Nordic Model Research Articles

#MeToo, consent and prostitution – The Irish law reform experience

The recent reform of Irish prostitution law introduced in Part 4 of the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017, which criminalised the purchase of sexual services, is based upon 1999 Swedish legislation in accordance with an approach termed ‘the Nordic model’. The Nordic approach has been subject to criticism from those who argue that laws criminalising sex purchase offend against personal autonomy. This article challenges that criticism, and offers feminist arguments for the reform, which represented a significant turn in the focus of Irish law from a framework based upon prohibition of public nuisance, towards an approach which views prostitution as an inherently exploitative transaction within a gendered context. The author argues that feminist arguments in support of the new Irish law are based upon reconsideration of consent as a legal concept, informed by insights gained through the work of the #MeToo movement on the need to take account of social and economic contexts within which consent is given and choices made.

Differential inclusion through education: Reforms and spatial justice in Finnish education policy

The paper studies the changing spatial rationalizations of Finnish education policy with a particular focus on upper secondary education, which has gone through significant reforms in recent decades. The fostering of social and spatial equality has long represented the cornerstone of Finland’s Nordic welfare state education system. The establishment of a widespread network of educational institutions also formed an important means of building social and territorial cohesion in the country. Since the late 1980s, Finnish education policies have turned towards neoliberal ideals, underlining economic rationalizations, individualization and flexibility. Also, education policy has come to play an increasingly important role in the constitution of the knowledge-based economy and embedded spatial restructuring. The paper scrutinizes recent state upper secondary education reforms from the perspective of spatial justice and its scalar dimensions, underlining the consequential juncture of choosing between upper secondary education paths. It is shown how the rationalization of Finnish education policy differentiates places, favouring urban over rural, and produces particular citizen-subjects: while general upper secondary education forms a site for producing skilled and globally minded citizens, vocational education prioritizes the availability of regional workforce and the prevention of youth marginalization. Rather than providing equal opportunities, it is argued that the dual-path Finnish education policy reinforces spatial differentiation and the differential inclusion of citizen-subjects in the knowledge-based economy.

Motherhood 2.0: Slow Progress for Career Women and Motherhood within the ‘Finnish Dream’

This article investigates the gendered dynamics of motherhood and careers, as voiced by professionals in the knowledge-intensive business sector in Finland. It is informed by the CIAR method through 81 iterative, in-depth interviews with 23 women and 19 men. Among the women respondents with no children, one child, or two children, three dominant forms of discursive talk emerge: ‘It takes two to tango’, ‘It’s all about time management’ and ‘Good motherhood 2.0’. Though Finland provides a seemingly egalitarian Nordic welfare state context, with the ‘Finnish Dream’, women face contradictions between expectations of women as full-time ideal workers pursuing masculinist careers and continuing responsibilities at home, performing ‘good motherhood’. The women’s double strivings meet the double constraining demands of these ideals. The gendered pressures are imposed on the women by themselves, male colleagues, the organisation more broadly and society, leading the women to enact a form of ‘bounded individualism’.

Stakeholder collaboration inspired by the Nordic model – Towards sustainable work and competitiveness during an industrial startup

External stakeholder collaboration is vital for new industrial projects and establishments. The aim of this paper is to contribute to knowledge of how relations and stakeholder collaboration with trade unions can be created during industrial startups, so as to foster sustainable work and competitive advantages. A case study was carried out in the early phases of a major greenfield project aimed at establishing a new industrial domain in a Nordic context. The results show that cooperation between a new firm and trade unions has the potential to proactively address prerequisites for sustainable work in design phases of new factories, but also to strengthen the attention to other dimensions of social sustainability that are crucial for industrial startup´s long term success possibilities. However, specifically in a high—growth firm, there needs to be a systematic approach that incorporates continuous anchoring activities both within and between the stakeholders’ different levels. Serendipity in the findings were cooperation processes related to competence acquisition and societal development needed to meet both an emerging firm´s and future employee´s individual prerequisites and needs. Hence, building a stakeholder chain inspired by the Nordic model in change processes such as startups, enables attention to dimensions of social sustainability needed in work processes in early development phases, which is also beneficial from a competitive and societal perspective.

The Shifting role role of unions in the social dialogue

The article deals with the declining union density and shrinking coverage of collective agreements in most EU/EES countries, in particular in Eastern Europe and Greece. In many countries, international organizations pushed through “structural reforms” weakening trade unions. The result is declining union density and decreased capacity to conclude sectoral collective agreements and avoid downwards derogations at company level. Even in some core eurozone countries have governments without much of social dialogue carried through “internal devaluation” to restore competitiveness. High union density (Finland) or high union mobilization capacity (France) could not prevent this development. The economic performance of a country and degree of globalization, including the absence of a national currency, appear to be more important. The Swedish (and Nordic) model of self-regulation, resting on negotiations between the labour market parties, contrasts sharply to French state regulation with its high frequency of state extension of collective agreements and minimum wages set by the state. Union density in Sweden is still among the highest in the world but has declined considerably the last twenty years, in particular among the rapidly growing share of foreign-born blue-collar workers. As a small, strongly export-dependent country dominated by large transnational groups, Swedish economy is very influenced by globalization. This has shifted the balance of power to the advantage of employers, and by that circumscribed the unions’ efforts to achieve developing jobs and improved working environment.

The COVID-19 crisis and policy responses by continental European welfare states.

Social protection in Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands share Bismarckian roots. Over time, these welfare states were however in constant flux and incorporated to a greater or lesser extend elements of both the Anglo‐Saxon and Nordic models. While the Netherlands has from the beginning deviated from the Bismarckian model, in recent years this welfare state has undergone important reforms that have made it increasingly evolve into a “Bismarck cum Beveridge” model. Germany and Belgium also witnessed a dual transformation, with retrenched earnings‐related benefits for long‐term unemployed and an increasing number of atypically employed people on the one hand and expanded social security to the so‐called “new social risks” on the other. It is against this changing institutional background that we can understand the similarities and differences in the extent to which these three continental welfare states used traditional social insurance systems to buffer the social and economic consequences of confinement. First, all three countries strengthened to varying degrees social protection systems for the active age population. So conceived, the policy responses were a response to the dual transformation of social protection that took place in recent decades without, however, changing its course. Second, the extent to which continental welfare states made use of existing social insurance schemes seems to be related to the extent to which these welfare states have moved in the Anglo‐Saxon direction.

Particularities of media systems in the West Nordic countries

AbstractThis study compares the media systems of the West Nordic countries, namely the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Iceland. All three countries are democratic welfare states with considerable institutional transfer from the larger Nordic countries. It is argued that the West Nordic media systems fit into the “Nordic model” when it comes to the perception of media as cultural institutions as well as the central role of public service media. On the other hand, the micro-size of the media systems in the West Nordic countries makes them vulnerable, and makes editorial independence more difficult compared with their larger Nordic neighbours. In particular, media outlets within these micro-size media systems seem more susceptible to clientelism, and journalists seem more inclined towards self-censorship. This article highlights how interplay between small size and distinct local factors shape the media system in each of the West Nordic countries.

Returning to work or working on one's rehabilitation: Social identities invoked by impaired workers and professionals in health care and employment services.

For persons with a long-term illness or impairment, return-to-work decisions involve considerations about work capacity, opportunities in the labour market, the impact of injuries, further treatment requirements, physical and cognitive rehabilitation, and mental health recovery. These considerations are undertaken by the affected individuals as well as by professionals in health care and employment services. Drawing upon institutional theories of organisations, especially the understanding that institutional logics provide different social identities to injured individuals, we study rehabilitation processes following multi-trauma or traumatic brain injury (TBI) within the Scandinavian welfare model. We identify which social identities are activated in professionals' considerations and in the stories of the injured individuals. The aim is to understand how professionals' reasoning about the clients' problems influences return-to-work processes. Our primary finding is that the wageworker identity, invoked by the injured individuals themselves, is subordinated by the professionals to the logic of profession and the associated patient identity. Consequently, not only is impaired people's anti-discrimination right to reasonably adjusted work ignored, ignored is also a possible resource in the rehabilitation process. Additionally, individuals who view themselves as wageworkers tend to be left unserved.

How did Sweden Fail the Pandemic?

Sweden has since the start of the pandemic a COVID-19 mortality rate that is 4 to 10 times higher than in the other Nordic countries. Also, measured as age-standardized all-cause excess mortality in the first half of 2020 compared to previous years Sweden failed in comparison with the other Nordic countries, but only among the elderly. Sweden has large socioeconomic and ethnic inequalities in COVID-19 mortality. Geographical, ethnic, and socioeconomic inequalities in mortality can be due to differential exposure to the virus, differential immunity, and differential survival. Most of the country differences are due to differential exposure, but the socioeconomic disparities are mainly driven by differential survival due to an unequal burden of comorbidity. Sweden suffered from an unfortunate timing of tourists returning from virus hotspots in the Alps and Sweden's government response came later and was much more limited than elsewhere. The government had an explicit priority to protect the elderly in nursing and care homes but failed to do so. The staff in elderly care are less qualified and have harder working conditions in Sweden, and they lacked adequate care for the clients. Sweden has in recent years diverged from the Scandinavian welfare model by strong commercialization of primary care and elderly care.

Aging Without Children: The Link between Parental Status and Tangible Support

Having children is a potential resource for care and support in later life. However, whether and, if so, under what conditions, childless older individuals risk insufficient support remains unclear. Using the Danish Longitudinal Study of Ageing (2017), restricted to respondents aged 67 years to 97 years ( n = 5,006), our study analyzes the link between availability of tangible support and parental status in a Nordic welfare state. Our results confirm a negative link between childlessness and support mainly among unpartnered individuals. This combined disadvantage is stronger among men than among women, and the support gap intensifies with increased health needs. Taken together, although childlessness in itself is no major disadvantage for support in late life, childless men living alone risk insufficient support, particularly when in poor health. Our findings have important policy implications for future cohorts of older individuals, who will have less access to support from either a spouse or children.

Managing expectations by projecting the future school: Observing the Nordic future school reports via temporal topologies

This study focuses on the politics of time in education by analysing ‘The Future School’ reports published by Nordic state authorities between 2010 and 2015. Building on a system-theoretical understanding of social time, steering and second-order observations, we investigate how temporal political communication frames the future of Nordic basic education. By applying semantic analysis, we identified four temporal topologies according to which these reports deal with the future: (a) calculated futures based on future projections with numbers; (b) unpredictable futures based on future projections contrasting learning with adaptivity; (c) technology-determined futures; and (d) personalised futures based on child well-being. Whereas these topologies constitute a shared semantical base for discussing the future of school education, a comparison of the reports also reveals differences and paradoxes between the temporal topologies in the Nordic welfare state context.

The Nordic Model of Father Quotas in Leave Policies: A Case of Policy Transfer?

Abstract This contribution asks whether the most recent innovation of Nordic family policies, the so-called father quota, has been an object of policy learning in countries that followed the Nordic example of leave policies earlier, such as Germany, Slovenia, and Japan. Our case studies show that analyses of policy learning, especially in the social field, need to take into account the specific contexts and actor constellations in “export” and “import” countries. Rather than representing a blueprint, the Nordic father quotas have served as an inspiration within messy and fragmented processes of policy learning leading to hybrid arrangements in import countries.

Capabilities in care for older adults in Finnish familialistic policy transformations: a longitudinal, one-case study

As public provision of health and social care to older adults remains fixed or is scaled back, informal care is increasingly emphasised in policy and in practice. This is also the case in the Nordic welfare state of Finland. Little is known about how individual care arrangements are made. In this study, the capability approach is used to investigate the processes from resources to the actual functionings of receiving care of one older informal care recipient across time. The results reveal difficulties, discontinuity and unpredictability that challenge the capabilities to achieve valued beings and doings.

Career and cultural context: collective individualism, egalitarianism and work-centrality in the career thinking of Norwegian teenagers

ABSTRACT Career guidance in Norway has seen major developments over the past two decades. Secondary schools have integrated career education and guidance into an education system which socialises young people to develop citizenship and take part in society. In this article, I explore how Norwegian teenagers’ career thinking is influenced by Norwegian cultural values which are strongly associated with the Nordic model of welfare: collective individualism, egalitarianism, and work-centrality. Teenagers’ and counsellors’ thoughts about career are explored through qualitative interviews and analysed using thematic analysis. The analysis shows that in conversations about career choices, teenagers and counsellors refer to these concepts, but in ways varying most notably along the urban-rural, academic-VET, and adult-teenager dimensions. Implications for career guidance are discussed.

Emergence of a mortality disparity between a marginal rural area and the rest of Denmark, 1968-2017

BackgroundLolland-Falster is a rural area of Denmark, where the life expectancy is presently almost six years lower than in the rich capital suburbs. To determine the origin of this disparity, we analysed changes in mortality during 50 years in Lolland-Falster.MethodsAnnual population number and number of deaths at municipality level were retrieved from StatBank Denmark and from Statistics Denmark publications, 1968–2017. For 1974–2017, life expectancy at birth by sex and 5-year calendar period was calculated. From 1968 to 2017, standardised mortality ratio (SMR) for all-cause mortality was calculated by sex, 5-year calendar period and municipality, with Denmark as standard and including 95% confidence intervals (CI).ResultsIn 1968–2017, life expectancy in Lolland-Falster increased, but less so than in the rest of Denmark. Fifty years ago, Lolland-Falster had a mortality similar to the rest of Denmark. The increasing mortality disparity developed gradually starting in the late 1980s, earlier in Lolland municipality (western part) than in Guldborgsund municipality (eastern part), and earlier for men than for women. By 2013–2017, the SMR had reached 1.25 (95% CI 1.19–1.31) for men in the western part, and 1.11 (95% CI 1.08–1.16) for women in the eastern part. Increasing mortality disparity was particularly seen in people aged 20–69 years.ConclusionsThis study is the first to report on increasing geographical segregation in all-cause mortality in a Nordic welfare state. Development of the mortality disparity between Lolland-Falster and the rest of Denmark followed changes in agriculture, industrial company closure, a shipyard close-down, administrative centralisation, and a decreasing population size.

Critical infrastructure vulnerability: a research note on adaptation to climate change in the Nordic countries

ABSTRACT This research note reviews recent literature on the vulnerability of critical infrastructures caused by climate change with a focus on the Nordic countries. We integrate literature from three research areas: the role of critical infrastructures in the functioning of society, infrastructural vulnerabilities, and the long-term impacts of climate change. Focusing on climate change adaptation in the Nordic countries as a pivotal case, we discuss the mutually constitutive interrelationships between these three areas. The studies reviewed bring together social science and humanities research on infrastructure systems, their vulnerabilities, and climate change. By highlighting interdisciplinary perspectives on infrastructures, climate change, and societal security, this research note discusses a Nordic model of infrastructure provision and links the Nordic debate to a burgeoning European discussion on the role of the social sciences and humanities in addressing societal challenges related to climate change and the role of infrastructures in providing welfare.

СОЦІАЛЬНА ЕКОНОМІКА ТА СОЦІАЛЬНА ПОЛІТИКА: СПІЛЬНІ РИСИ ТА ВІДМІННОСТІ (ТЕОРЕТИЧНІ АСПЕКТИ)

The article reveals the essence, features of the formation and implementation of the social economy and social policy based on the models, functions and principles of their implementation. It has been determined that the social economy is a direction of the general economy of the state, which is based right to work, the right to social security. It was found that social policy is one of the main components of the stability of the development of society. It has been established that the basic principles of social economy are: the principle of democratic control over society; the principle of taking into account the interests of society in the context of achieving the general interest of the social economy; the principle of solidarity; the principle of responsibility; the principle of autonomy of management; the principle of independence from the influence of state bodies; the principle of the rule of law; the principle of humanism; the principle of freedom; the principle of employment of the population; the principle of social protection and compliance with social guarantees. It has been established that the main principles of social policy are: the principle of social justice; the principle of social differentiation; the principle of targeted support for vulnerable groups of the population; the principle of providing protection to all categories of the population; the principle of social partnership; the principle of social balance; the principle of ensuring stability in society; the principle of ensuring the implementation of social programs; the principle of showing compassion and understanding the needs of socially vulnerable members of society; the principle of maximizing the living wage; the principle of ensuring support for peace and harmony among citizens and society as a whole. It is noted that the models of the social economy are the transitive model, the mediterranean model, the liberal model, the continental and scandinavian models. It has been established that the implementation of social policy passes through the «Bismarckian» model, the Beveridge model, the social democratic model, the corporatist model, the catholic model and the rudimentary model. It is proposed to investigate the features of the implementation of the social economy and social policy in Ukraine in the future.

“Two Socialisms”: The Soviet Perception of the “Scandinavian Model” in the Second Half of the 1960s and 1970s

“Two Socialisms”: The Soviet Perception of the “Scandinavian Model” in the Second Half of the 1960s and 1970s

Historia, stan i potrzeby badań nad uzbrojeniem z ziem polskich okresów rzymskiego i wędrówek ludów. Spojrzenie subiektywne (pomimo dobrych chęci)

Historia, stan i potrzeby badań nad uzbrojeniem z ziem polskich okresów rzymskiego i wędrówek ludów. Spojrzenie subiektywne (pomimo dobrych chęci)

Роль миротворческих операций ООН во внешней политике Дании в 1990-е годы: от образцового миротворца к жесткому атлантисту

Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.