Security Forces Research Articles

Efforts of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia in Creating a Sense of Security for the Community and State from the Threat of Terrorism

The threat of terrorism poses a serious challenge to national security and communities around the world, including Indonesia. The Government of the Republic of Indonesia has taken various strategic steps to counter and prevent acts of terrorism to create a sense of security for the people and the integrity of the country. This study aims to describe the government's efforts in responding to the threat of terrorism as well as evaluating the effectiveness of the measures that have been taken. The Government of Indonesia, through its security forces and related agencies, has enhanced international cooperation for the exchange of intelligence information to detect and prevent potential terror attacks. In addition, community empowerment in identifying signs of radicalism and terrorism is also the government's main focus. Deradicalization and rehabilitation programs have been strengthened as part of prevention strategies, involving religious leaders, educators, and civil society. Through an in-depth analysis of such measures, the study aims to provide a comprehensive picture of the government's efforts to create a sense of security from the threat of terrorism. The results of the study are expected to contribute to a further understanding of the dynamics of terrorism prevention and provide policy advice to strengthen Indonesia's national security

Firearm-related suicides, homicides, and homicide-suicides involving security officers in two East African Countries: a press media review

BackgroundFirearm violence is a growing public health problem causing death globally. With easy accessibility to firearms, suicides, homicides, and homicide-suicides have increased among security officers, especially in developing countries affected by long-standing civil wars/political insurgencies. No study has explored firearm violence in East African countries. This study describes the press media reporting of suicides, homicides, and homicide-suicides among security officers in two East African countries (Uganda and Kenya).MethodsDue to the absence of suicide databases among East African countries, the present study reviewed press media reports. We utilized content analysis of suicides, homicides, and homicide-suicides reports among security forces. Relevant media reports between January-2020 and May-2023 were searched. Using ANOVA and chi-square tests, we tested for statistical differences in characteristics between victims and perpetrators.ResultsAmong the 56 perpetrated reports, most of them were homicides 44.64% (n = 25/56), 30.36% (n = 17/56) were homicide-suicides, and 25% (n = 14/56) were suicides. Perpetrators’ age ranged from 21 to 47 years, majority being males [53/56 (94.64%)]. Victims were 58, mostly Ugandans [41/58 (73.21%)] with a mean age of 33.5 ± 8.81 years. Among the three main outcomes, statistically significant difference existed by country (χ2 = 23.88, p < 0.001), and perpetrators’ age (F = 8.59, p = 0.005). There was a significant difference between perpetrators and the number of victims lost by age of victims (F = 10.37, p = 0.002). Among victims, type of security of perpetrator and citizenship of victims (χ2 = 24.18, p < 0.001) showed statistical difference with Ugandans having more victims to army officers while Kenyans to police officers. Brief incident descriptions pointed towards relationship dysfunctions, alcohol/substance abuse, intentional harm, and financial disagreements, as the potential causes. Only two perpetrators were reported to have mental health-related conditions.ConclusionThis study shows that media reported firearms-related suicides, homicides, and homicide-suicides among security forces commonly involve males. Perpetrators in Uganda are mainly army officers while in Kenya the perpetrators are mostly police officers. Mental health conditions were not frequently reported among perpetrators. We recommend strengthening and enforcing gun regulation policies among security officers to curb this growing problem in these countries. Routine screening of mental health problems to enable early interventions is recommended among security officers.

Analysis of the Learning Organization in the Presidential Security Forces in the Implementation of VVIP Security Operations

VVIP security challenges are becoming increasingly complex and dynamic in the era of globalization and rapid technological change. This research aims to analyze how the Presidential Security Detail (Paspampres) can adapt to these changes through the application of the concept of a learning organization, specifically the five key disciplines proposed by Senge (1997). Through a qualitative approach, this study collected data through interviews and the study of related literature. The results show that by applying the principles of a learning organization, the Paspampres can improve its effectiveness in carrying out VVIP security duties. This research emphasizes the importance of adaptation and continuous learning in ensuring VVIP security amid constant security challenges. The implications of this research are for the improvement of VVIP security in Indonesia through a more adaptive and learning-oriented approach.

Prevalence and Severity of Ectopic Eruption of First Permanent Molars in Pediatric Patients in Makkah, Saudi Arabia.

Background Early detection and management of ectopic eruption (EE) of first permanent molars (FPMs) are crucial to avoid complicated treatments later. Aim This study aimed to assess the prevalence and severity of EE of FPMs among children in Makkah, Saudi Arabia. Methods This retrospective study was based on a radiographic evaluation of 1,008 dental panoramic radiographs performed for children attending the Dental Educational Hospital at Umm Al-Qura University and the Security Forces Hospital in Makkah. Patients' age, sex, tooth location, and severity of EE were assessed. The study adhered to the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology (STROBE) guideline for cross-sectional studies. Results Of the 1,008 reviewed cases, 18 (1.79%) were diagnosed with EE of FPMs. Among the 11 male patients, 81.82% showed severe EE, while 57.14% exhibited moderately severe EE among the seven female patients. The prevalences of EE in the maxilla and mandible were 1.59% and 0.20%, respectively. In contrast, the occurrence of EE of FPMs was similar between the right and left sides. Conclusion In this study, the prevalence of EE of FPMs among children in Makkah was 1.79%. The frequency and severity were both greater in male patients compared to female patients. While significantly more EE of FPMs was observed in the maxilla than in the mandible, there was no significant difference between the right and left sides.

Examining the Crime-Conflict Distinction: Victimization and Political System Support in Colombia

How do crime and conflict compare in relation to victims’ support for their political system? Latin American Politics scholarship has emphasized the distinct motivations of criminal and political violence. However, victims might not distinguish meaningfully between these types of insecurity. Scholars have used surveys extensively to understand crime victimization's consequences, but we know less about conflict victimization's relationship with political attitudes. Analyzing public opinion surveys from Colombia (2012–2018), we find that crime and conflict victimization share a minimal relationship with system support at the national level. In conflict zones, however, victimization from political violence corresponds negatively with system support. Decreased confidence in security forces may be the explanation. Our findings have three implications: scholars risk overemphasizing the crime-conflict distinction without micro-level insight; analyzing public opinion in areas beyond state control is necessary to build such knowledge; and, amidst acute insecurity, attention to victims has systemic importance.

BANDITRY AND ITS IMPLICATION ON POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE NORTHWESTERN REGION OF NIGERIA

The paper examined the implication of insecurity on political representation in the North-western region of Nigeria. Insecurity which has manifested in the form of banditry is caused by many factors central among which is the lopsided economic organisation of the country, the peasant’s communities in terms of providing them with necessities of life, such as; access to education, health facilities, meaningful and gainful employment, and adequate political representation. This becomes alarming and a threat to political stability that serves as an implication for political representation. During this study, data was sourced from two major sources: the Secondary and the Primary Sources. The Secondary sources were from existing literature on insecurity and political representation while the interview method and Questionnaire were adopted as the main primary source of data. The questionnaires distributed were 360 of which 345 copies were retrieved, and 21 respondents were used for the interviews conducted, three from each state with a total number of 366 respondents across the two methods adopted, to generate data from the selected key informants across the region. In addition, descriptive analysis method was adopted to present and analyze data based on study's objectives. Within the theoretical framework of conflict, the study finds out that insecurity has affected the political representation of the region as a result there is wide gap between the elected representatives and the general public, in some areas the voters were disenfranchised as a result of security threats to the voters and less presence of security personnel in the conflict areas which allowed the bandits to attack various communities at will. Based on the findings, the study suggests that the security architecture of the country should be redesigned to integrate the traditional security forces, adequate security presence in the rural areas, adopt an approach to tackling insecurity, synergy amongst the security agencies, and quick intervention from Governments.

The dictator’s legionnaires: foreign recruitment, coups, and uprisings

ABSTRACT Several countries recruit foreign nationals into their armed forces. This is despite the norm of citizen armies and the strong idea that individuals join the military to defend their home country while military service socializes them into good citizens. We argue that foreign recruits can have very specific benefits for some authoritarian governments. Because they lack strong links to society, their loyalties lie with whoever recruited and pays them, not the nation, country, or its citizens. As such, we argue, first, that their recruitment is especially attractive for personalistic rulers. Second, we propose that foreigners’ presence in the armed forces stymies these forces’ ability to carry out coup attempts and deters the occurrence of mass uprisings by signalling the security forces’ willingness to respond with violent repression. Empirical tests for the period 1946–2010 support these arguments. This research expands our understanding of legionnaire recruitment, civil–military relations, and comparative authoritarianism.

Barriers and opportunities regarding community-based forest management in Afghanistan: considerations for fragile states

SummaryThe Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIRoA), in power during 2002–2021, initiated the process of instituting community-based forest governance and building local capacity for natural resource management. These efforts coincided with the presence of international security forces and the mobilization of civil society organizations, and they were in response to community aspirations to protect and restore often degraded local forests. Legislation was passed to enable forest protection and management, including a provision to encourage participatory management by local community user groups organized as Forest Management Associations (FMAs). By the end of the GIRoA era, c. 20 registered FMAs were operating with c. 400 others in various stages of development across Afghanistan. Our analysis of relevant policy documents revealed that the policy framework developed during the GIRoA era scores favourably on the ideal criteria for community-based resource management. Despite the change in political administration with the inception of the current Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan regime, the influence of the GIRoA era serves as a starting point and may have enduring influences on rural communities in Afghanistan and the natural resources that support them. Anecdotal evidence suggests that community-based forest management may persist under the current national leadership despite international isolation and funding constraints. The model developed in Afghanistan may be relevant to other fragile states, especially in contexts where rural forest-dependent communities have strong local institutions, such as shuras, and where forests are not prone to heavy extraction pressure.

Student protest, violent interactions, and state repression

Why do states use violence to repress dissent? When do opposition groups escalate conflict by employing violent tactics? We argue that not all opposition groups are created alike, and that understanding who is involved in protest is important for event outcomes. Because of their age and social status, student protesters are more likely to adopt confrontational behaviors, even when engaged in nominally peaceful protest. As such, students are more likely to be seen as threats by security forces tasked with responding to social unrest. Although frequently unplanned, spontaneous interactions between dissidents and regime forces can lead to an escalatory spiral. As such, we expect that student protests are more likely to escalate to violence than protests by other actors, and that security forces are more likely to use repression against students. This relationship will be especially pronounced when youth unemployment is high, leading to heightened grievances and fewer social constraints. Using event data combined with actor information on protest dynamics across seven countries in Africa and Latin America from 1990 to 2016, we find that although student groups are not more likely to engage in riots at the outset, when they do protest, violent interactions with police are more likely. Moreover, youth unemployment significantly increases the potential for violence.

Responding to Atrocities in Myanmar after the February 2021 Coup: Options for asean beyond Normative and Structural Constraints

Abstract This article unpacks the normative and structural challenges facing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (asean) in responding to and preventing atrocity crimes, focusing on Myanmar. It argues that asean has been ineffective in dealing with the atrocities occurring in Myanmar, particularly after the 2021 coup, due to its adherence to its traditional norms and the “asean Way”. However, faced with the defiance of the junta in Myanmar, asean leaders may be forced to move away from its non-interference principle, and should in fact consider difficult options such as suspension of Myanmar membership in the organisation. By adopting the principle of non-indifference and holding the Myanmar military accountable for its continuing atrocities against civilians, asean could strengthen its credibility not just before the international community but, more importantly, among the people of Myanmar who are no longer willing to tolerate a return to military rule and impunity by security forces.

Violence and the Gray Zone of Politics: An Outline for a Relational Approach

In this essay, I illustrate a relational perspective on gray zone politics, one that shifts the substantive and analytic focus of inquiry from groups and places (this trafficking gang, those neofascists, etc.) to the hidden links between them and established actors within the political field (be they state authorities, elected officials, or members of security forces).

(Dis)trust and (defunding) the police

The density, proximity and anonymity that are characteristic of urban life are often thought to make their spaces conducive to people learning those skills necessary for democracies to function effectively. However, in circumstances where trust between members of a democracy is in short supply, there is also the need to think about how cities can be designed to help manage distrust in ways that are compatible with commitments to democratic forms of government. In this paper, I critically examine a range of strategies that propose to balance trust and distrust through the design, use and management of urban environments. I argue that across this range of strategies—from the privatized security forces operating within gated communities to approaches conceived of as open enough to be described as anarchistic—there is an unexamined and unquestioned assumption that the institution of the police is compatible with democracy. More specifically, these strategies assume that police, adequately reformed and constrained, can help manage distrust between members of a democracy in a way that is compatible with democratic commitments. In contrast, this paper takes seriously the abolitionist argument that authentic democracy requires both a wholesale and complete rejection of the police as an institution and a commitment to develop alternative forms of community safety infrastructure that are used to manage and reduce the effects of distrust within urban space.

Cartographic Anxiety on the Thar Desert: The Border Security Force and Jaisalmer’s Tanot Mata Mandir

The spatiality of the Tanot Mata Temple, in Jaisalmer district of Rajasthan, places it at the crossroads of religion and nationalism. Firstly, its location near the international border makes it a marker of territorial integrity as well as the bearer of a ‘cartographic anxiety’ which aspires to keep the periphery intact and unharmed. Secondly, its spatiality is defined in terms of majoritarian religious beliefs which have been shaped in postcolonial India over a period of cultural and ideological interactions between the dominant and the marginal, mainstream and vernacular. Despite its past, which attests to fluid regional connections and itinerant migratory circuits, the temple’s sacredness operates today within a repository of visual registers which celebrates a specific kind of patriotism that is both exclusive and retaliatory. This paper will discuss a range of literary and visual material that establishes the temple’s legend on precincts founded on an imagined relationship of the citizen with the land.

Prevalence of Amoebiasis and Giardiasis Among Patients of Security Forces Hospital, Makkah, Saudi Arabia

Prevalence of Amoebiasis and Giardiasis Among Patients of Security Forces Hospital, Makkah, Saudi Arabia

The Role of the Government of RW 023, Teluk Pucung Village, North Bekasi Subdistrict, Bekasi City, in Overcoming Crimes Occurring in the Community Environment

Crime can occur anywhere and at any time, including in the residential environment. This is no exception for the Bekasi city community. According to the Bekasi City Central Statistics Agency, there is an increase in crime of 12% in 2021 and an increase of 75% in 2022. On this basis, an effective government role is needed to protect the community from crime in their environment, so this research was carried out with the aim of finding out the role of government in overcoming crimes that occur in society. This research was conducted in RW 023 Teluk Pucung Village, North Bekasi District, Bekasi City, West Java using qualitative descriptive methods. The data collection technique used was purposive sampling with a total of 10 people and consisted of elements of the community, RW, and local security forces. The data that has been obtained will be analyzed using nVivo and content analysis. The conclusion from this research is that crimes across the RW 023 area vary greatly, from theft to sexual disclosures. Based on what residents and the local government (RT and RW) said, if a crime is discovered, it will be handled in the RT area. If the RT area still needs to be finished, then the handling will continue to the RW area. In handling this, people generally use family mediation techniques, although this only closes the way for litigation settlement if there is common ground in mediation.

“A Nation in Turmoil, A Field in Crisis: The Upshots of Woman, Life, Freedom”

By now, it is well known that the murder of the Kurdish woman, Jina Mahsa Amini, last fall sparked nationwide protests in Iran. Aside from Jina, many other young protestors were killed, imprisoned, or permanently disabled, as security forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran began blinding demonstrators by firing rubber bullets at their eyes.1 These ghastly scenes were accompanied by other disturbing and violent acts that included the raiding of universities, sexual abuse of students, targeting of minority populations, and shockingly the execution of young men for their involvement in these fracases.2 The Woman, Life, Freedom (Persian: Zan, Zendegi, Azadi; WLF) uprising, which erupted in response to gender discrimination in the Islamic Republic, promptly embraced other social causes. What began as gender protests amplified people's strident cries against political repression in Iran. Despite raising awareness of a range of sociopolitical problems in Iran, the gender focus of this movement remains its singular achievement. This uprising,whose slogan (Kurdish: Jin, Jiyan, Azadi ) gained inspiration from the struggles of Kurdish women fighters, has put gender issues center stage and restored women's presence as primary agents of change in Iranian society.

Jin, Jiyan, Azadi and the Historical Erasure of Kurds

Following the murder of Jîna (Mahsa) Amini on September 16, 2022, her parents decided—despite the threats and intimidation by security forces—to hold a public funeral. Protests were ongoing outside Kasra Hospital in Tehran as word spread across the capital of Jîna's murder.1 The family transferred her body to their hometown of Saqez the next day. Hundreds of people traveled to the Ayçî cemetery within hours of the announcement of the public funeral on social media. There, they helped bury Jîna among Kurdish chants and songs. Kurdish women threw their scarves in the air and chanted Jin, Jiyan, Azadî (Woman, Life, Freedom), among other slogans. In addition to the initial print reports about Jîna's murder by journalists Niloofar Hamedi and Elaheh Mohammadi—both of whom remain imprisoned for their work— social media participated and propelled the protests. Photos, videos, and other types of testimony circulated online. The funeral, solidarity demonstrations in Kurdish cities, towns, and villages, and the observation of mass strikes in the following days captured the attention of Iranians all over the country.

Peculiarities of retail development in the context of a new paradigm of economic development

The article emphasizes the significant attention of scientists and practitioners to retail trade in modern conditions, its importance for maintaining social stability in the country. The peculiarities of retail development in the conditions of a new paradigm of economic development, which is characterized by sustainable development, digitalization of the economy, social responsibility, and partnership, are determined. Theoretical substantiation of issues of evolution, regularities and features of the development of retail and marketing activities of retail market entities in modern conditions, the role of retail in ensuring the social quality of life of the population in war conditions is the purpose of the article. The research used a set of such methods as monographic and dialectical, abstract-logical, comparison and generalization, graphic and tabular ones, which made it possible to achieve the goal set in the article. Theoretical approaches to the concepts of "retail trade" and "retail" are substantiated, and it is determined that scientists separate retail into a separate economic category and believe that it has its own economic meaning and differences. Attention is focused on the rapid response of organized retail to the effects of the external environment, due to the fact that it is an open system, includes in its structure trading establishments of various formats and sizes, and uses multiple models of interaction with consumers, manufacturers, suppliers, and the public. Network retail as a form of organization of mass retail trade is characterized, and the classification of networks with the author's criterion characteristic "by the place of legal registration of the final beneficiary" being highlighted is summarized. Attention is focused on the performance of classic functions by retail: intermediary one; promotion of goods and services; sales promotion; ensuring ease of purchase; ensuring customer loyalty; making a profit, however, because of the war, retailers in Ukraine have two more important functions - ensuring social quality of life of the population and providing food for the Security and Defense Forces of Ukraine. The study of the essence, functions and features of retail, marketing tools that are transformed in the context of the implementation of the provisions of the new paradigm of economic development is important for the rapid adaptation of retail market players to modern conditions of development

Truth, Justice, and Reparation. Human Rights Violations and their Impact on the Police Forces and their Families in the Context of ETA Terrorism

ETA violence had an impact not only on Basque and Spanish society as a whole, but especially on certain groups who suffered the effects of being direct targets of ETA attacks. One of the most directly affected groups were the police forces (members of the Ertzaintza and of the Spanish security forces), as well as their families. This article uses a qualitative methodology (based on semi-structured in-depth interviews) to reflect and analyse the threat that ETA posed for these police forces and their families in the Basque Country, with special emphasis on the way in which their fundamental rights were affected by ETA actions.

Analisis Standar Operasional Prosedur Dalam Pengamanan Pertandingan Sepak Bola

Supporters are people who provide active support. These supporters are different from ordinary football spectators who only see the football match because supporters are football spectators who support a certain team, and are ready to give up all their energy in motivating their favorite club. These football fans are very active and have excessive fanaticism for the team they support. It is this fanaticism that usually causes chaos and riots at every football match in Indonesia. Because riots and riots in soccer matches often occur, the police, in this case the police, tighten security at every soccer match. However, the tight security often leads to repressive actions that lead to violence against supporters by the police in securing football matches. The violence perpetrated by the security forces against the fans clearly violated the provisions of the applicable law. And this is a violation of the law for which there must be criminal accountability for the perpetrators of the violence so that there is no more violence experienced by fans in football matches.