Scott's Letter Research Articles

Correction to: Sir Walter Scott to William Scott, 1 May 1826: An Unpublished Scott Letter

Correction to: Sir Walter Scott to William Scott, 1 May 1826: An Unpublished Scott Letter

Sir Walter Scott to William Scott, 1 May 1826: An Unpublished Scott Letter

Sir Walter Scott to William Scott, 1 May 1826: An Unpublished Scott Letter

Sir Walter Scott: Life-Writing as Anti-romance

From Thomas Carlyle's perspective, Sir Walter Scott lived no Romantic life. Carlyle rated early 19th century the sickliest of recorded ages, when British literature lay all puking and sprawling in Werterism [and] Byronism ... fruit of internal wind (Carlyle 306-07, his emphasis). His assessment of Scott, then, might seem a good thing. As he reviewed J. G. Lockhart's Life of Scott in January, 1838, however, Carlyle wrote that Scott most part transcended but a little way region of (304). (1) In 1840, Carlyle codified a theory of heroes in a series of lectures; in 1838, he recognized in Scott only those attributes shared with a wide humanity--industry, habit and health. (2) Scott's dubious achievement was his ordinariness. To Carlyle, Scott did not embrace what he could be, and thereby amounted nothing much. Yet, by focusing his review on Lockhart's romance of Sir Walter rather than on Scott's letters and journaling that often were quoted within it, Carlyle missed something. Scott excelled in ordinariness; his best, last, and quite deliberate subject was that commonplace self so disliked by Thomas Carlyle. When Scott died in 1832, others also were keen force him into or out of a mold by then determined Romantic. They wrote with benefit of a hindsight Scott could never have, and without risk of his disagreement. For Captain Basil Hall of Royal Navy, Scott was at his heroic best when he embarked on an 1831 sea voyage salvage his failing health; melding and nature, in 1832, Joanna Baillie described recently deceased Sir Walter now The cover'd treasure of a sacred spot; in an 1835 memoir, Washington Irving directly aligned his 1817 visit Scott at Abbotsford with his tour of a Newstead Abbey made Romantic by life and death of Byron. (3) Lockhart's memoir, on publication of its seventh and last volume, became renowned for a deathbed scene that heroized a poet who had predated and now aged out of Romance potentiality (Life 7: 393-94). Whatever Romanticism was by 1832, it required a life less ordinary. Lockhart, Walter Scott junior, and Robert Cadell, publisher, consequently tried restrain biographical impulses of James Hogg and William Laidlaw--each of whom had a story tell. (4) In 1827, Lockhart had railed: England expects every driveller do his Memorabilia (Lockhart, Quarterly 149). He concluded by attacking acquaintances turned biographers. With reading public as filthily prurient ... an eaves-dropping lackey, reputations need be protected (164). Those previously admitted to circles much above their station will find themselves excluded by fear that they will now [turn] a penny by systematic record of privacies too generously exposed (165). Lockhart's official biography of Scott, not surprisingly, is seen benefiting from privileged access yet entirely propagandizing for idea of great writer a great man (Carruthers 102). To Lockhart, Hogg and Laidlaw could only degrade Scott's reputation--a reputation Scott's literary heirs and business partners were keen maintain for its posthumous value. Shepherds turned poets, favorites of Sir Walter and intimates of his daily life, Hogg and Laidlaw promised meet Lockhart's low expectations: Hogg declared he wrote to show what [Scott] was in parlour, in his family, and among his acquaintances; and ... nothing extenuate, or set down aught through partiality (Robertson 48). Knowing ordinariness of everyday, and with their own lowly associations, Laidlaw and Hogg risked reducing Scott commonplace. What Carlyle, Scott's descendants and publishers, and even James Hogg missed in their competition tell story of Sir Walter Scott was how Scott's biography posed a problem residing in themselves. Scott, indeed, anticipated problem. Lockhart's first volume claimed its ground by quoting Scott's opinion of biography the most interesting perhaps of every species of composition (Life 1: 374) Scott continued, however: can no more sympathize with a mere eulogist than I can with a ranting hero upon stage (375). …

The model of poesy

Preface Introduction: William Scott (c.1571-c.1617) The Model in context Form and method Textual introduction The Model of Poesy Commentary Appendices: Appendix 1. The dedication to Scott's Du Bartas Appendix 2. Scott's letter to Cecil Appendix 3. Scott's will.

Family History and GINA: Reply

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article LetterFull AccessLetterPaul S. Appelbaum M.D.Paul S. Appelbaum M.D.Search for more papers by this authorPublished Online:1 Jun 2010https://doi.org/10.1176/ps.2010.61.6.634aAboutSectionsPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack Citations ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail Family History and GINA: ReplyIn Reply: I appreciate the opportunity that Dr. Scott's letter provides for further clarification of the provisions of GINA with regard to discrimination by employers. The core prohibition of Title II of GINA is that employers may not use genetic information in hiring or other work-related decisions. As Dr. Scott notes, "genetic information" includes employees' family histories of illness. To reinforce the prohibition against discrimination, GINA states that employers generally may not request genetic information. However, the statute recognizes that employers may obtain genetic data in a number of other ways, including inadvertently (for example, when the employee spontaneously discloses a family history), as part of an employer-provided wellness program, and in the course of evaluating requests for family and medical leave. Such permissible acquisition of data does not expose employers to liability under the terms of GINA unless they subsequently use the information for an illegitimate purpose. In March 2010 the EEOC issued draft regulations implementing GINA ( 1 ). The regulations address ways in which employers might acquire genetic information as a result of medical examinations—the primary means by which mental health professionals may be implicated in Title II of GINA. Employers will not be permitted to inquire into family history and genetic testing data for the purpose of fitness-for-duty evaluations or to determine what may constitute reasonable accommodations under the Americans With Disabilities Act. Although the draft regulations are not entirely clear on this point, employers may need to instruct medical and mental health professionals performing such evaluations on their behalf to avoid those areas of inquiry, or at least not to report such information to the employer. Should employers acquire genetic information from other kinds of evaluations in which they have not specifically requested that such information be provided, the EEOC indicates in its commentary on the draft regulations that this will be considered inadvertent acquisition. We will know more about how GINA will be implemented when final regulations are issued. But it appears that the EEOC is aware of some of the complexities in this area and is attempting to grapple with them in reasonable ways.Reference1. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission: Regulations Under the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act of 2008. CFR 29 Part 1635, Mar 2, 2009Google Scholar FiguresReferencesCited byDetailsCited ByNone Volume 61Issue 6 June, 2010Pages 634-634PSYCHIATRIC SERVICES June 2010 Volume 61 Number 6 Metrics PDF download History Published online 1 June 2010 Published in print 1 June 2010

Scott, History, and the Augustan Public Sphere

IN DECEMBER 1819, WALTER SCOTT WROTE TO LORD MELVILLE AND LORD Montagu outlining plans for a militia of local smallholders and laborers to counter the approach of radical insurrection in Scotland and civil war in Britain.(1) The letters made two in a series Scott sent to his neighbors and colleagues, in which, in identical language, he preached the modern uses of a reinvented feudal and clothed himself romantically as the quasi-Highland chief of a clan regiment (L 6: 113). In seeking the support of his neighbors, Scott catalogued the benefits the militias would bestow: the influence on the morale of the by the display of such a force ... will make the with the young and able bodied check the progress of discontent and intimidate the radicals who will thus see enemies among those on whom they reckond as secret well wishers....(L 6: 71) [W]e should give them a jacket & pantaloons of Galashiels grey cloth which would aid the manufacturers of the place--highland bonnets with a short feather their own grey plaids in case of sleeping out black crossbelts and musquets.(L 6: 61) Scott's Scotland is caught between a past framed as Jacobite and a threatening Jacobin future. In response, he levels a Jacobite vernacular of belted plaids and tenant-soldiers against Jacobin aggression. What is apparent in his letters, as in his Waverley novels, is the insignificance of military force when compared with the mediated power of fashion and display. The best defense against crisis is for Scotland's common people to parade their loyalty to their British king and country, marshalled by cultural producers who orchestrate the cohesive processes of sympathy and emulation (L 6: 63). Thus in drawing up plans for his corps of volunteers Scott offers more details of the nostalgic uniforms he has invented than of recruitment, arming, or command. His plans demand that laboring-class militiamen and their gentlemen-sponsors alike buy into the cultural producer's fictions, conspicuously consuming the signs he authorizes, from the paper pellets of a literary battery to the theatrically traditional costume and weaponry of his projected Highland soldiers (L 6: 58). In this way Scott forges a cultural route out of the distinctive stalemate of his romantic Scotland and into a British modernity where Scotland's distinctness and history thrive precisely in their cosmopolitan consumption. Scott was to realize his prescription for social order two years later, during the visit of George IV to Edinburgh in 1822. He planned a weeklong pageant, which he marketed to the intended participants in broadside poems and pamphlets that translated into popular, practical, reproducible terms the historical processes of reconciliation his novels depict.(2) The king paraded through streets lined by ordered rows of soldiers, Highland militiamen, gentlemen-volunteers, and dignitaries.(3) The sartorial distinction and spatial distribution of the players according to rank, class, trade, and place of origin emblematized both their to the British crown and their ethnic and class diversity.(4) Scott's staging of this festival of Britain iconographically confirmed the inclusive Hanoverian Britishness of Scotland while setting rigorous limits to protest and disruption.(5) Like the volunteers' riposte to radical dissent proposed in Scott's letters, these limits were simultaneously performative and economic. Rooted in production and consumption of avowedly historical costume and artifact, they stimulated the local economy and took part in the circulation of Scottish national sentiments throughout Britain in printed form. This essay addresses the mix of tradition with economic and cultural production that characterizes Scott's practices of national identity. It brings together two turns in the cultural history of romantic Scotland. One is the moment at which economic production gives way to the cultural production it enables. …

The Causes of Colon Cancer-Reply

In Reply. —Dr Scott's letter captures nicely the complex nature of the etiology of colon cancer. My article suggested that more than fat and meat on the one hand and complex carbohydrates and fiber on the other are involved in the etiology. For instance, one needs to consider, inter alia, the genetically determined capacity to metabolize arylamines, the hepatic biliary response to fat ingestion, and the degree of anticarcinogenic activity in the colonic mucosa (whether exogenous via vegetables or endogenous via fermentation of fiber). Nonetheless, the net contribution of any of these will vary considerably from one culture to another—some where the increased risk is determined by the amount of carcinogens and promoters in the diet and where the endogenous protection against these compounds is sufficient to inhibit or reduce the likelihood of colon cancer; and others where the endogenous systems need a boost from external anticarcinogens or volatile fatty

Sir Walter Scott and John Bell of Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Some Unpublished Correspondence

Grierson's edition of Scott's letters prints four letters to John Bell, the Newcastle bookseller and antiquarian.1 Copies of the originals of three of these, together with thirteen other letters, have recently come to light in the Robert White Collection in the University Library at Newcastle. The first nine letters are in John Bell's hand, whilst the remaining seven beginning with the letter dated 14 December 1813, are in the hand of his brother, Thomas (the brothers appear to be confused under one entry in DNB). The letters are part of a five-volume set of Bell's miscellaneous correspondence, arranged in rough chronological order and running from I8o8-I8I6.2 The correspondence appears to have been transcribed with great care, to the point of copying out a slip on Scott's part in his letter dated 3 April I813 which is located in the first line of the letter.

THE DATE OF A SCOTT LETTER

Journal Article THE DATE OF A SCOTT LETTER Get access GEORGE A. MCD. WOOD GEORGE A. MCD. WOOD Yale University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume 14, Issue 1, January 1967, Pages 12–13, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/14-1-12 Published: 01 January 1967

Scott Letters: Correction

Scott Letters: Correction

AN UNCOLLECTED SCOTT LETTER

AN UNCOLLECTED SCOTT LETTER

Russian Friends and Correspondents of Sir Walter Scott

ERHAPS nowhere on the Continent, in the late 1820s and 1830s, was the popularity of Sir Walter Scott so great as in Russia.1 Foreign pilgrims to Abbotsford included a large proportion of Russianswriters, diplomats, soldiers. The letters which are here printed serve to illustrate this popularity. My attention was first drawn to these letters by the register of Scott's correspondents in Wilfrid Partington's book, Sir Walter's Post-Bag (London, 1932), a sequel to his earlier work, The Private Letter Books of Sir Walter Scott: Selections from the Abbotsford Manuscripts (London, 1930). Both these books include selections from Scott's private letter books (containing about 6,000 letters addressed to Scott), which were acquired by the late Sir Hugh Walpole at an auction in 1921 and after his death bequeathed to the National Library of Scotland. During World War II the Walpole collection was inaccessible to me, but Mr. W. M. Parker, who had assisted Sir Herbert Grierson in his edition of Scott's letters, kindly supplied me with copies of letters from Russian correspondents which were written in English, and with English versions of some of those that were written in French. In 1944, in response to an appeal from the editors of Literaturnoe Nasledstvo (Literary Heritage) of Moscow for material on Anglo-Russian literary relations for their projected Anglo-Russian volume (similar to the Franco-Russian volume published earlier), I sent them Russian versions of the letters of D. and V. Davydov and of A. Izmailov. In a letter, dated December 15, 1944, Mr. I. Silberstein, one of the editors of Literaturnoe Nasledstvo, thanked Mr. Parker and myself for the communication of these letters, and informed me that their volume was to include a chapter dealing with Sir Walter Scott's Russian connections, for which a great deal of fresh material had been found in Russia. This new material included a letter from Scott to Denis Davydov; five letters

Wordsworth as Business Man

Wordsworthians have long been puzzled and perhaps a little distressed by the poet's apparent shift in political opinion. It is curious that in all the discussion that has resulted no one has said much about Wordsworth's rather vigorous life as a man of business. The story begins with the popular picture of Wordsworth “virtuous, simple, and unaffectedly restricting every want and wish to the bounds of a very narrow income”, with his “little cottage, and the sister and wife dressing the mutton leg in the same room where it was to be eat.” There is probably some truth behind this picture, though it belongs to an earlier period than that of Scott's letter. For some years after his father's death (1784) Wordsworth very likely had more expectations than cash. But since his uncles and guardians were prepared to contribute almost 460 to his college expenses, Wordsworth's only real hardship must have been in not having his own money at hand. Moreover Wordsworth's father, who, in succession to his father and to his cousin, John Robinson, the favorite of George II, had been attorney and land-agent to the Earl of Lonsdale, left only part of his estate tied up in the famous debt owed by the Earl. It is difficult to determine the size of the remainder. Words worth's elder brother, had about 100 a year; and there seems to have been other real and personal property. Gordon Wordsworth, working from the account of his greatgrandfather, lists the following property as belonging at some time to John Wordsworth: the Sockbridge estate; “the various ‘Cattle Gates’ upon the moor”; Ingmire Close, which he had bought from his father-in-law, and which gave him a vote in Cumberland; two fields near Cockermouth, which had cost 200; and “other small properties in various parts of Cumberland.” And the other children must have had some share in an estate at Newbiggin, in Westmorland.

Scott Letters Discovered in Russia

Judging from repetitious appearances of her marital arms in the painted line-endings, the Psalter-Hours John Rylands Library Latin MS 117 probably belonged to Jeanne of Flanders (c.1272–1333), daughter of Count Robert III of Flanders and in 1288 second wife to Enguerrand IV of Coucy. Yet the line-endings also contain some 1,800 diminutive painted escutcheons, many of which refer to other members of the local nobility active during the 1280s. This study, based on an exhaustive survey of the total heraldic and codicological evidence, suggests that the majority of the extant Psalter predated the Hours and that the two parts were combined after the 1288 marriage. The ‘completed’ manuscript bears witness to major events that unfolded in and around the Coucy barony over the course of the decade. It suggests a complex relationship between Jeanne of Flanders and a lesser member of the local nobility, a certain Marien of Moÿ, who may have served as her attendant.

The Scott Letters in the Huntington Library

The Scott Letters in the Huntington Library

A scott letter: meaning of "Assessed"

A scott letter: meaning of "Assessed"

A Scott Letter: Meaning of "Assessed."

A Scott Letter: Meaning of "Assessed."

XVII. Experiments and observations to investigate the nature of a kind of steel, manufactured at Bombay, and there called Wootz: with remarks on the properties and composition of the different states of iron

Doctor Scott , of Bombay, in a letter to the President, acquaints him that he has sent over specimens of a substance known by the name of wootz; which is considered to be a kind of steel, and is in high esteem among the Indians. Dr. Scott mentions several of its properties, and requests that an inquiry may be instituted to obtain further knowledge of its nature. This gentleman informs the President, that wootz " admits of a harder temper than any thing known in that " part of India; that it is employed for covering that part of " gun-locks which the flint strikes: that it is used for " cutting iron on a lathe; for cutting stones; for chizzels; for making files; for saws; and for every purpose where " excessive hardness is necessary. ” Dr. Scott observes that this substance " cannot bear any thing beyond a very slight red heat, " which makes it work very tediously in the hands of smiths; " and that " it has a still greater inconvenience or defect, that " of not being capable of being welded with iron or steel; " to which therefore it is only joined by screws and other " contrivances." He likewise observes, that when wootz is “ heated above a slight red heat, part of the mass seems to “ run, and the whole is lost, as if it consisted of metals of " different degrees of fusibility. " We learn also from Dr. Scott's letter, that “ the working with wootz is so difficult, that it is a " separate art from that of forging iron." It will be proper also to notice his observation, that “ the magnetical power in "an imperfect degree can be communicated to this substance." § 2. Mechanical and obvious Properties The specimens of wootz were in the shape of a round cake, of about five inches in diameter, and one thick; each of which weighed somewhat more than two pounds. The cake had been cut almost quite through, so as to nearly divide it into two equal parts. It was externally of a dull black colour; the surface was smooth; the cut part was also smooth, and, excepting a few pinny places and small holes, the texture appeared to be uniform. It felt about as heavy as an equal bulk of iron or steel. It was tasteless and inodorous. No indentation could be made by blows with a heavy hammer; nor was it broken by blows which I think would have broken a like piece of our steel. Fire was elicited on collision with flint. Under the file I found wootz much harder than common bar steel not yet hardened, and than Huntsman' s cast steel not yet hardened. It seemed to possess the hardness of some kinds of crude iron, but did not effectually resist the file like highly tempered steel, and many sorts of crude iron: for although the teeth of the file were rapidly worn down and broken, the wootz. was also reduced to the state of filings The filed surface was of a bright bluish colour, shining like hardened steel; but some parts were brighter than others; and the most shining places seemed to be the hardest parts : hence perhaps the reason of the surface being uneven, and a little pinny . Notwithstanding this uneven and pinny appearance of the filed surface, a polish was produced, which was I think at least equal, if not superior, in brilliancy and smoothness to that of any steel I ever saw. The wootz filings were attracted by the magnet like common iron filings.