FarhatMoazam was born in Pakistan and attended medical school there. Formany years, she pursued her surgical and pediatric training in the UnitedStates, witnessing not only scientific progress in organ transplantation butalso the rise of modern secular bioethics, the advocacy of individual rightsand patient autonomy, and feminism(p. 175). Equipped with such privilegedknowledge, she obtained high-ranking positions back in Pakistan, reflectingher competence as both a medical doctor and a medical ethics specialist.While working on this dissertation (she received her doctorate in religiousstudies from the University of Virginia in 2004), however, she employed athird and quite unexpected quality: that of an ethnographer. ButMoazamhasno ambition to contribute to the broader theoretical discussion of MarcelMauss’ The Gift (W.W. Norton & Co., 2000). Rather, she brushes aside theapplicability of reasoning in the tradition of the reception of Mauss (cf. pp.126, 138, 143, and 218). Similarly, she is not concerned with theoretical ethnologicalor sociological debates on globalization and its local appropriations,although, ultimately, this is what the story is about.To conduct her fieldwork, she chose to spend three months at a dialysisand renal transplantation unit in her hometown of Karachi. This vanguardinstitution for end-stage-renal-disease (ESRD) patients, part of her old medicalcollege, is now both the largest and the first institution of its type inPakistan. In addition, the country’s first renal transplant was performed therein 1985. Financed to a lesser degree by the state, about 60 percent of theinstitute’s budget has to be raised by sponsors (p. 46). Such services as dialysis,transplantation, medication, and follow-up are free of charge (p. 37), sothere is a tremendous overflow of people in need.The institute, having started its pioneering work in a traditional societythat is still strongly averse to posthumous donation, has to rely on live ...
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