Scottish Social Attitudes Survey Research Articles

Independence is not Going Away: The Importance of Education and Birth Cohorts

AbstractSupport for Scottish independence has remained stable since the change in the leadership of the Scottish National Party in March 2023, despite the fall in support for the party. The article analyses the sociological basis of independence support since 1979, using data from the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey and recent opinion polls. The recent stability reflects three main changes: the pronounced growth in support among people born since the 1970s; the growth of education in these same cohorts; and the shift to the left of the independence campaign. These long‐term trends suggest that the level of support for independence, and of opposition to it, are unlikely to be affected strongly or permanently by the transient fortunes of the SNP.

Exploring Sovereignty in Scotland

AbstractIt is often said that sovereignty is ever less meaningful in the modern world. Yet, sovereignty claims continue to proliferate. There are two elements: the subject of self‐determination (sovereignty) claims and the object. Scottish independence and Brexit are two examples, yet they differ in important ways. Brexit postulates that the British people are the subject and complete sovereignty is the object. The Scottish independence movement claims the Scottish people is the subject but now places the object (independence) in a European context of shared sovereignty. Analysis of questions placed in the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey (2021) shows that, in spite of Scottish politics being polarised around the issue of independence vs. union, voters show flexibility about what each of these actually means.

High noon for the Union?

Next May, the SNP will be defending a fourteen year record in office in Edinburgh. Typically, governments find it difficult to secure electoral success in such circumstances. The 'costs of government' – the almost inevitable gap between a party's initial promises and voters' perceptions of what has actually been achieved – usually take their toll at the ballot box (Green and Jennings, 2017). Yet, even though the SNP administration has had its fair share of difficulties and disappointments during its now lengthy time in office, just how well it has met the challenges of the last 14 years may come to matter little in voters' minds when they decide how to cast their ballot.

Peeble them wi’ stanes: Twenty years of the Scottish Parliament

Twenty years of the Scottish Parliament requires assessment of its impact. What do people in Scotland think of it so far? Has it fulfilled their expectations and needs? This article focuses on evidence from Scottish Social Attitudes surveys over the period, and in particular how the performances of Scottish Government vis-à-vis UK Government are judged by public opinion. To what extent has the devolution conundrum, identified in the first session of the parliament, namely, that the Scottish tier of government gets the credit for any successes, and the UK government the blame for failures been reversed? How do people rate the respective tiers of government In terms of willingness to listen, and trust in governments to work in Scotland's long-term interests and judgements about fairness? How are these differences best explained in terms of people's social and demographic characteristics as well as their political and constitutional views? The article concludes that Scottish Government has maintained early expectations, and established itself as the premier tier of government despite its constitutional position as a devolved institution. It has become, in the eyes of people in Scotland, the main framework through which politics and policy-making in Scotland are carried out.

A Subtle but Intractable Problem? Public Attitudes to Sectarianism in 2014

Discussion of sectarianism often focuses on evidence purporting to show discriminatory behaviour directed at Catholics or Protestants in Scotland. But attitudes also matter – in sustaining (or preventing) such discriminatory behaviours, and in understanding the nature of the ‘problem of sectarianism’ from the perspective of the Scottish public. This paper uses data from the Scottish Social Attitudes survey 2014. The survey fills a gap in the evidence base by providing robust evidence on what the public actually thinks about sectarianism in modern Scotland. It assesses public beliefs about the extent and nature of sectarianism and its perceived causes. Tensions in public opinion and differences in the attitudes of different sections of Scottish society are explored.

The End of Being British?

As the 2014 Referendum on Scottish independence approaches, a question which many people see as crucial is: have the British ceased to be British? In particular, have the Scots ceased to be British, and are there signs that the English are following the same path away from state identity? This article reviews evidence from British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, to show that there is no simple dichotomy between ‘national’ (Scottish or English) identity, and ‘state’ (British) identity. A majority of people in both Scotland and England take some pride in being British. In Scotland, although people are more strongly ‘Scottish’, they do not take a negative view of Britain's past or its erstwhile Empire and they see ‘British’ as a multicultural and unifying label. The data show that ‘Britain’ remains a salient and meaningful frame of reference, even though fewer and fewer people in England and Scotland define their own identity primarily as British. If they choose not to define themselves as British, this is a positive decision, not one they make because they think Britishness is a concept devoid of meaning.

Tall Tales: Understanding Religion and Scottish Independence

There are a number of tall tales about how religion shapes opinions on Scotland's constitutional future. This article outlines some of the more common of these, as well as claims of a recent ‘silent revolution’ amongst Scotland's Catholics. These are examined through the evidence of Scottish Social Attitudes Surveys. The article concludes that the apparent associations between religious group and support for independence in fact spring from differential experiences of secularisation. Far from demonstrating shifts in religious opinion, the evidence suggests that religious belonging now has little or no relevance to attitudes towards independence.

Pension Confusion, Uncertainty and Trust in Scotland: An Empirical Analysis

AbstractIn the context of the new automatic enrolment requirements for all eligible employees to make pension provision for their employees, and the importance of trust in pension provision, this article utilises data from the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which, in its 2005 wave, asked correspondents specific questions regarding pension provision. We integrate two different empirical approaches in order to achieve a more robust understanding of pension confusion in Scotland. We find that pension confusion is dominated by pension uncertainty and myopia, but these may be reduced for those working in the financial sector. We consider the implications of these findings for the relationship of trust between employers and their employees, as well as for trust in government pension policy more generally.

Attitudes towards Income and Wealth Inequality and Support for Scottish Independence over Time and the Interaction with National Identity

As the Scottish independence referendum is drawing near, the importance of understanding public attitudes that influence support for independence is increasing. The relationship between attitudes towards social inequality and support for independence is not well understood. Using data from the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, we empirically analysed the relationship between attitudes towards income and wealth inequality, taxation, and income redistribution and support for independence over time. Further, we examined to what extent party identification explained the findings and the interaction between attitudes towards social inequality and national identity. Individuals who held more left-wing attitudes towards social inequality were more likely to support independence and the associations were stronger among individuals identifying as more Scottish. Over time, the associations remained relatively consistent. Party identification explained some, but not all of the associations. There was evidence to suggest that having a positive attitude towards the government's role in income redistribution may be becoming more important for independence support in recent years, especially among the more Scottish groups. The opposite was found for general attitudes towards wealth inequality. Further analysis is required to investigate whether these trends continue as the campaigns for and against independence become more active.

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Scotland seems to be a counter-example to general theories of the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism. These theories point to three components in the ideology of language and nation—that being able to speak the national language is necessary for full national membership, that the national language is a core part of the nation's culture, and that the future of national political autonomy and the future of the national language are connected with each other. In Scotland, it has appeared that language is not central to national membership or culture, and language campaigning has not been central to the political campaigns for autonomy. The article presents new evidence, from the 2012 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which questions these beliefs about the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism in Scotland.

Whatever Became of the British?

Much of the debate about ‘being British’ is driven by the politics of the constitutional future of the United Kingdom. This has led to assertions about the declining impact of Britishness, and how, in the interests of the Union, it might be revived. Data from British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys show that ‘Britain’ remains an important and meaningful frame of reference, even though people in England and Scotland may not define their prime national identity as British. The relationship between national identity and constitutional preferences is complex. Being ‘strongly Scottish’ is a weak predictor of constitutional preferences because almost all Scots are at the ‘strong’ end of the Scottish scale, whereas saying you are ‘British’ (or not) is a better guide. It is not a matter of choosing to be Scottish or English over being British, but recognising the complexity and inter‐relationships of diverse territorial identities.

Choosing National Identity

This paper examines national identity in England and Scotland, arguing that it is necessary to understand how people construe it instead of simply assuming that it is constructed from above by the state. It adds to qualitative data on this issue by discussing recent survey data, from the British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys 2006, in which for the first time people are asked about their reasons for making a specific choice of national identity. In so doing it fleshes out the responses given to a well known survey question (the so-called ‘Moreno’ question) providing a greater understanding of what a large sample of people are saying when they make these territorial identity choices. The English and the Scots handle ‘national’ and ‘state’ identities differently, but the paper shows there is considerable similarity as regards reasons for choosing national identity. Both English and Scottish ‘nationals’, those placing greater weight on their ‘national’ as opposed to their ‘state’ identities, choose to do so mainly for cultural and institutional reasons. They are not making a ‘political’ statement about the break-up of Britain. At the British end of the scale, there are patterns in the English data which throw into doubt easy assertions about ‘being British’. Simply assuming, as some politicians and commentators do, that ‘British’ has singular meanings is unfounded. The future of the United Kingdom as presently constituted may lie in the hands of those who describe themselves as equally national (English or Scottish) and British. Devolution influences which national identity people choose in all three sets of national identity categories but these effects are sociologically most interesting in this group. Devolution seems to have encouraged them to stress the equality of the two nations in the British state, recognising that they are equal partners, that one can be equally proud of a national and a British identity, and that it is not necessary to choose one over the other.

Claiming national identity

Using data from the British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys 2006, this article examines the willingness of people living and born in England and Scotland to accept or reject claims to national identity made by those living in but not born in the appropriate territory. It compares the way claims employing key markers, notably birthplace, accent, parentage and ‘race’ are received in the two countries. It is a significant finding that the results for the two countries do not differ greatly. National identity, thinking of oneself as ‘exclusively national’, is the critical criterion explaining the extent to which respondents reject claims, while there is a modest educational effect if the respondent does not have a university degree. National identity is not to be equated with citizenship but involves cultural markers of birth, ancestry and accent as well as residence. Understanding how people identify and use markers of national identity is not as straightforward as politicians in particular believe and imply.

Another Child? Fertility Ideals, Resources and Opportunities

Low fertility in most developed countries has prompted policy concern in relation to labour market supply, pensions, and expenditure on health and welfare services as well as policy debate about both the cost of children and the opportunity costs of parenthood. The extent to which family policy interventions can be effective in slowing or reversing fertility decline is much debated. This paper, based on a fertility module of the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2005, examines the current fertility, and ideal and expected fertility of a nationally representative sample of 455 parents of reproductive age and focuses on whether they plan to have another child. It compares the characteristics of those who intend to have another child with those who do not, and how parents with one child differ from those with more children. It addresses three questions about family size: (1) fertility ideals, (2) resources and the economic implications of childbearing, and (3) opportunities for childbearing and the effects of a late start on fertility expectations. It concludes that, despite a sustained period of low fertility in Scotland, childbearing ideals are robust and explanations of low fertility must derive from difficulties in realising those ideals. Difficulties in realising fertility aspirations are associated less with resources than with opportunities for childbearing, especially the timing of first birth. Those who delay their first birth are less likely to realise their ideal family size, and their lower fertility is associated with the opportunity costs of childbearing in terms of foregone qualifications, careers and earnings.

Associations between health and different types of environmental incivility: A Scotland-wide study

Concern about the impact of the environment on health and well-being has tended to focus on the physical effects of exposure to toxic and infectious substances, and on the impact of large-scale infrastructures. Less attention has been paid to the possible psychosocial consequences of people's subjective perceptions of their everyday, street-level environment, such as the incidence of litter and graffiti. As little is known about the potential relative importance for health of perceptions of different types of environmental incivility, a module was developed for inclusion in the 2004 Scottish Social Attitudes survey in order to investigate this relationship. A random sample of 1637 adults living across a range of neighbourhoods throughout Scotland was interviewed. Respondents were asked to rate their local area on a range of possible environmental incivilities. These incivilities were subsequently grouped into three domains: (i) street-level incivilities (e.g. litter, graffiti); (ii) large-scale infrastructural incivilities (e.g. telephone masts); and (iii) the absence of environmental goods (e.g. safe play areas for children). For each of the three domains, the authors examined the degree to which they were thought to pose a problem locally, and how far these perceptions varied between those living in deprived areas and those living in less-deprived areas. Subsequently, the relationships between these perceptions and self-assessed health and health behaviours were explored, after controlling for gender, age and social class. Respondents with the highest levels of perceived street-level incivilities were almost twice as likely as those who perceived the lowest levels of street-level incivilities to report frequent feelings of anxiety and depression. Perceived absence of environmental goods was associated with increased anxiety (2.5 times more likely) and depression (90% more likely), and a 50% increased likelihood of being a smoker. Few associations with health were observed for perceptions of large-scale infrastructural incivilities. Environmental policy needs to give more priority to reducing the incidence of street-level incivilities and the absence of environmental goods, both of which appear to be more important for health than perceptions of large-scale infrastructural incivilities.

Public attitudes and law reform: extending the legal framework for child contact to unmarried fathers, grandparents and step-parents?

The demographic transformations of partnership and parenthood present fresh challenges for family law and the rules governing child contact following parental separation are no exception. As children are now more likely to live in non-traditional families and experience family transitions, more kin act as de-facto parents, at least in some respects. Unmarried fathers, grandparents and step-parents are increasingly pressing their claims for extending rights of contact with children after parental separation. Law reformers are said to be sensitive to public attitudes about changing family norms. This paper traces how one European jurisdiction, Scotland, took account of these in relation to child contact in a family law reform process that culminated in the Family Law (Scotland) Act 2006. It compares the direction ultimately taken with public opinion, using evidence from a family attitudes module of the Scottish Social Attitudes survey. Where public attitudes are clear-cut, law reform can move in the direction of social attitudes. But where social attitudes are ambivalent or incompatible with other pressures for reform, they do not offer a steer for the direction of law reform.

Spirituality in Scotland

This paper explores data included in the 2001 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey (National Centre for Social Research, 2001) and sets it within a discussion of spirituality in Scotland. A scale of spirituality is constructed encompassing a person’s self-classification, awareness of other possible realms of reality and engagement in a small range of practices. Associations with age and gender are explored. Within the broad field of personal and political identity further associations are identified and discussed which shed some light, tentatively, upon the profile of Scotland’s political party supporters and intentions to vote in general. Lack of association with some key economic and social indicators is noted. Pointers are offered for qualitative research that might build on the findings of this survey with respect to the relationship between spirituality and citizenship in the contemporary context.

STV GOES TARTAN: A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF ITS USE IN THE 2007 SCOTTISH LOCAL ELECTIONS

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. A commission established jointly by the Scottish Executive and the Scotland Office to consider the implications of having different boundaries for Scottish Parliament and House of Commons elections also gave serious consideration to recommending STV (Arbuthnott 2006 Arbuthnott, Sir J. chmn. 2006. Putting citizens first: Boundaries, voting and representation in Scotland, Edinburgh: The Stationery Office. [Google Scholar]). However, it eventually came down in favour of trying to improve the existing AMS system rather than switching to STV at this stage at least. 2. However, we should note that the incidence of spoilt votes fell back to 2.1 per cent in the 2005 Northern Irish elections, which were once again held on the same day as a UK general election (Electoral Office for Northern Ireland 2005 electoral office for northern ireland. 2005. General statistics, 2005 local government election Available online at www.eoni.org.uk [Google Scholar]). 3. In contrast the introduction of a new ballot paper for the Scottish Parliament election caused considerable confusion. No less than 4 per cent of the constituency votes and a little under 3 per cent of the list votes cast in that election were ruled invalid (see http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/scotland/6637387.stm). 4. For example, in the 2001 general election, just 0.3 per cent of the votes in Scotland were ruled invalid, and in 2005, 0.4 per cent. In the first two Scottish Parliament elections these figures were 0.4 per cent and 0.8 per cent, respectively (Curtice and Fisher 2003 Curtice, J. and Fisher, S. 2003. Scottish Parliament Election 2003: Analysis of turnout, Edinburgh: Electoral Commission. Available online at www.electoralcommission.org.uk [Google Scholar]; Rallings and Thrasher 2005 Rallings, C. and Thrasher, M. 2005. The 2005 general election: Analysis of the results, London: Electoral Commission. Available online at www.electoralcommission.org.uk [Google Scholar]). 5. The author is conducting a survey based study of voting behaviour in the local and parliamentary election in collaboration with David McCrone (Edinburgh) and Michael Marsh (Trinity College, Dublin) as part of the 2007 Scottish Social Attitudes survey.

Being British: A Crisis of Identity?

An assumed decline in Britishness has rekindled concern over the ‘break up of Britain’. The creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 is taken as the cause and the effect of Scots having come to feel more Scottish and less British. Using data on public attitudes from British, and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, this paper shows that, despite a strengthening sense of Scottishness over the last thirty years, the sense of being British is still widespread and similar in Scotland and in England. Even those who describe themselves as Scottish and not British are not hostile to the idea of Britain. The relatively weak association between national identity, party support and views on constitutional change suggests that being Scottish is more cultural than political. Recent attempts by politicians and others to mobilise Britishness ignore the complexity and diversity of meanings it has both north and south of the border.

Perceptions of the Local Environment and Their Associations With Health

TM2-O-08 Introduction: Concern about the impact of the environment on health and well-being has tended to focus on the physical effects of exposure to toxic and infectious substances. The focus has been on large-scale infrastructure rather than on more subjective perceptions of street-level aspects of neighborhoods such as litter and graffiti, which are increasingly regarded as components of environmental justice. It has been suggested that more attention should be focused on psychosocial impacts (eg, feelings about the quality of the local environment) upon health and well-being. However, little is known about the relative importance upon health of perceptions of different components of environmental justice. Methods: A random sample of 1637 adults across a range of neighborhoods in Scotland were interviewed as part of the 2004 Scottish Social Attitudes survey. Respondents were asked to rate their local area on the amount of, and perceived problem with (both currently or potentially present), a range of aspects of their local neighborhood. These were subsequently grouped into 3 domains: 1) “street level incivilities” (eg, litter, graffiti), 2) large-scale infrastructure (eg, phone masts), and 3) the absence of “environmental goods” (eg, safe play areas for children). In addition to collecting information on respondents' socio-demographic characteristics, we also gathered data on respondents' views of their own health and well-being and health behaviors (smoking and physical activity). For each of the 3 domains of perceived local environment, we examined their prevalence, and extent to which they presented a problem, according to respondents' individual characteristics or the characteristics of the area in which they live; we then explored relationships between reported experience of each of the 3 domains and self-assessed health and behavior (using logistic regression). Results: Higher levels of perceived “street-level incivilities” and absence of “environmental goods” were associated with increased anxiety and depression and an increased likelihood of smoking, even after taking other known correlates into account (such as gender, age, and social class). Few associations with health were observed for perceptions of the larger-scale infrastructural items. Conclusions: Environmental policy needs to give more priority to reducing the incidence of “street-level incivilities” and the absence of “environmental goods,” both of which appear to be more important for health than perceptions of larger scale infrastructural items. We propose the construction of a new index of environmental quality, which could be used to monitor the quality of local neighborhoods and inform policy aimed at reducing health inequalities.