Security Interests Research Articles

Understanding China’s Grand Strategy Through the Belt and Road Initiative

China’s transition from a country striving for self-reliance in the 1950s to the world’s dominant power in 2020 is remarkable. The economic and foreign policies it followed during various phases of development helped the country to achieve the targets and goals that it set up for itself. The ambitious Belt and Road Initiative by President Xi Jinping to rebuild old Silk routes and to build new connectivity projects containing road, rail and sea transport corridors include in China’s Grand Strategy. That is to achieve self-sufficiency of up to 70% in advanced technology sectors by 2025 and to reach a preeminent position in the world by 2049. This includes protecting security interests as well as the flow of energy resources required for a steady progress. The article provides an overview of China’s progress and plans from Mao’s regime to Xi Jinping’s presidentship. In the process, it explains China’s changed priorities, interests and how foreign policy also changed according to the changing economic policies.

The Gulf States’ Pragmatism in Afghanistan

Having shed their initial reluctance to build more visible ties with the Taliban beyond the circumscribed arenas of conflict resolution or humanitarian aid, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar are seeking to leverage relations with the group to advance their long-term security and geo-economic interests. By contrast, Saudi Arabia, the largest of the Gulf Arab states, is holding back owing to the reputational damage it suffered in the aftermath of 9/11 and from its more recent effort to downplay its legacy as the global protector of Islamist causes. Whereas Riyadh runs the risk of being overtaken by its regional competitors in the race for geo-economic influence in Afghanistan and Central Asia, the UAE and Qatar face the prospect of prematurely engaging the Taliban when its security and governance challenges remain unresolved.

(Dis)embedding humanitarianism: Trajectories of subordination and subversion within migrant-serving NGOs

A broad body of scholarship has examined how states and intergovernmental organizations like UNHCR and the IOM mobilize discourses of humanitarianism and political neutrality to legitimize and depoliticize “migration management,” which is imagined as an orderly, economically productive, and humane endeavor that is in line with state security interests, prevailing growth and development objectives, and human rights norms. The article contributes to more recent work that has tended to frame smaller grassroots humanitarian organizations as either subversive or subordinated to migration management. We engage with long-standing conversations in economic geography and related social science disciplines to consider embeddedness as a conceptual framework that highlights the spatial and temporal nuances of how migrant-serving NGOs negotiate intersecting moral, legal, and political interests. We suggest that conceptualizing embeddedness as a spatio-temporal process nuances recent conversations regarding the ambiguous role of NGOs as either subordinated or subversive relative to migration management. Approaching (dis)embeddeding as a dynamic relational process, we argue, provides a framework for understanding how NGOs simultaneously align with and contest the interests of migration management amid shifting social, economic, and political conditions.

REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP: REGULATION OF FOREIGN TRADE

The world's largest free trade area in terms of GDP and population – the Comprehensive Regional Economic Partnership (CEP) – has been operating since January 2022. It includes 15 countries of the Asia-Pacific region: China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, all ASEAN countries, Australia and New Zealand. The main agreements within the framework of the VREP relate to the liberalization of foreign trade in goods with the prospect of liberalizing the services market, mutual investments and labor market regulation. The VREP maintains import tariffs in trade between member countries for 20 years. The exception is Singapore, where there are no import duties. The agreement details the procedures for determining the origin of the goods. It provides for an acceleration in the rate of tariff reduction and a departure to previously reached agreements in the case if the existing level threatens the interests of the national economy. The article considers the specifics of regulating tariff policy in the trade of fuel, ferrous metals and clothing, as well as import tariffs on basic foodstuff (cereals and meat) for the most densely populated countries of the European Economic Area. It is noted that import tariffs are absent or reduced for raw materials (coal, oil), but remain the same for manufacturing products (petroleum products, rolled products and ferroalloys). In terms of clothing, both developing and developed countries defend certain positions. There are positions on food (rice, chicken meat) protected by most member countries. The author notes that the interests of food security are more important than the requirements of trade liberalization.

Exploiting the “white coal” of the Pasvik River. Negotiating corporate and national interests in the border region during the German occupation of Norway

ABSTRACT The history of the Pasvik River, demarcating Norway’s border with Russia in the north is inextricably linked with issues of security and national interests on the one side, and exploitation of natural resources and business interests on the other. This applies not least to the war years, as German warfare in Europe increased the value of the hydropower and the strategic metals of the border region. Drawing on sources from the archives of the mining company AS Sydvaranger and Norwegian state administration, this article traces the negotiations on hydropower exploitation in the Pasvik River throughout the Second World War focusing on Norwegian key actors, and analyses Norwegian national and corporative interests and strategies in the border area during the German dominance in the region.

ZnO based ultrasensitive CO chemiresistive gas sensor

The detection of hazardous gases in the atmosphere is a topic of interest for public security, environmental pollution and industrial emission. In recent years, semiconductor-based gas sensor attracted wide attention in all over the world. Among various hazardous gases, detection of CO at low temperature with fast response and recovery time is still a challenge. In this work, we have adopted single step synthesis of zinc oxide (ZnO) nanoroads for the fabrication of CO gas sensor. This sensor is found to have ∼8% sensitivity with fast response time of the order of 10 s at 50 °C. Also, selectivity of sensor has been investigated for different gases and observed that ZnO is more active for CO gas at 50 °C. The sensitivity of ZnO based sensor is explained in terms of interaction of CO molecules with adsorbed oxygen vacancies in ZnO which promote better pathway to the charge carrier. The sensing material is characterized by x-ray diffraction (XRD), UV–vis spectroscopy and scanning electron microscopy (SEM). To the best of our knowledge, the detection of 15 ppm CO at 50 ºC with good sensitivity is reported first time.

Treaty legalization, security interests, and ratification of multilateral disarmament treaties

Multilateral treaties are essential for the effectiveness of global disarmament efforts. Ratification delays have deep repercussions on international cooperation for disarmament. Yet what determines their duration? In this paper, we offer the first comprehensive study of multilateral disarmament treaty ratification, covering the period between 1976 and 2020. We test the effects of treaty legalization and a country's security situation on the ratification duration. States are slower to join treaties with a high degree of obligation, but faster to join treaties with high degrees of precision and delegation. Engagement in inter-state rivalries slows down ratification. In contrast, we find only statistically weak evidence that alliance embeddedness accelerates it.

Green public procurement of pharmaceuticals as a regulatory response to antimicrobial resistance and its compatibility with the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement

AbstractThis article examines the compatibility of production‐related environmental criteria in green public procurement with international trade law, specifically the World Trade Organization's Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA). In response to the global health and environmental challenge of antimicrobial resistance (AMR), such measures offer extraterritorial regulation by pharmaceutical purchasing countries where domestic regulation is not forthcoming in pharmaceutical producing countries. The article finds that such green public procurement measures may be compatible with the GPA. The general exceptions of the GPA can be invoked to overcome the potential non‐adherence of these measures to the principle of non‐discrimination between like products (in this case pharmaceuticals) from different importing countries. The provisions of the GPA relating to technical specifications and tender documentation accommodate such green public procurement measures. The provisions relating to conditions for participation in tenders for a public procurement contract and the award criteria for choosing the bidder to whom the contract should be awarded are silent in respect of environmental considerations. However, this may change with the development of domestic regulation on antibiotic effluent and an expansive reading of the term ‘public interest’ in the GPA. For now, international trade law continues to adopt a limited, accommodationist approach towards non‐trade objectives. This approach must be abandoned given the grave implications of failure to address the adverse impacts of global challenges such as AMR. At the same time, compatibility between green public procurement measures and the GPA cannot be taken for granted. The growing interest in domestic or regional drug security, especially in the wake of the COVID‐19 pandemic, may expand the geographical range of pharmaceutical manufacturers, with the possibility that such measures, originally intended to achieve non‐trade objectives, restrict trade.

Новая веха в гражданском судопроизводстве с участием иностранных лиц в КНР

Recently, due to the active transformation of the economic and social structure, the number of civil disputes complicated by a foreign element being considered in the courts of China has increased dramatically. According to statistics, participants in such disputes are representatives from more than 100 countries around the world. The current rules of civil procedure governing proceedings involving foreign persons in China no longer fully meet the needs for fair, effective and convenient resolution of international civil disputes, as well as for the protection of national sovereignty, security and development interests, which makes it necessary to review and improve them.

THE ESSENCE AND PECULIARITIES OF THE CONTENT OF PROFESSIONAL COMPETENCE OF OFFICERS – SPECIALISTS IN THE ORGANIZATION OF INTELLIGENCE AND INFORMATION WORK

The professional competence of officers – specialists in the organization of intelligence and information work – is a set of knowledge, skills, abilities and personal qualities that allow them to effectively perform tasks of collecting, analyzing and processing information in the interests of security and protection of national interests. This competence consists of various components that cover technical, social and psychological aspects. The structure of professional competence of officers in the field of intelligence and information work should include technical knowledge, analytical skills, communication skills, leadership skills and ethical standards.The formation of all components of the professional competence of future officers – specialists in the organization of intelligence and information work involves high-quality professional training in higher military educational institutions, taking into account the requirements of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine to the content of educational and professional programs and the requirements of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine in terms of the general level of training of officers.171 № 1(36)2024The structure of professional competence takes into account various aspects and requirements related to the professional competence of officers in the field of intelligence and information work. At the same time, under the legal regime of martial law, the scope of functions assigned to officers of this specialty is significantly increasing, as military functions have been actualized, in particular, planning, organizing and conducting the main types of combined arms battle, organizing the main types of combat support of the unit, countering the enemy in the case of attacks or sabotage, use of firepower available to reconnaissance units, support of servicemen’s vital functions in autonomous conditions in various physical and geographical conditions during combat missions, etc.The effective formation of professional competence to future officers – specialists in the organization of intelligence and information work in higher military educational institutions involves taking into account a number of organizational and pedagogical conditions that cover aspects of content, practical activities, exchange of experience and involvement in research.

Interrogating the Health - Foreign Policy Nexus: The Nigerian Experience

The health-foreign policy nexus is explored in this article through a case study of Nigeria that interrogates the motivation for health diplomacy and demonstrates the institutions and mechanisms for its conduct. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how Nigeria, since attaining independence in 1960 has attached importance to utilising health as an instrument for promoting foreign policy. The article utilizes the primary and secondary methods of data collection. The primary data were obtained from oral interviews and daily newspaper reports. It further draws upon materials from the WHO Archives in Geneva and National Archives, Ibadan. Secondary data were sourced from books, journal articles, government publications and the internet. The data generated were analysed using descriptive and content analysis. The article concludes that the Nigerian experience reveals the linkages between health and foreign policy. Health engagements in the form of aid, assistance and cooperation are used as a form of soft power that fulfils domestic and foreign policy goals, including security, economic growth and other interests However, institutional pluralism, divided responsibilities and non-professionalisation of health diplomats have marred the conduct of Nigeria's health diplomacy.

Russia-NATO and Ukraine-NATO relations: from “a new quality” to “a shattered peace”

Political and legal foundations of the relations between Russia and Ukraine with NATO are examined in a comparative manner. The basic documents for interaction were studied in detail: Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation and Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Ukraine.An analysis of statements by offi cials of the USA, NATO, Russia and Ukraine in connection with Russian special military operation in Ukraine is provided. NATO continues its provocative policy of expansion unwinding a spiral of militarization and aggravation of geopolitical tensions in order to achieve superiority. The notorious “open door” doctrine has become so ossifi ed and hardened in its immutability that there is no reason to expect any changes, corrections or simply rethinking of its consequences for the security interests of NATO itself, its members and invitees. A stream of spells and predictable ritual statements, which do not contain the slightest element of novelty, is pouring out from Brussels. Moscow’s view on this is also well known and opposite to NATO’s one: the origin of the current deepest security crisis in the Euro-Atlantics was the destructive policy of the collective West thoroughly saturated with anti-Russian approaches and completely negating the proposals and initiatives that Russia had put forward as a possible solution to existing problems. The naked double standards and rough actions of NATO countries in Eurasia and other regions of the world testify to their desire, through the so-called controlled chaos and suff ering of millions of people, to prevent the establishment of a just multipolar world order implanting in its place a fl awed “rules-based order.” The architects of a unipolar world will be disappointed: hegemony led by the United States is impossible since there are Russia, China and India on the Eurasian continent. American elites cannot help but understand that they live in a country isolated by two oceans, the history of which is far shorter than Russian, Chinese and Indian which stretch back thousands of years.

The Legislative Framework of Anti-terrorism and Fundamental Rights in India

The legislative framework governing anti-terrorism measures in India has faced substantial scrutiny regarding its compatibility with fundamental rights enshrined in the country's constitution. This paper aims to elucidate the intricate interplay between anti-terrorism laws and fundamental rights, highlighting the complexities inherent in balancing national security imperatives with individual liberties. The paper further outlines the evolution of anti-terrorism legislation in India, such as the enactment of key laws such as the Terrorism and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) 1987, the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) 2002, and the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) 1967. Fundamental rights are the cornerstone of India's democratic ethos, safeguarding the dignity and freedom of its citizens. By guaranteeing the right to life and personal liberty, freedom of speech and expression, and the right to privacy, the Constitution empowers individuals to participate actively in democratic processes, voice dissent, and hold the government accountable. These rights are not absolute but are subject to reasonable restrictions in the interest of public order, morality, and national security. Despite their crucial importance, fundamental rights often find themselves at odds with the exigencies of national security, particularly in the context of anti-terrorism laws. The paper provides a comprehensive overview of the constitutional bedrock of fundamental rights in India and highlight the tension between anti-terrorism laws and these rights, highlighting the importance of maintaining a delicate balance in upholding democratic principles.

Позиции России и США по вопросам ядерной безопасности и перспективы новых договоренностей

In the modern complex system of international relations, in a situation of escalating confrontation between Russia and the United States, increasing tension in relations between Western countries and the "Global South", arms control, primarily nuclear, as well as non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, continues to be one of the most important areas of Russian foreign and defense policy. The Russian Federation pays priority attention to strengthening and developing the system of international treaties in the fields of strategic security and arms control. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to consider the prospects for one of the key aspects of the Russian-American agreements - nuclear arms control and the achievement of sustainable strategic stability. This led to the active use of such methods as analysis and synthesis of data on the current state of nuclear strategic security, a historical approach that identifies the previous context of agreements, as well as a comparative analysis focused on comparing the basic approaches, interests, goals and priorities of the Russian and American sides. Based on foreign policy imperatives, including consolidating Russia's role as a guarantor of international stability and arms control, the authors propose a non-standard scenario for restoring the viability of the key START Treaty of 2010. The article suggests the outlines of possible concrete solutions and potential elements of agreements that can become the basic topic for the resumption of bilateral consultations on strategic stability and an integral part of the new agreement. The authors conclude that reaching mutually acceptable agreements on this topical issue will have a positive impact on reducing the military threat and reducing the risks of unleashing a nuclear conflict, which meets the strategic interests of Russian national security and global stability.

Trade Sanctions against Russia and their WTO Consistency: Focusing on Justification under National Security Exceptions

Abstract In the wake of Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, around 40 countries/economies, including G7 members, responded to impose a wide range of economic, including trade-related, sanctions on Russia. The question immediately arises as to whether such sanctions violate the WTO agreements or are justified under the relevant national security exceptions. After introducing the material facts of the economic sanctions against Russia as well as the development of WTO jurisprudence on national security exceptions – particularly Article XXI(b)(iii) of the GATT –, this article goes on to analyse the WTO consistency of these trade sanctions against Russia, on a country-by-country and a measure-by-measure basis. From the standpoint of the “war or other emergency in international relations” and “its essential security interests” requirements, countries are categorised according to their geographic proximity and relationship (e.g., military alliances, customs unions, etc) to the belligerents, while measures are categorised by their nature and aim from the standpoint of the “necessary to protect” requirement.

Reforming the common security and defense policy in the long term, considering the threat from Russia

This article analyzes the need to reform the Common Security and Defense Policy of the European Union in the long term, with a particular focus on the threat, posed by the russian federation. The growth of russia's aggressiveness and foreign policy ambitions creates the need to strengthen and adapt the security and defense policy of the European Union. A number of decisions, adopted by the European Union as a countermeasure to russian aggression against Ukraine, are analyzed. The article also examines the reasons that led to the need for institutional reform and key aspects of it, including the strengthening of the Union's military capabilities, the development of the cyber security sector and the expansion of cyber defense infrastructure, ensuring an increase in joint financing of the defense sector and cooperation with strategic partners. The importance and necessity of political unity and joint action among the member states of the European Union, strengthening of defense capabilities, defense cooperation, improvement of crisis management mechanisms and provision of mutual assistance between member states for effective response to threats from russia were emphasized. The article calls for intensive cooperation and coordination between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, as well as for strengthening external partnerships with countries that share common values and have common security interests in the implementation of joint projects and programs in the field of security and defense to ensure stability and security in the region. Reforming the Common Security and Defense Policy is a key factor in ensuring Europe's collective security in the medium and long term, taking into account the needs and challenges of the modern geopolitical environment, and through joint action, the European Union can act as a united front in security solutions and international cooperation

Decoupling in hybrid arrangements: Insights from the Australian defence industry

AbstractThe Australian Industry Capability (AIC) program presents an example of hybridity where national security interests are served through a complex partnership between the Department of Defence, global prime contractors, and small and medium‐sized Australian companies. Through a qualitative interview study of stakeholders in the defence industry by and triangulating findings from publicly available defence industry documents, this study aims to document the decoupling associated with the AIC program. We find that complexity and opacity, stemming from hybridity, create decoupling in the implementation of the AIC program. We also find that a lack of accountability and monitoring contributes to decoupling. We advance the literature on hybridity into the context of multi‐organisational arrangements in a unique industry and identify how decoupling can impede the achievement of policy objectives in the context of complex hybrid arrangements.Points for practitioners The Australian Industry Capability (AIC) program represents a case of complex hybrid arrangement in public sector management involving the defence industry. Hybridity of AIC arrangements creates challenges of complexity and opacity, creating conditions that give rise to decoupling. Lack of accountability and monitoring exacerbates these challenges. Potential for coupling is identified with recommendations provided.

Reading China's Global Security Initiative Through an International Legal Lens

Closely related to China's response to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the Global Security Initiative (‘GSI’) has attracted attention to its vision on the current international legal order. This essay examines three major themes of the GSI through an international legal lens: common security, sovereign equality and the amorphous idea of ‘legitimate security interest’. Firstly, it highlights the risk that the notion of common security and the related emphasis on ‘major countries’ relationship in the GSI could be abused to justify state oppression of domestic population or major countries’ domination over ‘minor countries’ and proposes a reading to limit these concepts to promoting peace-making efforts led by states, particularly ‘major countries’, with cascading effects on other countries in conflicts. Secondly, it argues that the GSI's re-emphasis on sovereign equality usefully counters unilateralism and should be interpreted not retrospectively to avoid accountability but prospectively to combat impunity for serious violations of international law. Thirdly, it argues that while the notion of legitimate security interest may be irrelevant to the prohibition of the use of force in international relations, it could be a useful consideration in discharging states’ obligation to settle international disputes peacefully.

Is international cooperation effective in combating terrorism? Evidence from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

ABSTRACT Previous studies have theoretically demonstrated that international counter-terrorism cooperation can effectively combat terrorism and maintain regional stability and development. However, due to the limited availability of data, most studies lack empirical analysis. We employ differences-in-differences models to investigate whether the counter-terrorism cooperation actions of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can effectively inhibit the development of terrorism in member countries. We find that after the official launch of the Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the number of terrorist activities in member countries decreased by 59.8% compared to other Belt and Road countries, and the number of casualties caused by terrorist activities decreased by 42.7%. Mechanism tests show that the breeding ground for terrorism can be eradicated by improving political governance and promoting economic development in member countries. In the context of counter-terrorism, apart from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union contribute to the reduction of terrorist attacks among their member states. We believe that by seeking international counter-terrorism cooperation based on common security interests, and actively utilizing a flexible and diverse range of counter-terrorism measures, we can curb the development of terrorism.

System for evaluating medical technologies in military healthcare

Modern challenges and threats, as well as unprecedented sanctions pressure on the Russian Federation, have contributed to the intensification of research both on the development of innovative medical technologies and on expanding the range of use of existing ones. At the same time, on the one hand, there is an increase in incoming proposals for the use of various medical technologies in military healthcare, and on the other hand, the need to ensure accessibility and improve the quality of medical care for military personnel and other cate- gories of assigned contingents is rapidly increasing. At the same time, in con- ditions of limited resources, the level of requirements for justifying the need to introduce one or another medical technology into the activities of military medical organizations and other medical units of the Armed Forces of the Rus- sian Federation naturally increases. All this predetermines the relevance of the development of a departmental system for assessing medical technologies for effective information support for making rational management decisions. The study examined the main directions of development of the medical tech- nology assessment system in military healthcare. In particular, goals and objectives are defined, the main aspects and possible forms of organizing a departmental system for assessing medical technologies are substantiated. The main elements of the basic model for assessing medical technologies in military healthcare are identified. In addition, the characteristics of the in- formation system for assessing medical technologies in military healthcare are given, its main components are given, as well as the expected effects of implementation. The implementation of the departmental concept for assessing medical tech- nologies in the main directions of development presented in the article on the basis of a specialized information system will not only help increase the availability of effective and safe medical technologies, but also the rational use of funds and other military healthcare resources. In addition, taking into ac- count the results of departmental assessment of medical technologies at the state level will serve as the basis for the formation of priority directions for the strategic development of the domestic medical and pharmaceutical industry in the interests of national defense and state security.