysis reveals a community-based structure, where members of similar types of organizations tend to interact more frequently. To quantify 'political participation,' we introduce an interaction-based measure that extends degree centrality. We also introduce the 'diversity coefficient' as an extension of degree centrality to capture an individual's ability to participate in activities composed of members from different communities. Among other centrality measures, we find that the diversity coefficient is the most significant factor in explaining political participation among members of associations.

‘Jostling for right of way’: Hawker discourse, legitimation, and politics in post-independence Malay(si)a, 1957–1969

Abstract This article investigates the developments of hawker discourse and movements across the Malay(si)an peninsula in the first decade of independence. Looking at news coverage and municipal records, it examines the contingent, gendered, and egalitarian qualities of hawking as labour which led to its adoption by people experiencing hardship, and influenced the ways in which municipal authorities and the public discussed hawkers. In effect, hawkers, long significant to the historical and cultural systems of Malayan trade, were recharacterized as vulnerable subjects at the urban margins. The article then explores how local administrations understood and regulated hawkers through categories of location, race, and food, shaping the politics and governance of hawkers in public spaces. To engage with such governance, hawkers formed associations that protested against injustice and established dialogue with municipal and town councils, impelling authorities to consider a more significant inclusion of hawking in street planning. Throughout the period, the potential and limits of hawker inclusion in post-colonial public spaces became subject to significant debate between municipal authorities, political representatives, and hawkers. As local administrations eventually deepened their commitment to support hawkers, they also expanded their regulation, signifying a cautious imperative to legitimate hawkers and influencing the logic of post-independence planned spaces.

The elusive ‘promised land’: South Africa’s rural community struggles after thirty years of democracy

This study highlights the struggles of Black South Africans in rural communities, which define inequalities and socio-economic conditions thirty years after the first democratic elections in 1994, regardless of the ANC's promise of “a better life for all.” The purpose of discussing these challenges was to explore selected areas relevant to these issues as a delimitation. A closer look at the socio-economic history of a people reveals factors and circumstances that either promote, sustain, or challenge the livelihoods of a society or community, as in South Africa, race and geographical location define social status and quality of life. Such circumstances have particularly affected Black South African rural communities, who continue to experience abject poverty and destitution. This points to a departure from the Batho Pele Principles, which aimed to focus on socio-economic development programmes. The data used was ‘desktop’ from secondary sources, reports, and policy papers deemed relevant to the study and related to the experiences and struggles of rural communities against inadequate education, sustainable livelihoods, water and sanitation, and health, among others. The study concluded that, despite the gains of democracy, more needs to be done. An Afrocentric perspective was preferred because it is suitable for conceptualising, operationalising, and understanding social human problems such as rural community struggles outside the confines of Eurocentric knowledge ‘paternalism’. An Afrocentric method was used to present the findings of the study, based on the identified subtopics.

Internal Democracy in Pakistani Religious Parties: A Comparative Analysis of Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam and Jamaat-e-Islami

Democratization is an important phenomenon in the contemporary world. An important feature of modern representative democracy is the emergence of political parties, as these are regarded indispensable for the successful working of democratic institutions. Democracy needs sound and democratic political parties. Democratic political parties ensure successful democracy in every democratic polity. Political parties are considered the lifeline of modern representative democracy and are critically significant in a democratic system. Internal Democracy plays a significant role in the democratization and institutionalization of political parties. The IPD is a broader term and is simply defined as “Rule by the party members”. Political parties must adopt and promote democratic culture in their ranks in order to encourage the participation of the masses in the political process. This research study was undertaken to investigate the concept of internal democracy in major religious political parties of Pakistan. This research work has also discussed the concept of internal democracy and its impacts on the overall quality of democracy in the country. It applies Michels’ (1911) “Iron law of oligarchy” theory to study the oligarchical and dynastical trends in political parties of Pakistan. Despite, the crucial role of political parties for strengthening democracy in the country, political parties continue to be termed as oligarchical and to be criticized on account of their internal practices. This research has primarily focused on the two major religious political parties of Pakistan including, JUI (F), and JI. This research study is qualitative. Moreover, this study is descriptive in character. The data is collected mainly through secondary sources. It has been found in this research work that, except for JI, the majority of political parties are not observing the principles of internal democracy. Political parties operate as family enterprises run by dynastical leadership and hereditary politics are in full swing in political parties of Pakistan. Political parties are highly centralized, and decisions are taken at a central level without involving the local chapters of the party.

Causes of Low Turnout of Women Voters in the General Election 2018: A Case Study in Tehsil Barikot

The research study investigates the factors contributing to the low participation of female voters in the 2018 general elections in Tehsil Barikot, District Swat,through 50 unstructured interviews with political representatives and activists. Thematic analysis reveals a variety of obstacles, including cultural barriers, lack of awareness, limited women candidates, restricted polling station access, traditional social norms, gender-based discrimination, security issues, socioeconomic constraints, and more. Despite its specific focus, the study provides valuable insights into the challenges faced by women from diverse backgrounds. Recommendations sare made to address these barriers and promote greater female electoral participation, including cultural awareness campaigns, increased women candidate representation, improved access to polling stations, political education, gender equality measures, and support initiatives.

Political Parties Hair the Democracy of 52 Former Constitutions for the 2024 Election of the DPR RI

Objectives: This research investigates the restrictions on the political rights of former convicts to become legislative candidates for the 2024 General Election. It aims to identify the root causes behind the legal and democratic challenges related to this issue. Theoretical Framework: The study draws on democratic and constitutional law theories, emphasizing the balance between safeguarding individual rights and preserving the integrity of democratic institutions. It also considers legislative theories to evaluate the implications of allowing former convicts to run for public office. Method: Using a qualitative research approach, this study analyzes secondary data, including laws, regulations, and relevant theories. It focuses on examining the legal and political context surrounding the political rights of former convicts, particularly in the 2024 elections. Results and Discussion: The findings reveal that former convicts are allowed to participate in the 2024 elections under specific conditions, raising concerns about democratic integrity and the monitoring of the nomination process. The inclusion of 52 former convicts as candidates highlights tensions between their constitutional rights and public expectations of political transparency. The study underscores the need for legal reform and clearer regulatory frameworks. Research Implications: This research suggests the necessity of stronger oversight and regulation to ensure transparency in the nomination of former convicts, with clearer enforcement mechanisms to uphold democratic standards. Originality/Value: The study contributes to debates on electoral democracy, providing insight into the balance between individual political rights and the principles of democracy in Indonesia's electoral system.

Inclusive deliberation for future-regarding governance: potentials and pitfalls

ABSTRACT Arguably, representative democracies are prone to “wrongful short-termism”. This article examines the potential of democratic deliberation to enhance future-regarding governance and to avoid wrongful short-termism. I distinguish between three different types of democratic deliberation—“Habermasian”, integrative, and inclusive—and examine their relative strengths and weaknesses in terms of future-regarding governance. I argue that specific designs for inclusive deliberation are likely to facilitate representation and consideration of future interests. This article reviews and evaluates existing institutional designs enhancing inclusive deliberation, especially deliberative mini-publics and parliamentary committees for the future, as well as proposals for randomly selected second chambers. The paper concludes that forums for inclusive deliberation have the potential to enhance consideration of future interests in representative systems and to help avoid wrongful short-termism. However, the evidence on the capacity of inclusive deliberation to enhance the empirical legitimacy of future-regarding governance in representative systems is still scarce and inconclusive.

Foreign intervention, executive corruption, and economic growth in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT This research investigates the dual impact of foreign intervention on economic growth and executive corruption in Afghanistan, spanning the years 1973 to 2022. We argue that although foreign intervention facilitated economic growth, it simultaneously encouraged executive corruption by supporting ethno-nationalist state leaders, warlords, and kleptocratic political elites and installing puppet, undemocratic, and extractive regimes. Employing external military assistance and per capita income as indicators of intervention and growth, our findings indicate that a one-unit increase in military supporters corresponded with a 2.08% rise in per capita income and a 2.26% increase in executive corruption, implying that the detrimental effects of corruption surpassed the economic benefits of foreign aid in Afghanistan. Furthermore, there was a 0.65% increase in per capita income and a 0.36% increase in corruption for every unit increase in the electoral democracy index, suggesting that elites manipulate democratic processes for their own benefit. Additionally, an increase in rebellion groups or executive corruption was associated with a 0.26% and 0.82% decrease in per capita income, respectively. This analysis underscores the complex relationship between foreign intervention, governance failures, and economic outcomes, highlighting the inefficiencies and corruptive consequences of foreign aid in Afghanistan’s development trajectory.

REIMAGINING DEMOCRACY AND ECONOMY: THE VISION OF DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR

Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar, a visionary leader and social reformer, was a staunch advocate of democracy and economic equality. This research paper examines the democratic framework of Dr Ambedkar, with a particular focus on its economic structure and underlying principles. It explores how the political ideology of Ambedkar was shaped by his commitment to social justice, equality, and economic freedom. The study delves into his belief that political democracy is incomplete without economic democracy and highlights his emphasis on equal opportunities, fair resource distribution, and the eradication of caste-based discrimination. The paper also analyses Ambedkar’s critique of hereditary systems, the role of functional opposition in parliamentary democracy, and the significance of free and fair elections in ensuring transparency and accountability. By contextualising the vision of Ambedkar within the broader framework of democratic governance, this research underscores the relevance of his vision in addressing contemporary issues of inequality, social exclusion, and economic injustice. KEYWORDS: Dr. B. R. Ambedkar; Democratic Framework; Economic Structure; Parliamentary Democracy; Social Justice; Caste and Discrimination; Inclusive Governance.

Conspiracy beliefs and democratic backsliding: Longitudinal effects of election conspiracy beliefs on criticism of democracy and support for authoritarianism during political contests

AbstractThere are widespread concerns that conspiracy theories undermine democracies. But do conspiracy beliefs increase criticism of democracy and/or support for authoritarianism? Or are antidemocratic people more likely to endorse conspiracy beliefs? To answer these important questions, we collected longitudinal data during two concurrent democratic elections—the 2020 US Presidential Election (N = 609) and the 2020 General Election in New Zealand (N = 603). Random intercept cross‐lagged panel models tested whether conspiracy beliefs affect criticism of democracy in general, as well as support for authoritarianism, and both direct and representative democracy, specifically. There was little evidence that conspiracy beliefs temporally preceded changes in attitudes toward democracy or support for any specific form of government. Instead, people who supported authoritarianism more subsequently endorsed stronger conspiracy beliefs. The results suggested that, in the context of electoral contests (e.g., elections), antidemocratic people are more likely to endorse conspiracy beliefs rather than conspiracy beliefs fostering antidemocratic views.