Secret War Research Articles

A Great Place to Have a War: America in Laos and the Birth of the Military CIA

A Great Place to Have a War: America in Laos and the Birth of the Military CIA. By Joshua Kurlantzick. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2017. Hardcover: 323pp. This aptly, but ironically, titled book tells the story of US involvement in Laos from the early 1950s through the secret war of the 1960s and beyond. Like many journalistic accounts, the book relies substantially on interviews with the American participants and the Hmong military leader Vang Pao, but it is also informed by recent scholarship and some documentary sources. Its focus is on events and actions in Laos, though it does not ignore policy in Washington. Joshua Kurlantzick argues that, despite the enormous damage and huge casualties inflicted in Laos and the ultimate triumph of communist forces, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) counted Laos, the first war that the agency directed, among its great successes. Laos provided the template for the militarization of the CIA and its future wars. The author, however, does not think the results were positive for Laos, the CIA or the United States. Although the book provides a more or less comprehensive account, throughout there is particular attention on four individuals: Vang Pao; Bill Lair, a CIA operative who was there in the beginning and became close to Vang Pao; Tony Poe, another CIA operative who attempted to raise an indigenous army from people not connected with the Hmong; and Bill Sullivan, the diplomat who ran the secret war in its more expansive phase beginning in 1965. Among these, Lair is clearly Kurlantzick's favourite. A World War II veteran, Lair had spent the 1950s in Southeast Asia, mostly in Thailand and, after the Geneva Conference settlement in 1954, in Laos as well, as a covert CIA agent. He knew the region, its languages, customs and culture, better than most Americans. And in 1961 it was his responsibility to inaugurate Operation Momentum to prevent a victory in Laos by the communist Pathet Lao and their North Vietnamese allies. Lair's plan was to have a small US footprint in Laos. Working with the talented Vang Pao, he would train Hmong fighters as guerrillas. They, along with some Thai guerrillas that Lair trained, would engage in low level harassing fights with the communists. This would serve Hmong interests, as well as those of the Americans. Lair had no interest in a large American presence in Southeast Asia and thought American objectives could be achieved as long as Asians themselves were engaged in the struggles. The CIA was still small, was not intended to wage wars, and Lair liked it that way. For the first few years Lair was very happy with the progress. President John F. Kennedy was not interested in committing US troops to Laos. And Vang Pao was an effective recruiter and fighter. Lair considered Operation Momentum a success by 1963. Kennedy had allowed Operation Momentum to expand, but his successor, Lyndon Johnson, expanded it even more, making American involvement in Laos almost unrecognizable from its beginnings. By this time Bill Sullivan was running the war. He had no interest in allowing the US military into Laos, but he wanted the CIA to conduct a major war. The new CIA officers coming to Laos had less understanding of Laos and did not respect the Hmong as much as Lair did. Also, increasingly the CIA relied on private contractors, which Lair considered dangerous. Then came massive American bombings, something that Vang Pao wanted. Lair disagreed, but he was overruled, though even Johnson had doubts about the bombings' effectiveness. …

Doom’s Law: Spaces of Sovereignty in Marvel’s Secret Wars

Sovereignty is both the foundation and source of law and the determination of the territory to which the law applies. In this latter sense, sovereignty and the law it supports are an explicitly spatial phenomenon, as can be seen in the meanings of the Greek word nomos , which aside from the law can also refer to a division that marks out a specific territory. This article posits that the Marvel crossover event entitled Secret Wars (2015, 2016) encapsulates the ways in which superhero comics might help us to understand the spatiality of sovereignty. It also considers how resistance to Doom’s law was focused on the transgression of borders and the creation of alternative spatial arrangements.

Amiable Scoundrel: Simon Cameron, Lincoln's Scandalous Secretary of War

Amiable Scoundrel: Simon Cameron, Lincoln's Scandalous Secretary of War

The secret war against counterfeit science.

China has a lucrative market for fake research reagents. Some scientists are fighting back.

Lincoln’s Two-Faced Hatchet Man

Lincoln’s Two-Faced Hatchet Man Michael Thomas Smith (bio) William Marvel. Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. xvii + 611 pp. Maps, appendix, notes, bibliography, and index. $35.00. William Marvel, the author of many books about the American Civil War, in this new biography examines the life and career of Edwin M. Stanton, whose work as Secretary of War in the Lincoln administration led some to hail him as “the organizer of victory” for the Union (p. xv). Marvel finds Stanton to be much overrated by his admirers, both during his own lifetime and in much subsequent historiography. He particularly finds the 1962 biography of Stanton by Benjamin H. Thomas and Harold M. Hyman to be much too favorable. Although conceding that Stanton possessed substantial legal knowledge and administrative ability and was able to manage the War Department far more efficiently than his corrupt, incompetent predecessor Simon Cameron, Marvel for the most part finds little to praise in Stanton’s career and, especially, little to admire in his character. Marvel argues that Stanton consistently and habitually thrived on self-interested deceit and duplicity throughout his life and career. Stanton would tell his powerful legal and political cronies whatever they wanted to hear and assure them that he shared their principles and ideas, presenting himself as a paragon of rectitude and virtue; meanwhile, he shamelessly participating in various behind-the-scenes political cabals aimed primarily at advancing his own interests. Marvel finds that Stanton’s disloyal scheming and intriguing unfairly hurt the reputation of all three presidents in whose cabinets he served. Stanton served as Attorney General in the last days of the James Buchanan presidency, and Marvel contends that he spread exaggerated stories of his own firmness and Buchanan’s cowardice during the secession crisis, which resulted in Buchanan’s competence and integrity being judged even more unfavorably than he deserved. The author finds Stanton to be largely responsible for the wartime civilian arrests and suppression of the antiwar press, actions that mar Lincoln’s record on civil liberties. And he suggests that Stanton’s collusion with and encouragement of unconstitutional tactics by the Congressional Radical Republicans drove a wedge between them and Andrew Johnson, reducing the [End Page 249] likelihood that the president could find an effective way to work with them and contributing to the period’s bitter political polarization. Marvel finds the root of some of Stanton’s character flaws in his childhood and family experiences. He grew up under “the shadow of genteel poverty” in Ohio (p. 5). His father was a physician with a struggling practice during the economic hard times following the Panic of 1819, which left Stanton obsessed with money and status, and willing to do or say virtually whatever it took to acquire and keep both. The author also finds episodes from Stanton’s early forays into politics and a lucrative legal career to be strongly suggestive of his two-faced amorality. Stanton sought favor with rising Ohio political star Salmon P. Chase, assuring the abolitionist leader that he shared his moral abhorrence toward slavery even though a variety of temporizing reasons prevented him from publicly announcing this position. Marvel also examines Stanton’s famous defense of Tammany Hall politician and future Union general Daniel Sickles on murder charges stemming from the fatal shooting of his wife’s lover, Philip Barton Keyes. Although often remembered as an innovative early use of the insanity defense, the jury’s acquittal of Sickles, Marvel convincingly argues, was due to Stanton’s blunt, unapologetic emphasis on male privilege—that a husband’s ownership of his wife’s body implied the right to defend possession of it with lethal force. He finds these episodes to reveal a man far less honest and guided by idealism than he and his supporters contended, despite his widespread reputation for forthright honesty and integrity and for the possession of sincere Christian faith. Stanton was a prewar Democrat, though his political positions tended to be—probably intentionally—vague. Despite his assurances to Chase of his antislavery principles, he did not publicly endorse Republican presidential candidate Lincoln in 1860, and several of...

T. J. Coles, Britain's Secret Wars: How and why the United Kingdom Sponsors Conflict around the World

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Church of Spies: The Pope's Secret War Against Hitler

Church of Spies: The Pope's Secret War Against Hitler

The Secret War Between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s, by Kevin Quinlan

The Secret War Between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s, by Kevin Quinlan

Blacklisted: The Secret War between Big Business and Union Activists, by Dave Smith and Phil Chamberlain. New Internationalist, Oxford, 2015, 272 pp., ISBN: 978 1 78026 257 4, £9.99, paperback.

Blacklisted: The Secret War between Big Business and Union Activists, by Dave Smith and Phil Chamberlain. New Internationalist, Oxford, 2015, 272 pp., ISBN: 978 1 78026 257 4, £9.99, paperback.

Do the Kurds have ‘no friends but the mountains’? Turkey's Secret War against Communists, Soviets and the Kurds

ABSTRACTA Kurdish proverb says that the Kurds have ‘no friends but the mountains’. This was not what the Turkish authorities believed. Using new and previously unexploited archives both in English and Turkish, this article offers a new interpretation of Turkey's perception of the Kurds. By analyzing Kurdish activities and their alignment with Communist movements and Soviet activities, it shows how Turkey's threat perception was shaped by international contexts, especially through the Cold War. In addition, the Kurdish nationalist movement in the Middle East played a pivotal role in regional intelligence cooperation between Turkey, Iraq and Iran. This article argues that Soviet and Communist activities had an important role in shaping Turkey's threat perception of the Kurdish minority in the country. Turkey's perception of subversive threats involved an intertwining of Communists, Soviets and Kurds. This affected the Kurdish bid for independence for most of the twentieth century.

Church of Spies: The Pope’s Secret War against Hitler by Mark Riebling (review)

Church of Spies: The Pope’s Secret War against Hitler by Mark Riebling (review)

Kevin Quinlan.The Secret War between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s.

Kevin Quinlan.<i>The Secret War between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s</i>.

Church of spies: the Pope's secret war against Hitler

Church of spies: the Pope's secret war against Hitler

Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton by William Marvel

Reviewed by: Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stantonby William Marvel Angela M. Zombek Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton. By William Marvel. Civil War America. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. Pp. xx, 611. $35.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-2249-1.) In Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton, William Marvel paints an extraordinarily detailed portrait of the life of Abraham Lincoln’s secretary of war. Marvel, like Elizabeth D. Leonard in her biography, Lincoln’s Forgotten Ally: Judge Advocate General Joseph Holt of Kentucky(Chapel Hill, 2011), spotlights a key figure in the Lincoln administration and reveals the instrumental role that cabinet members played in orchestrating the war effort, ensuring loyalty, and consolidating federal power during the sectional crisis. According to Marvel, Edwin Stanton, the humble Steubenville, Ohio, native born during the War of 1812, matured to be a power-hungry, deceptive, self-interested legal mind who brought the federal government into a “virtual dictatorship” during the Civil War’s second year, especially as dissident newspaper editors were targeted (p. 221). Marvel’s treatment of Stanton is admittedly harsh in light of the author’s purpose to correct and counterbalance Stanton: The Life and Times of Lincoln’s Secretary of War(New York, 1962) by Harold M. Hyman, who completed the unfinished project begun by Benjamin H. Thomas. Hyman, according to Marvel, depicted Stanton in the most shining light possible, overlooking and excusing his administrative mistakes and downplaying his calculating nature. [End Page 941]Marvel contends that Stanton’s early development significantly influenced how he maneuvered his way to power in the federal government and in Lincoln’s administration. Marvel provides a masterful overview of Stanton’s youth in Steubenville, the struggles of his parents, his personal trials, especially the death of his beloved first wife, and challenges he faced and overcame in making a name for himself in the legal profession. One of the major strengths of Marvel’s work is how he situates Stanton’s personal life and experiences within the political, social, and economic dynamics of the nineteenth century. Most chapters open with national vignettes giving a clear sense of how Stanton and his family experienced and reacted to economic downturns and political crises like the bank war and the South’s secession. That said, it would have been helpful if chapter titles reflected the chronological progression of Stanton’s life and experiences, instead of being based on vaguely descriptive phrases that ultimately do not match the level of detail that Marvel brings to his depiction of Stanton’s life. That minor quibble aside, Marvel achieves his objective of reassessing Stanton’s life and demonstrating just how manipulative, ambitious, and intense Stanton was as he built his legal career and became a powerful member of Lincoln’s cabinet despite his “lack of experience and aversion to all things military” before his appointment as secretary of war (p. 150). Subtle criticisms such as these reinforce Marvel’s purpose as he depicts how Stanton used his position to attack General George B. McClellan, flip-flopped on issues like emancipation and the arming of black soldiers to appease whatever constituency was serving as his immediate audience, adopted a hard line on prisoner exchanges to give the North a numerical advantage, and left a legacy as one who treaded heavily and, according to Marvel, unnecessarily on civil liberties. Here again lies another of Marvel’s minor flaws—his narrative does not aim to shift the scholarly conversation on civil liberties and suppression of dissent during wartime that is led by Mark E. Neely Jr., among others. But Marvel’s blatantly critical depiction of Stanton often ignores much of the war’s broader context that led to the Lincoln administration’s restriction of civil liberties. Marvel often makes these issues seem primarily about Stanton’s ego rather than decisions inspired by the exigencies of war. Nonetheless, Marvel’s extraordinarily detailed and meticulously researched work is eye-opening, providing a window not only into Stanton’s life and personal challenges but also into how nineteenth-century Americans experienced day-to-day life. Angela M. Zombek St. Petersburg College Copyright © 2016 The Southern Historical...

Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton by William Marvel

Reviewed by: Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton by William Marvel Jonathan W. White (bio) Lincoln’s Autocrat: The Life of Edwin Stanton. By William Marvel. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. Pp. 611. Cloth, $35.00.) William Marvel writes broadly about the Civil War, with books covering a wide range of subjects including prison life, military and naval warfare, and Abraham Lincoln. Marvel has an iconoclastic streak in him, often seeking to dispel persistent myths in the historical literature or to bring war [End Page 287] heroes down a few pegs. In Andersonville: The Last Depot, for example, he scrupulously evaluates the reliability of various postwar prison narratives, while in Lee’s Last Retreat: The Flight to Appomattox he writes that Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain “saw the world as one grand romantic cavalcade in which he participated prominently, and if he did anything common, he seemed unable to remember it that way.”1 His series of four books on the Lincoln administration paints the president as a blundering politician who was largely responsible for the “bloodbath” that engulfed the nation.2 In this impressively researched and eminently readable biography of Edwin M. Stanton, Marvel seeks to set the record straight about Lincoln’s secretary of war. Previous biographers, according to Marvel, have been too sympathetic toward Stanton, treating him as a “devoted patriot” who was “compulsively truthful and dedicated to his vision of justice and the common good” (xi). Marvel will have none of this. The Stanton who emerges in Marvel’s pages is a two-faced sycophant who flattered his superiors, showed disdain for his inferiors, and “seemed inclined to present a false face for much of his political life” (118). In 1846, for example, when Ohio lawyer Salmon P. Chase invited Stanton to participate in a case involving a man who had harbored fugitive slaves, Stanton declined, according to Marvel, because “he seemed reluctant to openly declare the antislavery views he had expressed in private to Chase” (48). Stanton, as such, was a moral coward who “never showed much courage for expressing political opinions without the strength of at least a healthy plurality behind him” (51). Nearly every detail of Stanton’s life becomes part of Marvel’s indictment. As an attorney in the 1840s and 1850s, Stanton was a stereotypically unscrupulous lawyer, successfully defending dishonest government bureaucrats, heartless corporations, and wealthy clients against poor defendants. When he did not have a strong legal case he relied on cheap emotional courtroom antics to sway the jury. In at least two murder trials he made “the victim into the villain” (55). His law practice thus reveals how Stanton succumbed to the temptations of “material success” (54). In Marvel’s chapter on the secession crisis, Stanton appears as a self-aggrandizing liar. Things only degenerate further during the war years. Once clothed with official authority, Stanton wielded power vindictively, like a despot bent on increasing his own dominance—often at the expense of the Union war effort. As secretary of war, he was a tyrant. He used heavy-handed tactics to eliminate political foes, tarnishing the reputations of meritorious officers, interfering with elections, and manipulating draft quotas. He disregarded the suffering of soldiers’ impoverished families while simultaneously engaging in nepotism to protect his own. In 1863 [End Page 288] he even audaciously “snapped at the congenial Lincoln in a way he would never have dared to do to James Buchanan” in order to get his way (302). Marvel is merciless in his denunciation of Stanton. From his youth until his death, Stanton is cold, duplicitous, dishonest, selfish, paranoid, petty, perfidious, malicious, conniving, untrustworthy, insulting, hypocritical, insincere, and surreptitious. Even Stanton’s physical appearance elicits derision. At least twice in the text Marvel quotes the same contemporary description of Stanton as “pig-faced” (14, 136). Marvel frequently qualifies his statements with words like “probably,” “seems,” “apparently,” “evidently,” “likely,” “must have,” and “may have,” in places where the documentary record is either inconclusive or does not expressly support his interpretation. These ubiquitous qualifiers tend to undermine the force of Marvel’s thesis. In almost every instance in which Stanton could be given the benefit of the doubt, Marvel...

Kevin Quinlan. The Secret War Between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s. History of British Intelligence. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2014. Pp. 286. $49.95 (cloth).

Kevin Quinlan. The Secret War Between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s. History of British Intelligence. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2014. Pp. 286. $49.95 (cloth).

The Rationales for the First Joint Accounting Efforts for US Prisoners of War/Missing in Action in Laos: A Lao Perspective

This article outlines the reasons behind the Lao People's Democratic Republic's (LPDR) decision to reach agreement with the United States in 1985 for the purposes of initiating joint efforts to account for US Prisoners of War/Missing in Action (POW/MIA) lost in Laos during the Vietnam War. The article attempts to explain why LPDR's domestic security concerns, as well as the government's desire to demonstrate autonomous decision-making in the conduct of the country's foreign policy, were the two main drivers of the 1985 agreement. Domestic concerns arose from the perceived threat of violence from American-supported Thai-based anti-LPDR resistance groups and private groups entering Laos illegally in search of alleged live POWs. (1) Moreover, the LPDR required from the United States mutual respect for its independent foreign policy-making: in other words, the LPDR wanted to be seen as acting as an independent sovereign entity in handling the POW/MIA issue. For the purposes of this article, sovereignty is broadly defined as state's ability to control actors and activities within and across its border (2) and to project authoritative decision-making. (3) As regards the LPDR's sovereignty concerns, the operationalization of this concept is relatively unexplored in studies pertaining to the POW/MIA issue. Examining the LPDR's sovereignty concerns enables one to better understand Lao's role in POW/MIA negotiations; a role that is clearly marginalized, given that it is the concerns and viewpoints of American scholars and policymakers that dominate the discourse. The Secret in Laos and the POW/MIA Issue Before examining the 1985 US-LPDR agreement, it is useful to briefly recount the activities of the United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV or North Vietnam) in Laos during the Vietnam War. (4) Although prohibited by the 1962 Geneva Accords --which supposedly legalized the neutrality and independence of the Kingdom of Laos--both the United States and North Vietnam secretly conducted military activities against each other inside Laotian territory. On one side, the United States conducted covert military operations, including an extensive air campaign, to disrupt and destroy North Vietnam's logistical supply lines--known colloquially as the Ho Chi Minh Trail--which ran through parts of Laos. On the other side, North Vietnam supported the communist Pathet Lao forces which aimed to overthrow the US-supported Royal Lao Government (RLG). (5) This secret war in Laos ended in December 1975 when the Pathet Lao took control of the country and renamed it the LPDR. Although US military personnel were supposed to have been active in Laos during the Vietnam War, the US Department of Defense (DoD) recorded 575 men as Missing in Action (MIA) in Laos as revealed in Table 1 below. Table 1 shows the number of American MIAs from the Vietnam in four countries--Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and China--and the record of repatriation and identification which is conducted by DoD's Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) based at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam in Hawaii. Data for those lost in Laos is recorded under Americans Lost in the Vietnam War rather than the secret war in Laos. Since the 1985 agreement, the US government has tried to resolve the 575 MIA cases in the LPDR. Between 1985 and 2015, 135 joint field activities were conducted in Laos. According to the DPAA, only 270 cases, or less than half, including 23 no further pursuit category, (6) have been repatriated and identified. Presently, approximately 50 US personnel, together with their Lao counterparts, conduct four joint field activities each year in the LPDR. The origins of the joint US-LPDR accounting efforts are still little understood. This is surprising given the continued importance to Washington of the on-going field excavations, and counter-narcotics and counter-terrorism cooperation between the United States and LPDR, (7) as well as the need to better understand the background of the current bilateral relationship. …

Reframing “official memory”: Don DeLillo’s Libra and the House Select Committee on Assassinations

Critics have examined DeLillo’s appropriation of The Warren Commission Report in Libra , but the novel responds to more than this fundamental document of the assassination archive. Libra should also be situated within the investigations into the activities of the CIA in the 1970s. These investigations conducted by the Rockefeller Commission, the Church Committee, and the Pike Committee provide the historical background crucial for comprehending DeLillo’s fictional intervention into the lingering JFK assassination controversy. These investigations also spawned the House Select Committee on Assassinations in 1976, whose work leaves “the blank spaces in the known record” (457) that Libra attempts to fill, primarily Lee Harvey Oswald’s connections to American intelligence and the secret war against Castro. In doing so, Libra provides a summary of the very real efforts of the CIA to overthrow Castro, from the joint CIA-Mafia assassination plots and the Bay of Pigs invasion to Operation Mongoose.

Chasing the Santa Fe Ring: Power and Privilege in Territorial New Mexico by David Caffey (review)

Reviewed by: Chasing the Santa Fe Ring: Power and Privilege in Territorial New Mexico by David Caffey James Blackshear Chasing the Santa Fe Ring: Power and Privilege in Territorial New Mexico. By David Caffey. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2014. Pp. 336. Illustrations, notes, map, table, index.) In the post-Civil War Southwest, contemporary New Mexico newspapers characterized the Santa Fe Ring as an alliance of Republican officials [End Page 434] in both New Mexico Territory and Washington, D.C., who used their government positions to accumulate power and wealth through unethical means. The latter included land and election fraud, graft, jury tampering, and illegal manipulation of government contracts. In this well-balanced account of Gilded Age New Mexico, David Caffey explains that while most people who were associated with this ring were Republicans, Democrats also participated. He also argues that while Ring members were not angels, perhaps they were not the complete devils their political rivals made them out to be. After the Civil War, Anglo Americans began moving west, including to New Mexico Territory, in large numbers. None made a more significant impact in New Mexico Territory than two old college classmates, Thomas B. Catron and Stephen B. Elkins. While they took different paths to get there, Confederate Catron and Union veteran Elkins both ended up in Santa Fe, where they became law partners and power brokers within the Republican Party. Caffey details these men’s unique personal, political, and business relationships in the three decades that followed, explaining why their names are almost synonymous with the name Santa Fe Ring. While Catron remained a leading political figure in New Mexico for most of his life, Elkins moved east, serving as secretary of war and becoming a United States senator for West Virginia. Chasing the Santa Fe Ring illustrates how these men took advantage of their positions for their own personal gain, in the process creating one of the most interesting political partnerships in United States history. Yet this book is about much more than Catron and Elkins. Using court records, contemporary newspapers, and excellent secondary sources, Caffey builds a history of late nineteenth-century New Mexico that includes all the leading figures of the period. José Francisco Chaves, William Breeden, James Dolan, and countless others make their appearance. Caffey meticulously details such men’s roles in the fight for the Maxwell Land Grant, known as the Lincoln County Wars. Appendices give short, individual biographies about anyone who ever had a newspaper link them to Ring activities. Exquisitely rendered photos of leading New Mexico personalities accompany the text. Working on several levels, Caffey has written a detailed history, warts and all, of the Santa Fe Ring and men who have been linked to it in one way or another. Yet this is also a study of how any historical figure’s contemporary rivals have a role in shaping historical memory. While no apologist, Caffey makes a strong argument that if historians look beyond the hyperbole of the moment and study each source on its own merit, alternate perspectives often come to light. Southwestern scholars will find much of value here, as will historians interested in nineteenth-century politics, mythmaking, and the writing of history. [End Page 435] James Blackshear Collin College Copyright © 2014 The Texas State Historical Association

The secret war between the wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s. By Kevin Quinlan

The secret war between the wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s. By Kevin Quinlan