Segregation In Metropolitan Areas Research Articles

Household Income as a Determinant of Racial Residential Segregation in Metropolitan Areas: A Micro-level Analysis from 2000 to 2020

Household Income as a Determinant of Racial Residential Segregation in Metropolitan Areas: A Micro-level Analysis from 2000 to 2020

Business Services, Income Inequality, and Income Segregation in Metropolitan Areas: Direct and Indirect Links

This article investigates business services employment as a driver of income segregation. Theory and intuition suggest that two pathways operate simultaneously. First, business services are marked by huge internal differentiation, low union density, and individualized pay schemes, all of which raise income inequality, and, in turn, income segregation. Second, business services are subject to strong agglomeration economies, which increase the importance of the employer–employee relationship: corporations tend to locate in the vicinity of their staff, and the staff favor residential locations close to actual and potential workplaces. I test these ideas with annual data from metropolitan areas in Norway, covering the period from 1980 to 2018. I measure segregation at the census tract level, and control for education, nonemployment, immigration, age, and gender. A key finding is that business services, particularly financial activities, exert a strong influence on income inequality but also, and independent of the former effect, on income segregation. The latter impact is surprisingly strong, whereas the impact on inequality has a limited ripple potential, that is, it affects neighborhood sorting to a lesser degree than expected. A suggested explanation for the pattern is, first, that public policies reduce individual and spatial inequalities, and, second, that public policies fail to influence the organization and operation of business services.

Cancer Pain in Relation to Metropolitan Area Segregation and Nursing Home Racial and Ethnic Composition

ObjectivesTo estimate pain reporting among residents with cancer in relation to metropolitan area segregation and NH racial and ethnic composition. DesignCross-sectional study. Setting and Participants383,757 newly admitted black (B), Hispanic (H), or white (W) residents with cancer in 12,096 US NHs (2011-2013). MethodsUsing the Minimum Data Set 3.0, pain in past 5 days was determined by self-report or use of pain management. The Theil entropy index, a measure of metropolitan area segregation, was categorized [high (up to 0.20), very high (0.20-0.30), or extreme (0.30-0.53)]. ResultsPain prevalence decreased across segregation level (black: high = 77%, very high = 75%, extreme = 72%; Hispanic: high = 79%, very high = 77%, extreme = 70%; white: high = 80%, very high = 77%, extreme = 74%). In extremely segregated areas, all residents were less likely to have recorded pain [adjusted prevalence ratios: blacks, 4.6% less likely, 95% confidence interval (CI) 3.1%-6.1%; Hispanics, 6.9% less likely, 95% CI 4.2%-9.6%; whites, 7.4% less likely, 95% CI 6.5%-8.2%] than in the least segregated areas. At all segregation levels, pain was recorded more frequently for residents (black or white) in predominantly white (>80%) NHs than in mostly black (>50%) NHs or residents (Hispanic or white) in predominantly white NHs than mostly Hispanic (>50%) NHs. Conclusions and ImplicationsWe observed decreased pain recording in metropolitan areas with greater racial and ethnic segregation. This may occur through the inequitable distribution of resources between NHs, resident-provider empathy, provider implicit bias, resident trust, and other factors.

The Geography of Inequality: How Land Use Regulation Produces Segregation

Public goods in the United States are largely funded and delivered at the local level. Local public goods are valuable, but their production requires overcoming several collective action problems including coordinating supply and minimizing congestion, free-riding, and peer effects. Land use regulations, promulgated by local governments, allow communities to solve the collective action problems inherent in the provision of local public goods and maintenance of property values. A consequence of these efforts is residential segregation between cities along racial lines. I provide evidence that more stringent land use regulations are supported by whiter communities and that they preserve racial homogeneity. First, I show that cities that were whiter than their metropolitan area in 1970 are more likely to have restrictive land use patterns in 2006. Then, relying on Federal Fair Housing Act lawsuits to generate changes in land use policy, I show that restrictive land use helps to explain metropolitan area segregation patterns over time. Finally, I draw on precinct level initiative elections from several California cities to show that whiter neighborhoods are more supportive of restricting development. These results strongly suggest that even facially race-neutral land use policies have contributed to racial segregation.

The Great Migration and Residential Segregation in American Cities during the Twentieth Century.

The Great Migration from the South and the rise of racial residential segregation strongly shaped the twentieth-century experience of African Americans. Yet, little attention has been devoted to how the two phenomena were linked, especially with respect to the individual experiences of the migrants. We address this gap by using novel data that links individual records from the complete-count 1940 Census to those in the 2000 Census long form, in conjunction with information about the level of racial residential segregation in metropolitan areas in 1940 and 2000. We first consider whether migrants from the South and their children experienced higher or lower levels of segregation in 1940 relative to their counterparts who were born in the North or who remained in the South. Next, we extend our analysis to second-generation Great Migration migrants and their segregation outcomes by observing their location in 2000. Additionally, we assess whether second-generation migrants experience larger decreases in their exposure to segregation as their socioeconomic status increases relative to their southern and/or northern stayer counterparts. Our study significantly advances our understanding of the Great Migration and the "segregated century."

Does segregation matter for Latinos?

We estimate the effects of residential racial segregation on socio-economic outcomes for native-born Latino young adults over the past three decades. Using individual public use micro-data samples from the Census and a novel instrumental variable, we find that higher levels of metropolitan area segregation have negative effects on Latino young adults’ likelihood of being either employed or in school, on the likelihood of working in a professional occupation, and on income. The negative effects of segregation are somewhat larger for Latinos than for African Americans. Controlling for Latino and white exposure to neighborhood poverty, neighbors with college degrees, and industries that saw large increases in high-skill employment explains between one half and two thirds of the association between Latino-white segregation and Latino-white gaps in outcomes.

Race/Ethnicity, Socioeconomic Status, Residential Segregation, and Spatial Variation in Noise Exposure in the Contiguous United States.

Background:Prior research has reported disparities in environmental exposures in the United States, but, to our knowledge, no nationwide studies have assessed inequality in noise pollution.Objectives:We aimed to a) assess racial/ethnic and socioeconomic inequalities in noise pollution in the contiguous United States; and b) consider the modifying role of metropolitan level racial residential segregation.Methods:We used a geospatial sound model to estimate census block group–level median () nighttime and daytime noise exposure and 90th percentile () daytime noise exposure. Block group variables from the 2006–2010 American Community Survey (ACS) included race/ethnicity, education, income, poverty, unemployment, homeownership, and linguistic isolation. We estimated associations using polynomial terms in spatial error models adjusted for total population and population density. We also evaluated the relationship between race/ethnicity and noise, stratified by levels of metropolitan area racial residential segregation, classified using a multigroup dissimilarity index.Results:Generally, estimated nighttime and daytime noise levels were higher for census block groups with higher proportions of nonwhite and lower-socioeconomic status (SES) residents. For example, estimated nighttime noise levels in urban block groups with 75% vs. 0% black residents were 46.3 A-weighted decibels (dBA) [interquartile range (IQR): ] and (IQR: ), respectively. In urban block groups with 50% vs. 0% of residents living below poverty, estimated nighttime noise levels were (IQR: ) and (IQR: ), respectively. Block groups with the highest metropolitan area segregation had the highest estimated noise exposures, regardless of racial composition. Results were generally consistent between urban and suburban/rural census block groups, and for daytime and nighttime noise and robust to different spatial weight and neighbor definitions.Conclusions:We found evidence of racial/ethnic and socioeconomic differences in model-based estimates of noise exposure throughout the United States. Additional research is needed to determine if differences in noise exposure may contribute to health disparities in the United States. https://doi.org/10.1289/EHP898

Temporal dynamics of racial segregation in the United States: An analysis of household residential mobility

ABSTRACTThis is the first study of temporal segregation dynamics based on the full analysis of household residential mobility, including non-moves and intra- and inter-neighborhood moves in the United States over the last four decades (1971–2009). Analysis results demonstrate the decreases in both white flight and white avoidance over time. Whites stayed shorter in black-white neighborhoods than in predominantly white neighborhoods until 1990, but this has been no longer significant during the past two decades. The tendency that whites are less likely to move to racially homogeneous neighborhoods than moving within or across racially mixed neighborhoods was significant only after 1990. These two results explain the aggregate-level segregation trend that black-white neighborhoods have experienced the most significant drop in the probability of transitioning into racially homogeneous neighborhoods and that the share of racially mixed neighborhoods has significantly increased over time. Analysis results further suggest that increasing racial diversity and the reduction in racial segregation in metropolitan areas have likely contributed to changes in whites’ residential mobility.

Socioeconomic Segregation in Large Cities in France and the United States.

Past cross-national comparisons of socioeconomic segregation have been undercut by lack of comparability in measures, data, and concepts. Using IRIS data from the French Census of 2008 and the French Ministry of Finance as well as tract data from the American Community Survey (2006-2010) and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Picture of Subsidized Households, and constructing measures to be as similar as possible, we compare socioeconomic segregation in metropolitan areas with a population of more than 1 million in France and the United States. We find much higher socioeconomic segregation in large metropolitan areas in the United States than in France. We also find (1) a strong pattern of low-income neighborhoods in central cities and high-income neighborhoods in suburbs in the United States, but varying patterns across metropolitan areas in France; (2) that high-income persons are the most segregated group in both countries; (3) that the shares of neighborhood income differences that can be explained by neighborhood racial/ethnic composition are similar in France and the United States; and (4) that government-assisted housing is disproportionately located in the poorest neighborhoods in the United States but is spread across many neighborhood income levels in France. We conclude that differences in government provision of housing assistance and levels of income inequality are likely important contributing factors to the Franco-U.S. difference in socioeconomic segregation.

Desvinculado y Desigual

Despite the high levels of metropolitan-area segregation that Latinos experience, there is a lack of research examining the effects of segregation on Latino socioeconomic outcomes and whether those effects differ from the negative effects documented for African Americans. We find that segregation is consistently associated with lower levels of educational attainment and labor market success for both African American and Latino young adults compared with whites, with associations of similar magnitudes for both groups. One mechanism through which segregation may influence outcomes is the difference in the levels of neighborhood human capital to which whites, Latinos, and African Americans are exposed. We find that higher levels of segregation are associated with lower black and Latino neighborhood exposure to residents with college degrees, relative to whites. We also find support for other commonly discussed mechanisms, such as exposure to neighborhood violent crime and the relative proficiency of the closest public school.

The Fragmentation of Metropolitan Public School Districts and the Segregation of American Schools: A Longitudinal Analysis

Context Scholars have increasingly raised concerns about the “fragmentation” or proliferation of metropolitan public school districts, citing the potential for fragmentation to facilitate racial/ethnic segregation by permitting individuals to sort more efficiently across district boundaries. In addition, scholars have expressed particular concern about the rapid growth of charter districts and their potential to exacerbate segregation. Purpose of Study In this study, we provide initial evidence on the effect of public school district fragmentation on the trajectory of racial/ethnic segregation in metropolitan areas, attending to the differential effects of regular school district fragmentation as well as charter district fragmentation. Research Design Using NCES Common Core data for the 2002–2010 school years, we computed measures of regular public school district fragmentation and charter district fragmentation as well as nine measures of racial/ethnic segregation for all 366 U.S. metropolitan areas (3 geographic x 3 racial/ethnic decompositions). We then estimated a series of multilevel longitudinal models predicting change in each measure of segregation as a function of regular and charter school district fragmentation. Results We found that school district fragmentation is unrelated to the overall level of segregation in a metropolitan area. More fragmented metropolitan areas have higher levels of segregation across districts than less fragmented metropolitan areas; however, they have lower levels of segregation within districts and equivalent levels of total metropolitan segregation. Likewise, school district fragmentation was not associated with worsening segregation over time or with attenuation of the secular trend toward declining segregation. More fragmented metropolitan areas had smaller declines in between-district segregation over the study period than less fragmented metropolitan areas; however, they had equivalent declines in within-district and total metropolitan segregation. In addition, charter district fragmentation was unrelated to the level or trajectory of school segregation in a metropolitan area. Conclusions Our results provide a somewhat more sanguine assessment of school district fragmentation than previous research. We found that the fragmentation of regular public school districts serves to shift the geographic scale of segregation from within districts to between districts; however, fragmentation does not exacerbate metropolitan racial/ethnic segregation. In addition, despite the rapid growth of charter districts, we find no evidence that charter district fragmentation has worsened overall metropolitan racial/ethnic segregation. Moreover, metropolitan areas are not experiencing the “fragmentation” of their traditional public school districts; rather, traditional school districts are consolidating despite increasing enrollment.

Does residential segregation help or hurt? Exploring differences in the relationship between segregation and health among U.S. Hispanics by nativity and ethnic subgroup

In order to unpack whether and how self-rated health of Hispanics is linked to residential segregation from non-Hispanic whites, this study employs multi-level analysis combining data from the 1997–2002 National Survey of America's Families (n=16,753 Hispanic respondents across 82 metropolitan areas) with metropolitan area segregation scores derived from restricted-use Census 2000 data. Separate analyses by nativity (U.S.-born vs. foreign-born Hispanics) and ethnic subgroup (comparing Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans) are also conducted. Net of individual-level controls, findings reveal a small significant negative effect of segregation on health for all Hispanics and for Mexicans in the sample. Nativity does not have a significant interaction effect. Evidence of a positive segregation/health link is found for Cubans, challenging the assumption that segregation is always bad for minority health. This research highlights the value of multi-level analysis in examining segregation as a social determinant of health, and reveals key Hispanic subgroup differences.

The Role of Residential Segregation in Contemporary School Segregation

Inaction to address housing segregation in metropolitan areas has resulted in persistently high levels of residential segregation. As the Supreme Court has recently limited school districts’ voluntary integration efforts, this article considers the role of residential segregation in maintaining racially isolated schools, namely what is known about the reciprocal relationship between housing and schooling segregation patterns. In addition, it examines the residential and school segregation indices in the largest metropolitan areas since 2000, comparing relationships between the extent of school and residential patterns and changes in each over time. Finally, I consider the legal and policy options for how residential integration efforts might affect school segregation.

Black–White and Hispanic–White Segregation in U.S. Counties

Residential segregation in metropolitan areas has been the subject of much research, but this article analyzes patterns of white–black and white–Hispanic segregation in counties across the United States. Our purpose was to understand county variations in this one dimension of inequality. Conceiving of segregation as relative inequality of access to neighborhood resources, we measured segregation in 2000 by the index of dissimilarity (D) calculated by blocks, mapped the index values, and correlated them with census variables. Three filters enabled us to eliminate counties with characteristics that could have corrupted the analyses, leaving us with more than 1,000 counties in each analysis. Both minority groups were less segregated from whites in the West and South and in metropolitan counties. Lower segregation was strongly associated with higher minority socioeconomic status and higher percentages of minorities living in housing built in the 1990s, and Hispanic–white segregation was lower where more Hispanics were U.S.-born or English proficient. The racial threat hypothesis was supported only weakly and inconsistently. Mapping made it possible to identify regional and local patterns of high and low segregation as well as the lower segregation of suburban counties in some large metropolitan areas.

Residential Segregation, Nativity Status, and Hispanic Living Arrangements in Later Life

This study examined the relationship between residential segregation in metropolitan areas and the living arrangements of middle-aged and older Hispanics. We specifically considered whether the relationship between residential segregation and living arrangements was different depending on nativity status. This study also explored whether measures of assimilation were related to living arrangements. Using data from the 2000 Census Public-Use Microdata Sample (5 %), our multilevel logistic regression models showed that residing in metropolitan areas with higher residential segregation indexes of evenness, isolation, and clustering was related to an increased likelihood of living in a co-resident household versus an independent household. We discovered that the relationship was in the same direction for US-born and foreign-born Hispanics but the relationship was stronger for US-born Hispanics. Finally, we found that as assimilation increased, so did the likelihood of living independently and that persons living in the ten largest immigrant gateway cities were most likely to co-reside as compared to live independently. These results underscored the importance of developing theoretic models of ethnic group living arrangements that include characteristics of both individuals and the community.

Racial Enclaves and Density Zoning: The Institutionalized Segregation of Racial Minorities in the United States

This paper attempts to explain two basic facts of segregation in the United States in recent decades. The segregation of blacks remains everywhere higher than the segregation of Latinos and Asians, but the levels are converging. Previous research stresses things like urban form and racial preferences. This paper finds that none of these are as important as a more institutional force: local land regulation. Zoning increases inter-jurisdictional inequality and economic segregation in metropolitan areas (MSAs), and it curtails the exit of minority groups from segregated communities by limiting the supply of affordable housing in integrated areas. Using two data sets of land regulations for the largest U.S. metropolitan areas, the results indicate that anti-density regulations are responsible for large portions of the levels and changes in segregation from 1990 to 2000. A hypothetical switch in zoning regimes from the most exclusionary to the most liberal would reduce the equilibrium gap between the most and least segregated MSAs by at least 35% for the OLS estimates. The level effects are robust to a variety of variables, but for Latinos and Asians, the effect can be explained by historical characteristics that are correlated and, in theory, should cause stricter zoning laws. The dynamic results are even more robust across racial groups. The use of an exogenous source of zoning — year of statehood — as an instrument makes the dynamic effect very large and provides some evidence of potential causality. In addition to zoning, Tiebout-style sorting incentives, and relative income differences are strong predictors of segregation, with the latter explaining roughly half the variation.

Race and space in the 1990s: Changes in the geographic scale of racial residential segregation, 1990–2000

We use newly developed methods of measuring spatial segregation across a range of spatial scales to assess changes in racial residential segregation patterns in the 100 largest U.S. metropolitan areas from 1990 to 2000. Our results point to three notable trends in segregation from 1990 to 2000: (1) Hispanic-white and Asian-white segregation levels increased at both micro- and macro-scales; (2) black-white segregation declined at a micro-scale, but was unchanged at a macro-scale; and (3) for all three racial groups and for almost all metropolitan areas, macro-scale segregation accounted for more of the total metropolitan area segregation in 2000 than in 1990. Our examination of the variation in these trends among the metropolitan areas suggests that Hispanic-white and Asian-white segregation changes have been driven largely by increases in macro-scale segregation resulting from the rapid growth of the Hispanic and Asian populations in central cities. The changes in black-white segregation, in contrast, appear to be driven by the continuation of a 30-year trend in declining micro-segregation, coupled with persistent and largely stable patterns of macro-segregation.

Conservative Protestant Congregations and Racial Residential Segregation: Evaluating the Closed Community Thesis in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Counties

Structural explanations of residential segregation usually focus on the role of discrimination in the real estate and mortgage lending industries in generating blackwhite residential segregation in metropolitan areas. However, these explanations overlook the role of social institutions in integrating or isolating groups in a community. To address this issue, I develop the closed community thesis and argue that the theological and value orientation of white Conservative Protestant congregations undermines the creation of bridging group ties. Drawing on county-level data from the 2000 Census of Population and Housing and the 2000 Churches and Church Congregations data, I test the hypothesis that the number of Conservative Protestant congregations per 1,000 non-Hispanic whites is directly associated with levels of residential segregation between non-Hispanic blacks and whites. I find that counties with a large number of Conservative Protestant congregations exhibit higher levels of residential segregation along multiple dimensions. Separate models estimated by metropolitan status and region indicate that the effect of Conservative Protestant congregations is consistent across a variety of localities. I conclude by discussing the theoretical implications of the role of religion in explanations of residential segregation and the analysis of segregation outside of metropolitan areas.

Multiple Meanings of Minority Concentration: Incorporating Contextual Explanations into the Analysis of Individual-Level U.S. Black Mortality Outcomes

Prior research on mortality for U.S. blacks focuses on the detrimental effects of minority concentration and residential segregation in metropolitan areas on health outcomes. To date, few studies have examined this relationship outside of large U.S. central cities. In this paper, we extend current research on the minority concentration and mortality relationship to explain the rural advantage in mortality for nonmetropolitan blacks. Using data from the 1986–1994 linked National Health Interview Survey/National Death Index, we examine the rural-urban gap in mortality for U.S. blacks. Our findings indicate that blacks in nonmetropolitan areas experience a lower risk of mortality than metropolitan central city blacks after indicators of socio-economic and health status are controlled. Our findings also point to the importance of accounting for contextual factors. Net of individual level controls, minority concentration exerts differential effects across metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas, such that nonmetropolitan black residents experience a lower risk of mortality in high minority concentration areas than blacks in metropolitan central city areas. This finding suggests a reconceptualization of the meaning for minority concentration with respect to studies of health outcomes in nonmetropolitan communities.

Public School Segregation in Metropolitan Areas

This paper presents measures of segregation in public schools for metropolitan areas. It shows that, not only are metropolitan areas very segregated, most of that segregation is due to racial disparities between districts rather than segregative patterns within districts. Metropolitan areas in the South and West tend to have larger districts, and thus feature less fragmentation by school district. Segregation at the metropolitan level appears to vary systematically with size, racial mix, and region. Because larger metropolitan areas tend to have more jurisdictions and exhibit greater differences in racial composition among jurisdictions, measured segregation rises with size, as measured by school enrollment