Sciences Po Research Articles

The EU and ASEAN: Learning from the Failed EU-Mercosur FTA Negotiations

I. Introduction On 4 May 2007, at a meeting held in Brunei Darussalam, ASEAN and the EU agreed to launch negotiations for a Free Trade Area (FTA) (ASEAN Economic Ministers and the European Union Trade Commissioner 2007). If the negotiations are successful, the FTA agreement will replace the 1980 ASEAN-EC Cooperation Agreement, revision of which had foundered in the 1990s on issues pertaining to human rights. The negotiations themselves will require a change in attitude on the part of ASEAN. For the first time, ASEAN will find itself in a situation where it will have to offer tangible concessions, such as tariff reductions, to the EU in return for access to the EU market. ASEAN is not the first group of developing countries to engage in FTA negotiations with the EU. Regional sub-groups of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries negotiated Economic Partnership Agreements with the EU between 2002 and 2007. However, the ACP states' negotiating experience may not be all that instructive for ASEAN, as most ACP countries are least developed countries. For most of them, the EU and its members are the most important sources of official development assistance (ODA) and their main trade partners. They are thus vulnerable to economic and political pressure from the EU. In contrast, only four of ASEAN's ten members are least developed countries. For the other six, the EU is not the most important source of ODA (if at all), although the EU is one of the main trading partners for most of them. This paper argues that ASEAN would do well to learn from the experience of the failed EU-Mercosur negotiations for an Interregional Association Agreement. These were formally launched in November 1999, although gradual and reciprocal liberalization of trade between the two regions had been declared as an objective of the two organizations as early as the 1995 EU-Mercosur Interregional Framework Cooperation Agreement (Klom 2003, p. 361). The negotiations were suspended in October 2004 as a result of disagreements over the free trade provisions of the proposed Association Agreement. Mercosur, comprising Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela, is another group of developing countries that is a priority for EU FTA negotiations. It might be objected that Mercosur's experience of dealing with the EU is not necessarily useful for ASEAN. As former colonies of Iberian countries and as more or less functioning democracies, they share a heritage with the EU that could conceivably facilitate negotiations with the latter. Moreover, most Mercosur members export agricultural commodities to the EU, whereas the ASEAN countries have been successful in diversifying their exports to the EU away from agricultural products to manufactured goods. That said, several circumstances justify the effort to understand Mercosur's experience with the EU. First of all, the reason for the EU's interest in Mercosur and ASEAN is identical: both constitute sizeable markets for the EU (European Commission SEC (2006) 1230). The ASEAN region has a population of about 560 million, a combined GDP of almost US$1,100 billion, and a total trade of about US$1,400 billion (ASEAN Secretariat, n.d.). The total population of the five Mercosur countries is approximately 234.5 million, with a combined GDP of over US$900 billion, and total trade of about US$260 billion (Inter-American Development Bank, n.d.). Second, in both cases, one of the EU's motivations for pursuing FTA negotiations is defensive. In Mercosur, the EU feared that the U.S.-sponsored project for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) might adversely affect its market share in Mercosur and in Latin America (Chaire Mercosur de Sciences Po 2005, p. 18). In Southeast Asia, the threat to EU interests has materialized in the form of bilateral FTAs of individual ASEAN members with Japan and/or the United States. Negotiations with the EU will undoubtedly pose a challenge of a different nature to ASEAN. …

Paris Sciences Po IPS Conference, October 26-27, 2007

On October 26 and 27, 2007, researchers and specialists gathered at the premises of Sciences Po Paris, to start a debate on the concepts of international, political and sociology. This conference was organized under the scientific responsibility of Didier Bigo (CERI-Sciences Po Paris) and R.B.J. Walker (University of Victoria/Keele University) by International Political Sociology ( IPS )1 and the COST network2 Action A24 “The evolving social construction of threats.” The conference opened with an address by Bruno Latour, Professor and Vice-President for research at Sciences Po. Latour focused on the way that sociology has for long relied unduly on national borders and commended the move to bring sociology to the global level. He also stressed the variety of definitions of globalization and the strength of contemporary debate on this phenomenon. Latour made specific reference to the sociologist Gabriel Tarde, stressing the importance of his work in building a global sociology. Following this inaugural speech, Didier Bigo and Rob Walker presented the IPS project. They explained that the main objectives of the journal are to bring a sociology of the global together with International Relations (IR) and to develop exchanges between Anglo-Americans IR scholars and European sociologists. They stressed the importance of bringing the disciplines together, and of discussing different concepts of externality and internality expressed on the frontiers between disciplines. The creation of the journal is a means to bring to light ongoing reflections on the dynamics between the three concepts of international, political, and sociological. Supported by the eponymous section of the International Studies Association, the journal has so far been able to draw on innovative research from Europe, Canada, Australia, and the United States, but also seeks to generate more transdisciplinary perspectives from all parts of the world. To take an overall view and initiate the debate, …

How Trade Became Geopolitics

Research Article| June 01 2008 How Trade Became Geopolitics Zaki Laïdi Zaki Laïdi Zaki Laïdi is a professor at Sciences Po, Paris (Centre d'études européennes). He has written extensively on globalization and European affairs. His recent publications include The Great Disruption (Polity, 2007), Norms Over Force: The Enigma of European Power (Palgrave, 2008) and EU Foreign Policy in a Globalized World (Routledge, 2008). He was special adviser to WTO Director-General Pascal Lamy when he served as commissioner for trade at the European Commission. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google World Policy Journal (2008) 25 (2): 55–61. https://doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2008.25.2.55 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Zaki Laïdi; How Trade Became Geopolitics. World Policy Journal 1 June 2008; 25 (2): 55–61. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2008.25.2.55 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsWorld Policy Journal Search Advanced Search Issue Section: ARTICLE You do not currently have access to this content.

Reflections on Race: Affirmative Action Policies Influencing Higher Education in France and the United States

Background/Context Although frequently associated with the United States, affirmative action is not a uniquely American social policy. Indeed, 2003 witnessed review and revision of affirmative action policies affecting higher education institutions in both France and the United States. Using critical race theory (CRT) as a theoretical lens, this text compares the affirmative action programs and lawsuits litigated in both nations in 2003 and their impact on the educational and social experiences of people who are racially or culturally non-White. Purpose This article examines and compares affirmative action policies and lawsuits directed at higher education in France and the United States. Faced with similar challenges, controversies, and racial concerns, these courts offered somewhat diverging opinions on the purpose, meaning, and impact that affirmative action policies should have in this millennium. Research Design This article employs legal hermeneutics, a specific form of documentary analysis, to examine affirmative action policies and related court decisions recently issued in both France and the United States. U.S. court decisions such as Gratz v. Bollinger (2003) and affirmative action program self-study reports published by L'institut d'etudes politiques, or Sciences Po, serve as the primary sources for the text. Conclusions The 2003 rulings in both France and the United States provide the legal impetus needed for affirmative action programs to continue. However, none of the court decisions or programs on either side of the Atlantic makes any real attempt to address the larger racial issues that created the need for affirmative action from the start. With the exception of the limited use allowed in affirmative action programs, all forms of diversity in the United States have basically the same value and, accordingly, have virtually the same impact on social arrangements. Likewise, France accepted the CEP (Conventions éducation prioritaire [Priority Convention Education]) program as an affirmative action measure while giving no thought to the need to reform the overall ideology of the nation, which dictates that all citizens are French and no forms of heterogeneity exist. In essence, the affirmative actions programs upheld in these court rulings fail to enforce the equality principles imparted in the French and U.S. constitutions by inhibiting discussion and deconstruction of racial inequalities.

Introduction: France and the EU: from opportunity to constraint1

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1 For comments on earlier versions of this introduction, I am grateful to Ben Clift, Craig Parsons and Cornelia Woll. All remaining errors are, of course, mine. For his collaboration on the whole issue, I am indebted to Craig Parsons. I also want to thank the Editor and all the referees. Finally, a preparatory workshop was organized in Paris in June 2006, thanks to the financial support of Sciences Po and the logistical support of CEVIPOF. 2 A similar point is made by Goldstein and Martin concerning negotiations at the WTO (Goldstein and Martin 2000 Goldstein, J. and Martin, L. 2000. Legalization, trade liberalization and domestic politics: a cautionary note. International Organization, 54(3): 603–32. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). 3 The only previous event that generated comparable public attention was probably the European Defence Community in 1954 (Parsons 2003 Parsons, C. 2003. A Certain Idea of Europe, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. [Google Scholar]: 68ff.).

C'était Marguerite Duras, 1914-1945 (review)

Reviewed by: C'était Marguerite Duras, 1914-1945 Cécile Hanania (bio) Jean Vallier . C'était Marguerite Duras, 1914-1945. Paris: Fayard, 2006. 703 pp. ISBN 2-2136-2884-X, Euro27. This new biography was published in May 2006 on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of Marguerite Duras's death. It was preceded by an album, entitled Marguerite Duras, la vie comme un roman, compiled by the same author and retracing the main steps of Duras's life through photographic documentation of her familiar settings, parents, friends, and acquaintances. After Alain Vircondelet's Duras, biographie and Christiane Blot-Labarrère's Marguerite Duras, writing a biography of Duras seems to have been an exercise avoided by Durassian scholars. Duras specialists, nurtured by the anti-positivism of French criticism since Roland Barthes, which dissociates literary production from the "author's" existence, are overly cautious when it comes to analyzing her fictional texts in the light of her life. Furthermore, they have been constantly reminded of the uncertainty of her life story, by the mixture of concealment, distortion, and revelation she has embedded in her autobiographical accounts, from Un barrage contre le Pacifique (1950) to L'Amant de la Chine du nord (1991). Therefore, the most recent biographical accounts have been confined to journalists or para-scholar researchers (Frédérique Lebelley, Laure Adler, Jean Vallier). Their common point: distinguish the fictional elements of the narratives, which in the case of Duras have acquired legendary dimensions, from the truth. Jean Vallier is certainly conscious of the perilous and ambiguous path he takes. Nevertheless, his work aims to expose scrupulously the facts of Duras's life, and thus contrasts that which took place in her life to what happened in her (autobiographical) books. Along the way, he tries to dismantle, as well, previous statements on Duras. Certainly the most substantial biography written to this day, this demystifying work is, however, somewhat disappointing. Akin to Laure Adler's Marguerite Duras, which won the Goncourt prize for biography, Vallier's work is extensive. For almost ten years, he did a tremendous job collecting data and researching documents and archives (especially the private collection of Duras's son, Jean Mascolo) in France, Vietnam, and Cambodia. Vallier's first objective is clearly to rectify some perennial sayings about Duras and to destroy some myths (some of them already partially demolished by Adler) conveyed by Duras, her fiction, or her entourage. For instance, it is not certain that Duras's father was a mathematics professor (29). His departure for Cochinchina was probably motivated not by an attraction originating from some exotic flyers from the colonialist system, but rather by a suggestion of his brother, Roger Donnadieu, already established in Indochina (30–31). The Cambodian concession on a flood plain was apparently bought from a [End Page 238] Vietnamese (330), and not sold by unscrupulous colonialist agents. As for the alleged lack of money Marguerite Donnadieu felt during her childhood, it was more the fruit of her mother's "peasant atavism" (372) than a state of real poverty. The "garçonnière" in Cholon may have never existed (384–85), as well as the passionate afternoons with the Chinese lover, who may not have been Chinese (382). Duras didn't go to the prestigious school of Sciences Po (474), and her mother was never a pianist at the Eden Cinéma (325). Vallier also tries to remain fair when unfolding some sensitive subjects, such as the attitude of Duras during the war. Contrary to Frédérique Lebelley or Laure Adler, he doesn't judge Duras's ambiguous participation in the resistance. He doesn't speculate either on the disturbing publication of Duras's first text: L'Empire français (1940), a tribute to the French colonial empire written in collaboration with Philippe Roques. Apart from these pertinent "mises au point," the reader cannot finish this work without a feeling of frustration and a big question. Chronologically, this volume goes from the birth of Marguerite Donnadieu (1914) and her Indochinese childhood, to the birth of Duras as a writer and her life during World War II (1945). Judging by its subtitle—"tome 1" (volume one)—the book is...

Gilles Kepel

Completed in 2005, Robert Pape's Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism is based on extensive research conducted by the Chicago Project on Suicide Terrorism. This book belongs to what one might call the quantitative school of terrorism studies, as it relies mainly on data gathered on suicide attacks and their perpetrators over the last two decades. Its author takes issue with the conclusions of those who stress the importance of the doctrine of Islam in the shaping of the suicide terror phenomenon. Such a debate is part and parcel of a wider dispute within U.S. academia, boosted by 9/11 and its Iraqi aftermath, though it was already rooted in the “Orientalism” battle back in the 1980s. However, it also touches on an ongoing conflict between scholarship and partisanship: Should academics take sides and advocate specific policies, at the risk of submitting their scholarly credentials to the political goals they champion, or should they shun away from politics, at the risk of remaining clad in their ivory tower while social debates rage, uninfluenced by their expertise? The issue of terrorism is crucial to that matter.Gilles Kepel is professor and chair of Middle East and Mediterranean Studies, Sciences Po, Paris.

The American Center at Sciences Po

The American Center at Sciences Po develops and puts into action the institutions’s policy with regard to U.S. cooperation.

Immigrant Transnationalism in Europe and the United States

Pascal Delisle (American Center in Sciences Po Director): Professor Kastoryano and Professor Portes, your respective studies invite to a comparison between the situations of the United States on the one hand, and of Europe on the other.

Agricultural Liberalization in the Doha Round

Agriculture is an urgent and vital problem for developing countries, and even more so for the poorest countries that are often dependent on a very small set of commodities, many of which are highly subsidized and protected in the OECD countries. The Uruguay Round brought agriculture into the WTO legal framework, but did not lower the effective level of OECD farm protection after 1995 and granted many exceptions to WTO rules that reinforced agricultural protection. While there are a number of diverging forces that are potential sources of change in the levels and patterns of agricultural protection, the recent farm policies adopted by the U.S. and EU reflect an absence of significant domestic reform and appear to be going in the wrong direction. The analysis of agricultural liberalization reveals very large potential gains for both developed and developing countries that will come especially from own-country liberalization as well as from inter-country trade, significant benefits that may be realized by the poorest developing countries, and limited benefits from existing preferential agricultural arrangements. An ideal program for agricultural liberalization in the Doha Round would involve substantial reductions in the high tariffs that exist in both developed and developing countries using the Swiss formula approach and limiting exceptions and special and differential treatment, elimination of agricultural export subsidies, and making meaningful reductions in domestic supports. The negotiations should not get hung up on issues of food security and the effects of higher prices for low-income consumers, and a special safeguard for agriculture is not recommended. It is imperative that agricultural liberalization should be combined with appropriate domestic policies and actions and international assistance, if needed, to help finance emergency food inventories and aid to disadvantaged groups. Patrick A. Messerlin is Professor of Economics at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (Sciences Po) and director of the Groupe d'Economie Mondiale de Sciences Po (GEM) which is an independent research center seeking to improve the performance of French and European public policies in a global world. In 2002-2005, he was co-chairman with Dr Ernesto Zedillo, Former President of Mexico, Director of the Yale Center for the Study on Globalization, of the Task Force on Trade in the UN Millenium Development Goals Project, which produced a Report on Trade for Development released in May 2005. In 2001-2002, he was special advisor to Mike Moore, WTO Director General. He has published a dozen books and a hundred papers on trade theory and policy. His most recent book is Measuring the Costs of Protection in Europe: European Commercial Policy in the 2000s, Institute for International Economics (Washington) 2001.

The U.S. Election and Aging Policy: The View from France

The U.S. Election and Aging Policy: The View from France Fay Lomax Cook Fay Lomax Cook Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Fay Lomax Cook is a visiting Professor at Sciences Po in Paris for the 204–05 academic year. She is on leave from Northwestern University where she is Director of the Institute for Policy Research and Professor of Human Development and Social Policy in the School of Education and Social Policy. Author Notes Public Policy & Aging Report, Volume 15, Issue 1, Winter 2005, Pages 17–19, https://doi.org/10.1093/ppar/15.1.17 Published: 01 January 2005

La recherche à Sciences Po

Research at Sciences Po This paper describes the place, organization and working of research at Sciences Po (National Foundation of Political Sciences and Political Studies Institute of Paris). It retraces the history of research development in this establishment and the guidelines of the scientific politics, detailing the situation and dynamic force of research in the eight research labs and technical units of Sciences Po and insisting on major objectives : Europeanization, internationalization, articulation between research and teaching – especially through PhD seminars – interdisciplinarity, renewal of research themes and improvement. During the last years, research has been placed in the heart of the strategy of an establishment that intends to locate itself at an international level. It relates the development and deepening of the association with CNRS.

PEOPLE IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

Frank R. Baumgartner, professor, political science department, Pennsylvania State University, will spend the 2004–2005 academic year on sabbatical leave at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy and at Science Po in Paris, France.Jonathan Bendor, Walter and Elise Haas Professor of Political Economics and Organizations, Graduate School of Business, Stanford University, was appointed a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.Michael Berkman, associate professor, political science department, Pennsylvania State University, will spend the fall 2004 semester on sabbatical leave completing a book on educational politics.

Dominique de Villepin

Daniel Vernet directeur des relations internationales, Le Monde, Paris.Translated by Susan M. Murphy.IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE WORD--or was it the deed? Dominique de Villepin hesitates between Saint John and Doctor Faust. For this French minister of foreign affairs, who arrived at the Quai d'Orsay after the defeat of the left in the spring 2002 elections, the word deed. One might expect a careful, polished discourse, the usual technocratic jargon, from any civil servant whose career had taken the traditional path of studies--brilliant ones, at that--to Paris's Institut d'etudes politiques (Sciences Po) and the Ecole nationale d'administration (ENA, the prestigious training ground for the country's governing elite, whose graduates are known as enarques). Nothing of the sort from Dominique de Villepin: before being an enarque and a diplomat, he a poet, a lover of words, a manipulator of lapidary phrases.Consider one example: Jacques Chirac, whom de Villepin has served since the end of the 1970s, found himself in difficulty over a potentially embarrassing videocassette relating to the Paris public markets. De Villepin rode to the rescue, turning to none other than the 19th-century poet Arthur Rimbaud, from whose works the foreign minister managed to dig up the adjective abracadabrantesque. And this precisely the word Chirac chose on national television to characterize the affair involving the markets, in a masterful display of obfuscation that made everyone forget what the affair was supposed to have been about in the first place--namely allegations concerning bribes and under-the-table financing of certain political parties. The incident reveals a Dominique de Villepin who never finds himself at a loss for an explanation, a figure of speech or a lesson from history, and as always with him, the epic competes with the lyrical. Asked, during a short visit to Poland, about agricultural subsidies to Poland and the other candidate countries for admission to the European Union, de Villepin took advantage of the setting, Warsaw's historic marketplace, to wax eloquent about the relationship between Napoleon and Maria Waleska. Let the Polish peasants figure that one out.Several minutes later he was on the phone with Colin Powell to put the finishing touches on what would become UN Security Council Resolution 1441. Did he inundate the American secretary of state with historico-cultural considerations pertaining to the Middle East, or haggle over every comma? His colleagues confirm his ability to switch registers as easily as he devours a book of poems or masters a difficult file. It very rare to meet a man such as him, who both a poet and a very good squadron commander. Yes, an excellent commando, declares Jacques Chirac himself, adding that one of de Villepin's qualities is his pace. For every page I read, he reads four.Any self-respecting French politician must show a penchant for things intellectual and have published at least one book (of which he may not necessarily be the author). In de Villepin's case, no one doubts the authorship. This the man who, while serving as secretary general of the Elysee Palace, a post demanding constant vigilance, found the time to write a history of the hundred days, Napoleon's brief return to power following his exile to Elba and preceding his defeat at Waterloo, and then followed this up with a political essay poetically entitled The Cry of the Gargoyle (Le Cri de la gargouille). Shortly after assuming his current job of foreign minister, he published a tome on poetry that ran to more than 800 pages, entitled (again a borrowing from Rimbaud) In Praise of Fire Thieves (Eloge des voleurs de feu). Far from being a simple anthology of French poetry such as Georges Pompidou produced prior to becoming prime minister under, and subsequently successor to, President Charles de Gaulle, de Villepin's was a work teeming with ideas, nourished by decades of reading. …

Sociology and the future: Resistance, reconstruction and democracy

Abstract A good number of those who describe themselves as sociologists or economists are social engineers whose function is to supply recipes to the leaders of private companies and government departments. They offer a rationalization of the practical or semi-theoretical understanding that the members of the dominant class have of the social world. The governing elite today needs a science capable of (in both senses) rationalizing its domination, capable of both of reinforcing the mechanisms that sustain it and of legitimising it. It goes without saying that the limits of this science are set by its practical functions: neither for social engineers nor for the managers of the economy can it perform a radical questioning. An example of this partial ‘science’ would be the sociology of organizations, or ‘political science’, as taught at the Institut Auguste Comte or Sciences Po, with their favoured instruments, such as opinion polls.2

Unraveling the Central State, but How? Types of Multi-level Governance

The reallocation of authority upward, downward, and sideways from central states has drawn attention from a growing number of scholars in political science. Yet beyond agreement that governance has become (and should be) multi-level, there is no consensus about how it should be organized. This article draws on several literatures to distinguish two types of multi-level governance. One type conceives of dispersion of authority to general-purpose, nonintersecting, and durable jurisdictions. A second type of governance conceives of task-specific, intersecting, and flexible jurisdictions. We conclude by specifying the virtues of each type of governance.For comments and advice we are grateful to Christopher Ansell, Ian Bache, Richard Balme, Arthur Benz, Tanja Börzel, Renaud Dehousse, Burkard Eberlein, Peter Hall, Edgar Grande, Richard Haesly, Bob Jessop, Beate Kohler-Koch, David Lake, Patrick Le Galés, Christiane Lemke, David Lowery, Michael McGinnis, Andrew Moravcsik, Elinor Ostrom, Franz U. Pappi, Thomas Risse, James Rosenau, Alberta Sbragia, Philippe Schmitter, Ulf Sverdrup, Christian Tusschoff, Bernhard Wessels, the political science discussion group at the University of North Carolina, and the editor and three anonymous reviewers of APSR. We received institutional support from the Center for European Studies at the University of North Carolina, the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, and the Wissenschaftszentrum für Sozialforschung in Berlin. Earlier versions were presented at the European Union Studies Association meeting, the ECPR pan-European Conference in Bordeaux, and Hannover Universität, Harvard University, Humboldt Universität, Indiana University at Bloomington, Mannheim Universität, Sheffield University, Sciences Po (Paris), Technische Universität München, and the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. The authors' names appear in alphabetical order.

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:Animal Experimentation: A Student Guide to Balancing the Issues, V MonamyFarm Animals in Biomedical and Agricultural Research, Proceedings of the Conference in Wellington, New Zealand, ANZCART, South Australia, 1995Introduction to Veterinary Genetics, FW NicholasVirus Infections of Equines, MJ Studdert, Elsevier Science PO Box 211, 1000 AE Amsterdam, The Netherlands, also available Elsevier Science PO Box 945 Madison Square StationModeling and Data Treatment in the Pharmaceutical Sciences, JT Carstensen

La place de l'enseignement historique dans la formation des élites politiques françaises à la fin du XIXe siècle : l'Ecole libre des sciences politiques

The role of History in the apprencticeship of the French political elite in the Ecole libre des sciences politiques. Corinne Delmas [43-67]. It is well known that the founder of the private Ecole libre des sciences politiques (better khown as «Sciences po»), Emile Boutmy, wanted «to make up a people head» in the days following the rout of 1870. This school had to form statesmen and to contribute to the aggiornamento of the ruling classes. It worked above all against revolutionary natural law and against volontarism. It seems that this establishment aims less to form to political craft than to contribute to suppress a revolutionary and republican rationalism, by realism and empirism. This empirical and realistic teaching has both political — the legitimation of a conservative republic —, and strategic — to stand out as a young private school of political sciences — stakes. These stakes enlighten characters of a school which one can describe as a «neutral place».

The social origins of students of the Ecole Libre and the Institut d'Etudes Politiques, 1885‐19701

1 I am grateful to the American Philosophical Society for a grant and to the State University of New York for sabbatical leave to pursue this project. It could not have been undertaken had not Serge Hurtig helped me to gain access to the archives at Sciences Po and had not Jacques Chapsal granted me permission to use them; I thank them both for their help and their trust. Victor Karady facilitated research in the provincial archives by correspondence. He and Bruce Leslie were generous with advice and encouragement. And I thank Doug Bauer for skilfully coding the data.

The Development and Construction of General Nonlinear Models in Time Series Analysis

Annals of the New York Academy of SciencesVolume 452, Issue 1 p. 296-304 The Development and Construction of General Nonlinear Models in Time Series Analysis M. B. PRIESTLEY, M. B. PRIESTLEY University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology PO Box 88 Manchester M60 1QD. United KingdomSearch for more papers by this author M. B. PRIESTLEY, M. B. PRIESTLEY University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology PO Box 88 Manchester M60 1QD. United KingdomSearch for more papers by this author First published: October 1985 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.1985.tb30016.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume452, Issue1Sixth International Conference on Collective Phenomena: Reports from the Moscow Refusnik SeminarOctober 1985Pages 296-304 RelatedInformation