Security Cooperation Research Articles

Why do states engage in cybersecurity capacity-building assistance? Evidence from Japan

In 2009, Japan began to engage in cybersecurity capacity-building assistance in Southeast Asia. Based on existing literature, there are three plausible motives for Japan to have done so. The first was to strengthen its economic security, either by promoting its own cybersecurity firms or by reducing risks to its supply chain and the regional infrastructure upon which its firms relied. The second was to strengthen diplomatic and security ties with Southeast Asia in the face of a rising China. The third was to promote norms regarding the use of cyberspace in line with its newly-declared “values oriented diplomacy”. By examining both the nature of the assistance given in the first few years and government statements and documents surrounding the decision to provide assistance, this article finds that Japan engaged in cybersecurity capacity-building assistance with ASEAN member-states primarily to maintain a stable economic environment for its firms. This is evidence that, despite reforms made in Japan during the 2000s meant to encourage the use of foreign aid to pursue wider geopolitical goals, in some areas economic security continued to be a major driver of Japanese foreign aid. These findings also highlight that while cybersecurity capacity-building assistance is a form of security cooperation, it cannot be assumed that traditional security concerns are what is driving it.

The Russia-Iran Alignment in the Middle East: The Main Dynamics and Limits of the Bilateral Security Cooperation

This article examines the main dynamics of the Russia-Iran alignment and discusses its significance in Russian foreign policy and Russia’s balancing strategy against the US. In the Middle East, Russia does not embrace an individual state as a constant ally and seeks pragmatic cooperation with all regional states. Despite maintaining close cooperation with Tehran since the 1990s, Russia has avoided building long-term and binding alliance arrangements with Iran. Instead, Moscow has utilized its relations with Iran as bargaining chip vis-à-vis the US and distanced itself from Tehran whenever there has been a rapprochement in Russian-American relations. In this regard, the Russia-Iran alignment is not an example of ‘hard balancing’ that draws on military alliance formation and mutual arms build-up and aims at confrontation with an adversary. It can be best identified as a ‘soft balancing’ initiative that relies on less confrontational methods such as informal alignments and limited arms build-up and aims to restrain the threatening behavior of a rival state. Another significant limitation of Russia-Iran alignment is that Russia is unwilling to risk its relations with Israel and Gulf states for the sake of Iran considering the cooperation potential with those states in foreign policy, energy, and arms industry.

Navigating great power competition: a neoclassical realist view of hedging

Abstract Contrary to predictions that smaller powers will balance against or bandwagon with external threats, Southeast Asian states are hedging by deepening their security cooperation with both the United States and China. Prevailing accounts of hedging do not adequately explain the persistence of such policy choices given growing threat perceptions of China and mounting bipolar pressures. After considering the limitations of existing theories, this article contends that a neoclassical realist approach to hedging better integrates the domestic and international factors that inform decision-makers’ preferences. It operationalizes this theoretical framework in three case studies: Singapore, Vietnam, and the Philippines. A neoclassical realist approach takes the role of individual perceptions and bureaucracies seriously, without dismissing the significance of variables identified by neorealism, including security threats, treaty alliances, and economic benefits. Ultimately, a more complete and accurate understanding of what continues to propel hedging in Southeast Asian states can mitigate the risks of great power conflict.

New Zealand’s alliance obligations in a China-Australia war

ABSTRACT Amidst concerns that Australia may end up in a military confrontation with China, this article evaluates New Zealand’s formal and informal alliance obligations in such an event. In keeping with Wellington’s current declaratory policy, New Zealand’s obligations would be most pressing if the attack occurred on or near Australia, although these would be less clear if China favoured coercion over violence. New Zealand is also likely to have strong alliance obligations if Australian forces were attacked in the South Pacific, the leading area for Australia-New Zealand security cooperation. If Australian forces were attacked in East Asia, New Zealand may have some obligations under the trilateral ANZUS Treaty despite the suspension of Washington’s commitments to Wellington under the same agreement. While New Zealand’s military capacity to assist Australia in maritime East Asia is limited, this is where a serious clash involving Australian and Chinese forces seems most likely. Enlarging the geographical focus of the trans-Tasman alliance may be logical in this new setting, but it could also be hazardous.

The Concept of Middle Power's Theory to Reality: Prospect of Vietnam

The middle power is playing an important role in the order of international relations. Its voice is being identified in global issues from security cooperation, political, economic to environmental and humanity protection, and the trend of cooperation with peaceful, stable and mutual development. Although the concept of middle power has been discussed very early and received a great concern from many theorists and foreign policy makers, there has not been a unified definition, which becomes a limitation in explaining the behaviors of some countries towards global multilateralism. This article clarifies the theoretical framework of the concept, approach, and analysis of the middle power in the current international relation context as well as gives some comments about power shift, development trend to generalize these into characteristics and comparison tools for the case in Vietnam, serving Vietnam’s foreign policy implementing process in the year to come.

Discussion of definition of defence and security cooperation between Chinese and Russian scientists

With the deepening and growing cooperation between Russia and China, studies pertaining to relevant international cooperations between the two states, including those on defense and security cooperation, have drawn the attention of many researchers. However, the differences in schools of research on safety and cooperation have made the boundaries on said matter more complex and diverse. Russian and Chinese researchers have further displayed different understanding and perception on the definition of national safety cooperation. Hence, the paper aims to carry out in depth analysis and discussion on the definition of defense and security cooperation based on Russian and Chinese literature.

Benelux and European Union CFSP Security in Response to the Russia-Ukraine War

This study discusses the security cooperation of the three countries of Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. In particular, this paper elaborates on its role in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) adopted by the European Union in responding to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict, 2014-2022. The method used in this research is qualitative with analytical descriptive. The research source uses secondary data in the form of literature review. This study is analyzed using the theory of Regional Security Complex (RSC) and the Concept of Cooperative Security. RSC theory is used to analyze the cooperation of Benelux as a regional power in developing European Union CFSP security cooperation. Result shows that Benelux is not brave enough to make a decision which is completely different from the EU public. The Benelux countries’ position is to agree with the EU's decision on the Russia-Ukraine war.

An analysis of the Sino-Venezuelan energy cooperation model

Subject. This article discusses the model of relations between resource-shortage countries and countries rich in natural resources, considering China and Venezuela as a case study. Objectives. The article aims to identify the key drivers of the model of energy cooperation between countries with different energy experience in the geopolitical context and initiatives to ensure energy security. Methods. For the study, we used the analytical and comparative research methods. Results. The article finds that the governments of China and Venezuela are promoting energy cooperation through financial credit and technical cooperation, and a special way of paying for oil is essential in the changing geopolitics. Conclusions. The article suggests that the use of models such as the internationalization of the yuan, financial credit and technical cooperation can ensure energy security in energy cooperation between China and Venezuela, and reduce the risks of credit default and political sanctions in cooperation projects.

A Convincing Finnish Move: Implications for State Identity of Persuading Sweden to Jointly Bid for NATO Membership

This article examines the consequences for Sweden’s state identity by the decision of Finland and Sweden to apply for membership in NATO. Taking its starting point in Sweden’s shattering loss of its easternmost provinces in the 1809 Treaty of Fredrikshamn, it explores Sweden’s initial formulations of a policy of neutrality and its evolution until the end of the Cold War. The article then directs attention to how Social Democratic leaders managed to institutionalise a Swedish “active foreign policy”, exerting a lasting, formative infl uence on Sweden’s state identity. It also addresses the rapprochement of Finland and Sweden after the end of the Cold War and the consequences of the bilateral dynamics that characterised their EU-membership applications. The article critically discusses how Sweden reformulated its concept of neutrality into a nebulous concept of nonalignment and adopted a security policy rooted in a cooperative security approach. Based on key findings drawn from this historical account, this article addresses the processes that lead to Finland and Sweden unexpectedly deciding on jointly applying for NATO membership. It concludes with a forward-looking assessment of how a Swedish NATO membership will ultimately stabilise Sweden’s adaptable state identity and its implications for the Nordic countries’ regional military strategy.

China’s Responses to the US-Led Security Network: Coercion and Alternatives to ‘Non-Alignment’

ABSTRACT In recent years China has forged an increasing number of strategic partnerships with other countries while maintaining its ‘non-alignment policy’. However, these partnerships are mainly bilateral rather than minilateral, and they thus have less potential to influence the Indo–Pacific regional order. This article examines how China has responded to the US-led security network, in which minilateralism features prominently, and argues that China has implemented a coercion strategy against India and Australia, who are two of the main regional hubs for minilateral security cooperation within that network. It also illustrates how China began to articulate the concept of ‘natural alliance forces’ (tianran tongmeng jun) in 2018, and that Beijing has subsequently expanded its own minilateral security cooperation and Chinese-style multilateralism. These initiatives share some of the characteristics of minilateralism and are seen by China as alternatives to non-alignment, even though they are not necessarily direct responses or reactions to US-led minilateral security cooperation. Instead, they indicate that China hopes to exert some influence on the regional order through the alignment of like-minded countries vis-à-vis the US-led network. The article concludes by identifying the limitations China faces in leading both minilateral and multilateral security cooperation.

The China-Russia strategic relationship: Efforts to limit the United States' influence in Central Asia

During the post-cold war era, China and Russia have recognized the considerable influence of each other and are making attempts for the protection of their own national interests and manipulated strategic partnership. The Chinese and Russian Strategic partnership is comprehensive because both the states have enhanced coordination in regional and international topical issues. Their joint statements for the bilateral, regional, and international issues and joint military exercises are a signal of increasing geopolitical and security cooperation. This Beijing and Moscow coordination scenario provoked Washington D.C. and her political, economic and security interests in Central Asia. The substance of this China-Russia policy is rooted against United States (US) influence and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) policies in the region. The multifaceted ties between both countries have the potential to limit the US influence in Eurasia. The study evaluates how the China-Russia strategic partnership is fit to key tenets of them and to develop the multi-polarization to counter US hegemonic influence in Central Asia. This paper follows critical look at the open discussion and comparison of both the countries scholars, journalists and experts. The study elucidates that both the Chinese and Russian partnership has certain features and trajectory of their foreseeable future in the region.

Measuring the Bilateral Energy Security Cooperation Sustainability between China and Its Neighboring Countries Based on the National Energy Security Level

Strengthening bilateral energy security cooperation is crucial in the process of fostering the sustainable growth of China and neighboring Asian nations. Using data chosen from China and 25 adjacent nations between 2010 and 2019, this article first assesses the level of energy security using the TOPSIS (Technique of Ranking Preference with Similarity to Ideal Solution) and GRA (Grey Relational Analysis) methodologies. Additionally, based on the level of energy security, this article analyzes the coupling degree of bilateral capacity structure and, in the end, suggests a theoretical model to assess the stability of bilateral energy security cooperation. The findings demonstrate that China and its neighboring countries share the energy trilemma, which is the inability of these nations to simultaneously achieve the needs of energy supply security, energy justice, and environmental sustainability. The report also makes the case that Thailand, Kazakhstan, and the Philippines all have theoretically stronger sustainability of bilateral energy security cooperation with China. This study also offers some recommendations for improving bilateral collaboration between China and its neighbors on energy security.

ASEAN, China and South China Sea: Alternative approach for security cooperation

This article analyzes the status quo and cooperation mechanism between ASEAN and China, mainly, the non-traditional security issues in the South China Sea space (SCS). The non-traditional security threats confronting the SCS are complex, diverse and enormous. Amongst those are transnational maritime crimes, marine disaster threat, marine ecological environmental threat, and resource scarcity. Recent trends have demonstrated that the established regimes between ASEAN and China, for non-traditional security cooperation in the SCS, are fragmented mainly due to the absence of integrated and long-term mechanisms. Three reasons hinder the acceleration of the cooperation process: interference from outside powers, insufficient mutual political trust between China and ASEAN members, claimants and divergence of interests in advancing the Code of Conduct (COC) in the SCS. This article aims to analyze the problems and the causes existing between China and ASEAN in dealing with non-traditional security cooperation. It also examines the effectiveness of the rules-based cooperation mechanisms and offers a few recommendations. It is argued that ASEAN and China should take advantage of the low sensitivity of non-traditional security issues and high-quality development of the One Belt and One Road Initiative, to construct an integrated framework based on rules jointly and order for multilateral non-traditional security cooperation in the SCS. Three possible and workable measures are recommended to facilitate non-traditional security cooperation between ASEAN and China in the SCS. Both sides, primarily ASEAN member claimants, pursue an excellent willingness to cooperate and could promote functional cooperation, promote successful maritime cooperation modes as long-term cooperation mechanisms in the SCS, focus on strengthening the capacity-building of marine governance, and comprehensively establish a multilateral cooperation mechanism in marine environmental protection and fishery resources management.

A new alliance in Europe: the September 2021 defence agreement between Greece and France as a case of embedded alliance formation

ABSTRACT In September 2021, Greece and France announced the conclusion of a landmark defence agreement, which included not only the sale of modern French frigates to the Hellenic Navy but also the signing of a new “strategic partnership for defence and security cooperation”. The cornerstone of this strategic partnership – which formalises Paris’ and Athens’ geopolitical rapprochement, accelerated after the tensions with Turkey in the eastern Mediterranean in 2020 – lies in a mutual defence clause that commits France and Greece to defend each other in case of an armed attack against their respective territory. The new bilateral alliance thus forged between Athens and Paris, coming on top of similar NATO and EU security guarantees, is of political as well as scholarly interest. Politically, the question is how such an arrangement, which ostensibly aims to protect Greece from fellow NATO member Turkey, squares with the broader European security architecture. From a scholarly perspective, the Franco-Greek defence agreement is remarkable in that, unlike almost all bilateral or minilateral defence cooperation arrangements that have been concluded in recent years between NATO and EU countries, this one touches on the key question of collective defence, thus constituting an intriguing case of “embedded alliance formation”.

Causal Analysis of India’s Response to Maritime Security Debate at the UNSC

UNSC debate on the maritime security-initiated discussion on response and reaction plan not only for particular countries and regions overall. The Eastern part of the Indian Ocean (IO) has been a boiling cauldron due to the race of maritime hegemony, maritime alliances for economic cum security dimensions and choking important points of maritime trade in crisis. The outbreak of Covid heavily restricted global supply chains. Security cooperation should focus on ‘reassurance' rather than 'deterrence' to create the desired security order in which multilateral frameworks may be formed. In this scenario, security interactions would help nation-states converge their national interests and minimize a zero-sum security situation. UNSC debate on maritime security demands for cooperative security approach through a framework of like-minded states. Pakistan foresees this debate as an increasing challenge by constructing the role of the Pakistan Navy to perform and ensure its capacities for maritime security in the long run. The paper presents the response to Indian Duplicities in the wake of the Russian proposal for maritime security management at UNSC in 2021. Strategic analysis with qualitative research method and exploratory approach is adopted in this research with pertinent and feasible findings.

China’s Security Protection of Chinese Nationals in the Middle East

Strengthening the security protection of overseas Chinese is an important means for China to safeguard its overseas interests. The Middle East is in turmoil with frequent security incidents involving Chinese nationals and their assets. Ensuring the safety of Chinese natioanls is an important part of promoting the sound development of China and the Middle East relations. Drawing on the questionnaire survey, this paper examines the security threats and risks faced by Chinese nationals in some Middle Eastern states, and seeks to explore how China might enhance its security protection capability accordingly for Chinese nationals in the Middle East. It shows that the Chinese government has taken a series of measures to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese nationals, by strengthening the top-level design and mechanism coordination, improving the consular protection system and overseas evacuation capabilities, and participating in security governance and non-traditional security cooperation in the Middle East.

The international cooperation of the People's Public Security Force in the renovation period - Some theoretical and practical issues

The international cooperation in defense and security is a strategic policy of the Communist Party of Vietnam supported by the Vietnamese people, in line with the trend of the times. The international cooperation in defense and security reflects the law of movement and development of objective reality and interests of the country and Vietnamese people. Vietnam's international cooperation in defense and security shows Vietnam’s humanity, peace, and self-defense nature. Both theory and practice confirm the correctness, creativity, and effectiveness of Vietnam's international cooperation in defense and security. This article deals with some theoretical and practical issues on the international cooperation of the People's Public Security Force in the renovation period - an angle on international cooperation in defense and security. Theoretically, the article presents the views of the Communist Party of Vietnam on the international integration and cooperation through National Congresses of the Party, including in the field of defense and security. These views of the Communist Party of Vietnam have clearly demonstrated the inevitability of the international cooperation of the People's Public Security Force in the renovation period. In practical terms, the article presents the international cooperation activities of the People's Public Security Force in the renovation period, including deloying the Communist Party of Vietnam’s guidelines and foreign policy, cooperative relations with neighboring countries and law enforcement agencies of countries in the world, carrying out the United Nations peacekeeping mission, cooperation in rescue, pandemic prevention, etc. The article affirms that the achievements achieved by the People's Public Security Force during the renovation period have confirmed that the international cooperation activities of the People's Public Security Force are very effective and practical. These achievements have brought foreign affairs of the People’s Public Security Force to a new height, creating favorable conditions to contribute to the successful implementation of the two strategic tasks of the Vietnamese revolution, namely building and firmly defending the Socialist Vietnam Socialist.

Can buying weapons from your friends make you better off? Evidence from NATO

In this paper we analyse the effect of multilateral defence alliances and arms trade on economic growth of allies. Previous literature shows that military alliances may improve institutional development and efficiency in defence budget allocation, with consequent enhancement of economic performance. We postulate that importing advanced weapons from allies can bring about technology diffusion. This conjecture is developed theoretically assessing the effect of arms imports on domestic military technology and output. The model is tested for the countries that have a partnership relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for years 1990 to 2019. We confirm empirically the theoretical suggestion of military technology spillovers, namely, that imports of frontier technology arms from allies have positive effects on output and productivity through a diffusion of foreign knowledge. Our findings imply that policy makers should have in mind that foreign policy issues, security matters in this case, may interact with economic goals. • We analyse the effect of arms imports on economic growth of military allies. • Theoretical and empirical analysis is performed for NATO allies. • Output growth and arms imports from NATO allies are significantly positively related. • Advanced arms imports bring about an increase in technology via a spillover mechanism. • International cooperation in security can help improve economic performance.

ОБЗОР ИНДОНЕЗИЙСКО-ИНДИЙСКОГО СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВА В ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЙ И ОБОРОННОЙ СФЕРАХ В КОНЦЕ XX – НАЧАЛЕ XXI в.

Historically, the relationship between Indonesia and India has existed for more than two thousand years and represents a strong foundation for cooperation between the two countries at the present stage. The expansion of trade and investment relations between the two countries is expected to enhance beneficial practical cooperation between both countries. The unprecedented terrorist attack in Mumbai, which lasted from 26 to 29 November 2008, demonstrated India’s vulnerability on the high seas. These events along with the unstable environment have necessitated an enhanced security partnership between India and Indonesia to ensure stability and peace in the region.Developing bilateral relations between the two countries to the level of a comprehensive strategic partnership should further strengthen cooperation in security and other areas.

Bezbednosna saradnja Evropske unije i Republike Turske

By utilising the theoretical framework of the science of international relations and by relying on selected scientific methods, such as the content analysis, comparative and inductive method, the paper analyses the security cooperation between Turkiye and the European Union.. The analysis comprises two levels: at the first one, the focus is on the position and status of the Republic of Turkiye within relevant EU Common and Security Policy structures, such as PESCO projects, European Defense Agency Programmes, and military missions and operations led by the EU or within the EU - NATO partnership or the EU security and defense industry programmes; at the second one, the subject of the analysis are the positions of Turkiye and the EU regarding the most important issues of contemporary international relations and security, such as the Ukrainian war, the conflict in Gaza and general relations in the Middle East, the relationship with the Russian Federation, as well as the most important factors determining the positions of the two sides in this context. One of the conclusions of the analysis implies that the great potential for the EU - Turkiye security cooperation has not been efficiently fulfilled because of numerous reasons, such as historically accumulated disagreements between Turkiye, on the one side, and some EU member states, on the other, differences between the two sides in the field of their identities and basic social, cultural and political values, as well as a continuously false EU strategic approach towards Turkiye and its status regarding the EU structures and policies. The EU must recognise Turkiye in its full capacity as a regional power and treat it as an equal, constructive partner. If not, especially taking into account monumental global geopolitical changes, the relations between the two sides might become even more deteriorated, with further negative impacts on their security cooperation.