San People Research Articles

An Integrative Review on the San of Botswana's Indigenous Literacy and Formal Schooling Education

The San are Southern Africa's first indigenous peoples. They can be found in South Africa, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. The San peoples in Botswana still face discrimination, especially in the education sector, as their indigenous literacy and way of life are largely ignored. Their languages are not part of the school curriculum in Botswana and it is English (the official language) and Setswana (the national language) that are taught in schools. In theory, this should not be the case. This highly disadvantages San children as they underperform and drop out of school. Hence, very few have made it to the University of Botswana and the Colleges of Education. In order for Botswana to reach its aim of an educated and informed nation by 2016, San peoples need to be catered for in the education system of Botswana. This article is an integrative review about the San of Botswana and (1) explains what has been studied about the San with regard to their indigenous ways of knowing and reading the world; (2) gives a clear picture of their formal schooling experiences; and, (3) provides an overview of their English and Setswana language acquisition.

The Status of Literacy Education for the San of Botswana

The San are Southern Africa's first indigenous peoples. They can be found in South Africa, Botswana, Zimbabwe and Namibia. The San peoples in Botswana still face discrimination especially in the education sector as their indigenous literacy and way of life are largely ignored. Their languages are not part of the school curriculum in Botswana; English (the official language) and Setswana (the national language) are taught in schools. In theory, this should not be the case. It greatly disadvantages San children as they underperform and drop out of school. Hence, very few have made it to the University of Botswana and the colleges of education. In order for Botswana to reach its aim of an educated and informed nation by 2016, San peoples need to be catered for in the country's education system.

High performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) of Hoodia gordonii commercial powder

Hoodia gordonii is traditionally used by the San people in South Africa due to its properties of appetite and thirst suppression, and it is scientifically proven and explained by the presence of active glycoside P57. The scarcity of the plant due to the difficulty of cultivation coupled with the growing demand for products antiobesity on H. gordonii, created a setting in which the adulteration of other species or even other genera is a real possibility. In this context, the use of high performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) is presented as a fundamental tool to certify the authenticity of products sold as H. gordonii. The aim of this study was to determine the authenticity of commercial samples of H. gordonii powder by means of qualitative analysis to confirm the presence or absence of active glycoside P57 in the samples. The tests were performed on C18 column (250 × 4.6 mm, 5 μm) using a gradient elution of water and acetonitrile, both containing 0.1% acetic acid and using geranyl tiglate default. Qualitative analysis showed that commercial samples of H. gordonii powder present in its constitution species of the genus Hoodia, due to confirmation of the active glycoside P57 by recovery experiments. However, considering the quantitative aspect , the contents of the active glycoside in the samples are below the limit of quantification, suggesting that they are unable to produce inhibition of appetite at the doses recommended for human consumption. Key words: Hoodia, HPLC, commercial powder.

Situating Feminism, Patent Law, and the Public Domain

Introduction Both critical intellectual property studies and feminist legal scholarship seldom address the gendered dimensions of patent law or its implications for women and women's rights. This lack of attention raises awareness of the need to broaden our approach to studies of patent law and the public domain. During recent fieldwork in South Africa, I began to consider patent law as a feminist site of inquiry and to think through the difficulties of such an examination. [double dagger]Khomani San women in the northern Cape express concerns over the patenting of biological and genetic materials derived from their indigenous traditional knowledge. Maintaining control over their knowledge and resources is important for feeding their families and safeguarding their intellectual histories and heritage as female plant gatherers. The [double dagger]Khomani San peoples are currently engaged in political struggles against patent law and the ownership of their indigenous knowledge, but such organizing has not been explicitly gender-based. Although some [double dagger]Khomani San women articulate patent law as a women's rights issue, other women in the community consider issues of patent law to be genderneutral. Concerns arising from patent ownership of indigenous knowledge are also not the main priority. [double dagger]Khomani San women committed to gender-based political organizing explain the difficulties of mobilizing and educating indigenous San women in their communities. Political organizing takes money and resources, and San communities are spread out over great distances within South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia, making meetings difficult to arrange. Issues of patent law are also not as significant or pressing as the material conditions of domestic violence, substance abuse, and poverty facing San women and their families right now. Thus, [double dagger]Khomani San men and women are involved in struggles against patent law, yet their political work does not explicitly address the connections between patent ownership and gendered social relations. Indigenous women elsewhere, however, have begun to address patent law from a gender-based perspective. The 1995 Beijing Declaration of Indigenous Women and 2004 Manukan Declaration of the Indigenous Women's Biodiversity Network explicitly argue that intellectual property rights threaten indigenous women's lives. I The Indigenous Peoples' Permanent Forum also highlights patent law as an issue of concern for indigenous women. (2) Local women in India have taken up the issue through with the Diverse Women for Diversity Campaign in connection with Vandana Shiva. (3) Patent law as a gender-based issue therefore emerges within some international forums, and may also circulate at the local level such as with Diverse Women. On the other hand, as with the [double dagger]Khomani San, discourses of indigenous rights around patent law are seemingly framed in gender-neutral terms. Or are they? San struggles related to the patenting of Hoodia may appear gender-neutral as read through the narrow registers of liberal feminism. Yet, as will be further discussed, the masculinized discourses and gendered social relations at work within political struggles related to Hoodia become visible when scrutinized through a lens of transnational, indigenous, African feminisms. Addressing the complex gender relations that shape and are shaped by patent owernship is a complex task. it requires careful consideration of the interactions, relationalities, and hierarchies within social relations of gender, indigeneity, ethnicity, race, and histories of colonialism. Legacies of liberal, western feminism must also be confronted and continually interrogated. Yet, I contend that studies of patent law struggles and complex gendered relations can help push the boundaries of critical intellectual property scholarship and feminist legal scholarship, by asking new questions and defining the fields in new ways. …

Representation and misrepresentation: San regional advocacy and the global imagery

The San of southern Africa are one of the most represented peoples of southern Africa. Internationally, they are most often depicted as a hunting-gathering people or as a people recently removed from that way of life. Organisations such as Survival International draw on these images for political advocacy and in campaigns for land rights for indigenous peoples. In southern Africa, San organisations fight for similar rights and, despite their membership being comprised of San people, the images and ideas of San-ness are dominated by the global imagery. The images and ideas of the San draw on racialised caricatures and colonial imagery that freeze San imagery into a mythologised past. We argue that this is a limiting factor in political advocacy that constrains the types of responses possible for aboriginal rights in Africa.

San Tales Again: Acknowledgement and appropriation

A review by Helen Yardley in the Mail & Guardian of San Tales from Africa by Rafaella Delle Donne (2007. Cape Town: Struik) announced, ‘A number of children's books based on African myth and legend have been published, but this is the first that focuses solely on those originating from the San people’. This emphatic statement is incorrect. It is not unusual for publications of translations from the San (whether intended for children or the general public), and statements about the translations, to be silent about earlier versions. This article considers acknowledgements, silences and debts in successive versions of San lore. It looks at the way Donne and other children's books draw on San oral literature and whether they acknowledge their sources. I then look at the verse versions of the Bleek and Lloyd transcriptions that various writers have published, including The Return of the Moon by Stephen Watson (1991. Cape Town: Carrefour) and the stars say ‘tsau’ by Antjie Krog (2004. Cape Town: Kwela). Watson has accused Krog of plagiarism. The controversy this has aroused highlights how successive versions raise questions about the nature of authorship and plagiarism and whether the reworking of San lore constitutes appropriation of the voice of the colonised. The article briefly evaluates the validity of Watson's accusations.

Indigenous medicinal knowledge of the San people: the case of Farm Six, Northern Namibia

The San are among the most marginalized people in Namibia. The San have often relied on indigenous knowledge for survival, particularly since access to resources has proved to be difficult. This study explores the use of indigenous knowledge by a particular San community living on Farm Six, located in the Mangetti West area north of Tsumeb. In particular, the study focuses on the use of indigenous knowledge with regard to traditional medicine. Apart from considerations of the commercial and legal issues concerning the exploitation of the devil’s claw and hoodia plant, little has been published about the medicinal properties of San remedies. The findings indicate that the community relies on indigenous knowledge as their main means of treating most illnesses. While the community believes traditional remedies are effective in treating several conditions, they have also turned to herbal treatments because of a lack of access to modern health care: the nearest clinic is over 50 km away, transport is scarce, and a Ministry of Health and Social Services outreach team has not visited the camp for over 2 years. However, it was impossible to establish the medical efficacy of most of these remedies as their properties and effects have not been studied in detail.

Resilience in Minorities

In this study we compare the situation of two minorities, the San people of Botswana and the Travellers in Norway. We want to explore how their way of life, their culture, travelling then want to show how knowledge of resilience and protective factors can be important for the survival and development of minority cultures in general and for the life and education of children in particular.

Francois du Bois and Antje du Bois-Pedain (eds). Justice and Reconciliation in Post-Apartheid South Africa

Sometimes, one can judge a book by its cover. The strikingly beautiful cover of this book on justice and in South Africa is more than a mere decoration. As the editors of this exciting collection on transitional justice explain, the artwork on the cover was created by modern San artist Andry Kashivi and depicts the struggle acceptance and belonging, for citizenship and reconciliation in the new South Africa. The San communities of the !Xun and Khwe live on the margins of South Africa and on the brink of poverty. In the introduction to the book, the editors take trouble to explain the symbolic link between the marginalization of the San people and the quest legal and political transformation in South Africa. The book's emphasis on the art of transformation extends beyond the description of the artwork. In quite a literal sense the book addresses (among themes) the transformative function of art in the chapter by Carrol Clarkson entitled Drawing the Line: Justice and the Art of Reconciliation. Clarkson analyses post-apartheid South African art, and in doing so she illustrates and explains the re-drawing of lines, specifically the lines that reconfigure the margins of exposure of one to the other (at 288). The inclusion of this chapter adds freshness and originality to a collection of chapters on transitional justice, a field which cannot always be said to be characterized by great originality (or intellectual vigour). This collection, however, is vivid and attractive in many respects. It sets out to explore various facets of the transitional processes that have been underway in South Africa since the early 1990s. This topic has been subjected to extensive academic excavation - not always particularly deep or productive. The depth and variety of the contributions distinguishes this collection and makes it worth �

Ethnobotany, leaf anatomy, essential oil composition and antibacterial activity of Pteronia onobromoides (Asteraceae)

Available ethnobotanical information on Pteronia onobromoides (first recorded in 1685) indicates that the plant was once of considerable cultural and commercial importance and that it was powdered, mixed with fat, and applied to the skin for cosmetic and/or medicinal purposes. Sâb, as well as Son or San, are considered to be the original Nama names for this aromatic bush and also the origin of various names for San people, such as Sonqua and Bushman. A study of the leaf anatomy showed that essential oil is produced in globose oil glands situated below some of the vascular bundles in the spongy parenchyma, adjacent to the palisade parenchyma. The oil is relatively complex but contains a combination of myrcene, limonene, 1,8-cineole and p-cymene as main compounds, with smaller amounts of sabinene, trans-linalooloxide, linalool, terpinen-4-ol, α-terpineol, eugenol, thymol and α-phellandrene. Dichloromethane extracts exhibited antibacterial activity (especially against Staphylococcus epidermidis) with MIC values as low as 0.83 mg/ml. Other solvent extracts and the essential oil itself were less active. The results show that the traditional method of mixing powdered leaves with fat and applying it to the skin may have had deodorant, disinfectant and medicinal benefits.

Speech acts, moves, and meta-communication in negotiation: three cases of everyday conversation observed among the |Gui former-foragers

Interactive organizations of three cases of negotiations are systematically analyzed in the contemporary ethnographic context of the |Gui (Khoe-speaking Bushman people) in Botswana. The illocutionary acts that constitute these negotiations are identified, the principal of which is the requirement by one party. Another party's response includes two alternatives: refusal or obeying. When some sequence of speech acts functions as the move that affects the course of the negotiation, this move usually exerts an accumulative effect that is caused by iterating the same type of act. This hypothesis is well represented by the ‘balance model’ of speech acts, rather than the ‘billiard ball model.’ Apparently, a serious negotiation may be experienced as a verbal play-fight by the participants, as well as by the audience. This meta-communicative keying is supported by the convergence of participants’ attention onto the shared frame of action-coordination. If the participants hope to ‘play’ jokingly, they have to continue their interaction beyond the duration necessary for the transactional goal. Linking logically consistent moves and objecting to the opponent's definition of their social relationship are the best strategies for continuing a bout of face-to-face interaction. In this sense, logical consistency of speech acts is contiguous with emotional involvement in interactions.

Proudly South African: A toponymical excursion

There is no single definition of South African identity. This is due to the diversity of the people, languages, cultures, geographical features and historical perspectives comprising what is perceived as being typical of this southern part of the African continent. South Africa's position as a route to the east since the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and the favourable conditions for eventual colonisation as well as the southward migration of the African people have contributed to the diversity of cultures in place names. South African geographical names reflect the influence of a vast number of cultures, ranging from the Portuguese, Dutch, Spanish, British, French, German and other seafaring nations, to the indigenous Khoi, San, Zulu, Xhosa, Pedi, Sesotho, Tswana, Ndebele, Venda and Tsonga people. Place names given by the Khoi and San can still be traced from the adapted forms the names acquired when other linguistic groups were unable to pronounce the different click or suction sounds of the indigenous languages and dialects. By way of examples from the Khoi language and some Portuguese names, this article aims to point out how a diverse corpus of South African place names became part of the country's heritage and reflect a true South African identity. The examples from the Khoi language and the names given by the Portuguese navigators are used to indicate the motivational force behind the names and how they changed with each new group in power. This pattern of giving names and changing existing names can ultimately be applied to the contributions from other cultural groups to South African toponymy. Examples of the phonological adaptations, transliterations, translations and other grammatical and semantic features of the names, are discussed.

The Dawn of Human Matrilineal Diversity

The quest to explain demographic history during the early part of human evolution has been limited because of the scarce paleoanthropological record from the Middle Stone Age. To shed light on the structure of the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) phylogeny at the dawn of Homo sapiens, we constructed a matrilineal tree composed of 624 complete mtDNA genomes from sub-Saharan Hg L lineages. We paid particular attention to the Khoi and San (Khoisan) people of South Africa because they are considered to be a unique relic of hunter-gatherer lifestyle and to carry paternal and maternal lineages belonging to the deepest clades known among modern humans. Both the tree phylogeny and coalescence calculations suggest that Khoisan matrilineal ancestry diverged from the rest of the human mtDNA pool 90,000-150,000 years before present (ybp) and that at least five additional, currently extant maternal lineages existed during this period in parallel. Furthermore, we estimate that a minimum of 40 other evolutionarily successful lineages flourished in sub-Saharan Africa during the period of modern human dispersal out of Africa approximately 60,000-70,000 ybp. Only much later, at the beginning of the Late Stone Age, about 40,000 ybp, did introgression of additional lineages occur into the Khoisan mtDNA pool. This process was further accelerated during the recent Bantu expansions. Our results suggest that the early settlement of humans in Africa was already matrilineally structured and involved small, separately evolving isolated populations.

Writing in the San/d: Autoethnography among Indigenous Southern Africans (review)

Reviewed by: Writing in the San/d: Autoethnography among Indigenous Southern Africans Megan Biesele (bio) and Robert K. Hitchcock (bio) Keyan G. Tomaselli , ed. Writing in the San/d: Autoethnography among Indigenous Southern Africans. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 2007. 190 pp. Paper, $29.95. The Writing in the San/d anthology is an intriguing experiment in collaborative methods and so is quite apt for inclusion in this first volume of Collaborative Anthropologies. It is important both as a device to raise consciousness about the human side of anthropological research and as a challenge to some of the more traditional modes of ethnographic writing. Editor Keyan Tomaselli has been for some years gathering his students in Culture, Communication, and Media Studies (CCMS) at the University of Kwazulu Natal (Durban, South Africa) and taking them, along with members of his own family, to research sites in South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia to interact with San people. The interactions of this loosely defined research group with San communities and individuals have been more or less informal, but at the same time they have been concerned quite fixedly with the mediation, representation, and phenomenology of Ethnographic Encounter, writ large. Thus the activity of this group of researchers sits squarely [End Page 201] within postmodern anthropology. Many readers of this new journal will know that Kalahari research has been one of the major loci where the postmodern and earlier approaches to ethnography have gone head to head. The "Great Kalahari Debate" is still going on, and Tomaselli's group of collaborators is carrying some of the current salient strands of argument. The offerings in the book stem from trips to two San areas in South Africa and one each in Namibia and Botswana. They range across journeys of personal discovery, methodological experiments and refinements, and the conundrums of cross-cultural representation. The writers vary from a student of sheltered background making her first trip out of town, through more experienced students, to Tomaselli himself, who has traveled the Kalahari roads for decades and has thought deeply about representations of, by, and with San people in media ranging from film to oral poetry. Fresh insights abound in the collection, touching on the role of anthropologists, development workers, and other outsiders as they may affect myth reinforcement about the San; exploring the role of market relations in the commodification of culture; and asking hard questions about ways in which grassroots critique may reach and influence the larger structures in which San communities, often feeling voiceless and powerless, are embedded today. This said, we want to make a few suggestions for the anthology authors to consider. We assume the main purpose of Writing in the San/d is to improve communication among several stakeholders in the San's future, including, beyond the San themselves, relevant nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and government entities, academics, and a public wishing to get beyond romantic stereotypes. If so, it would seem that attention to the cultures of communication of the various parties to the desired amelioration would be the best avenue to progress. Yet it must be said that many of the articles in the anthology neglect scholarly conventions—even on the level of spelling and grammar—in a way that is bound to make scholars feel disregarded. Each author also seems to find it necessary to criticize the "hundreds of " previous researchers and NGO workers with indiscriminate assurance, many times in ignorance of the facts of various situations. Worst, the lively San themselves, and their often heroic efforts to make their communities sustainable, are too often given short shrift in this book and emerge as passive recipients of both aid and oppression. [End Page 202] We do not for a moment think that it was the intention of this group of authors to thwart the purpose of furthering communication. Perhaps it was their very focus on their own encounter experiences that caused them to do so in many ways with this book. For one thing, the ethnographic term clan is quite loosely used, which does not seem a good decision for a book whose title claims to valorize autoethnography. For another, the awkward "San/d" in the title is only awkwardly...

Front and Back Covers, Volume 23, Number 5. Ocotober 2007

Front and back covers caption, volume 23 issue 5Front coverThe front cover illustrates Julie J. Taylor's article on the outcome of the San people's court case against the Botswana government. The photo shows Roy Sesana, leader of the San organization First People of the Kalahari and chief appellant in the case, with Gordon Bennett, the San group's lawyer, at the start of the case in July 2004. In the course of the last century, the San or Bushmen of southern Africa became possibly the most studied indigenous group in the world. In addition to suffering land dispossession and violence during the colonial period, their image in the West has long been that of exotic and innocent ‘Other’, fuelled over time by the work of scientists, anthropologists and filmmakers among others. In recent years the San have become part of wider debates about indigeneity, poverty and development, often in relation to land rights. Many San have formed their own representative institutions and have also entered into relationships with national and international NGOs to campaign for their rights as an indigenous minority. From 2004, San claims to land in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve in Botswana drew unprecedented attention in the international media, due in part to the efforts of local NGOs and the British‐based advocacy group Survival International. After protracted court proceedings and much controversy, the case finally came to an end in late 2006. At first sight the outcome appeared to offer victory to San applicants, but matters in the Central Kalahari are far from resolved, raising questions about the role of advocacy groups and the fate of marginalized San groups elsewhere.Back cover(IM)PERSONAL MONEYRoboti of Giribwa Village, Trobriand Islands (above) is seen wearing the armshell Nanoula and the necklace Kasanai. Both have been circulating in the kula for at least a century and were already famous when Malinowski saw them. He was sure that these valuables were not money because they were not an impersonal medium of exchange, but Marcel Mauss, in a long footnote to The gift, wrote: ‘On this reasoning there has only been money when precious things have been really made into currency – namely have been inscribed and impersonalised, and detached from any relationship with any legal entity, whether collective or individual, other than the state that mints them… One only defines in this way a second type of money – our own.’This exchange was in some ways the high point of economic anthropology. The world of national currencies issued and controlled by states and banks must now come to terms with innumerable virtual instruments such as those seen flashing on the screens of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange (below). But, as the current ‘sub‐prime mortgage’ crisis shows, these anonymous money instruments are still closely linked to personal credit. The challenge facing anthropologists today is to renew the legacy of Mauss and Malinowski in ways that illuminate such matters of universal practical concern.In this issue, Keith Hart argues that money, like society itself, is and always has been both personal and impersonal. A pragmatic anthropology should aim to show that the numbers on people's financial statements constitute a way of summarizing their relations with society at a given time. The next step is to explain how these numbers might serve in building a viable personal economy. When we are able to take responsibility for our own economic actions, we will understand better the social forces impinging on our lives. Then it will become more obvious how and why ruling institutions need to be reformed for all our sakes.

Khoisan wind: hunting and healing

In this paper I draw on my findings and those of historical and recent Khoisan ethnography to attempt to explain how these southern African ‘Khoi’ and San peoples relate to wind and how the environmental phenomenon has informed their epistemology and ontology. I begin by fleshing out the knowledge and experience of wind among these past and recent hunter‐gatherers and, pointing to continuity in wind relationships and the ideas that stem from them, I go on to demonstrate how wind weaves into Khoisan understandings of the body and illness. Despite extensive interest in Bushman healing, anthropologists have overwhelmingly concentrated on the ‘trance’ healing dance. My findings suggest this partiality has obscured the wider healing context in which the dance operates. Exploring the wider context, including massage, ‘medicinal cuts’, and witchcraft, reveals that the ‘potency’ conceived as central to the healing dance is, in certain contexts, equivalent to overlapping ideas of wind, arrows, and smell. Examination of the ethnography reveals that a number of the associations I make between wind and potency have been partially recognized in specific Khoisan contexts but, because comparative studies of Khoisan are difficult and unpopular, these similarities have gone largely unnoticed.

カラハリ狩猟採集民における生業と分配

The San peoples who have lived in the Kalahari desert of the southern Africa, are known as a typical example of the egalitarian society. They have the distribution system of food like animal meat caught by hunting or edible plants in the camp or settlement. It is said that it is very difficult for them to accumulate the private property because the distribution system.This paper aims to clarify the characteristic of their economic behaviors which have the both aspects of subsistence and commercial from the perspective of moral economy as the strategies for the risk. The regional diversity of sharing among the San and the practice of sharing and the method of food storage in the particular settlement are described Results have revealed the following points.The owners of caught animals and harvest have been fixed by the rule roughly according to the kind of subsistence like hunting and gathering etc. among the San. They have the system of distribution from “those who have” to “those who do not” in not only caught meat and gathered food, but also cultivation crops. Especially in the farming the crops were distributed to some other group who migrated to the cultivated fields during the harvest time. They also distinguish the meat for subsistence and commercial ones, and the meat for subsistence are distributed equally among the camp members. Lastly, goat raisings has a important role of their society and some farmer's community commonly in the tropical Africa.

What is drawing? Bringing the art into art therapy

This article explores the sensory and psychological integration that occurs during the process of drawing and identifies some of the most basic elements that are at work in art therapy sessions. Drawing is a fundamental human activity which expresses and intensifies our experience of existing in the world. Its processes and the trace that these leave, mirror, and reinforce the processes that form our conscious being. In order to explore the interplay of thought, feeling and physical experience, which are brought together in the act of drawing, the article makes connections between statements by contemporary artists and the theories of psychoanalysts, philosophers, art historians, neuro-scientists and art therapists, and investigates the ancient rock-art of the San people of Zimbabwe.

Accommodating walking as a travel mode in South African cities: Towards improved neighbourhood movement network design practices

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgements Acknowledgement is due to Peter Wilkinson and anonymous referees for providing comment on earlier versions of this article. Responsibility for any errors or omissions remains that of the author. Notes 1. The population categories referred to in this paper were established under the apartheid regime but have been maintained by the present democratic government in official documentation, including the national census, to provide a means of monitoring social change, particularly efforts to transform the legacy of the apartheid era. The term ‘Coloured’ generally refers to persons of mixed ethnic origins drawn mainly from first-nation Khoi and San peoples, slaves from present-day Indonesia and European colonialists; ‘Black African’ to persons descended from one or more of the Bantu-speaking peoples; and ‘White’ to persons descended from European settlers. In the interests of consistency these terms are used throughout the paper, even in instances where the nomenclature used in source material is different. 2. Due to the author's involvement in the drafting the chapter dealing with the design of movement networks a different approach, similar to that discussed later in this paper, is adopted in this version. It is argued here, however, that this approach has yet to become widely implemented or at least recognised by practitioners as best practice. 3. An ‘open’ road network is defined here as a network of roads that intersect freely with one another, and thus offers a choice of numerous alternative equidistant routes between any two points. ‘Closed’ road networks, conversely, adhere to principles of hierarchical access management, and establish clearly defined routes between any two points within the network offering few or no equidistant alternatives. 4. Indeed an innovative form of neighbourhood unit, the Radburn ‘superblock’, went one step further and assumed that pedestrian and vehicle conflict could be removed altogether by the design of grade-separated roadway and footway networks within local neighbourhoods. 5. In the case of multi-mode trips, the ‘main’ mode is typically defined as that which covers the greatest travelled distance. The relative importance of walking as a travel mode is underestimated in main mode use analysis as walking trip segments are invariably attached to both ends of public transport trips and sometimes to an end of motor-car trips. 6. ‘Inner’ locations refer to residential neighbourhoods with a mixed pattern of land use, and an open, pedestrian-oriented street pattern providing local access (meaning within a 2.5 – 3-km walking distance) to commerce and employment opportunities. ‘Outer’ locations refer to residential neighbourhoods with little or no local access to (formal) commerce and employment opportunities, and a closed, car-oriented street pattern. 7. This is not surprising given the findings of research on the relationship between vehicle speed and pedestrian fatality. Studies have found that in collisions between vehicles and pedestrians, the pedestrian's chances of being killed rise dramatically with an increase of vehicle speed. The probability of a pedestrian fatality is 5% at 32 km/h, rising to 37% at 48 km/h and to 83% at 70 km/h (O'Flaherty, 1997 O'Flaherty, C. 1997. “Physical methods of traffic control”. In Transport Planning and Traffic Engineering, Edited by: O'Flaherty, C. London: Arnold. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). 8. It is interesting to note that in Tanzanian cities, where walking shares of modal split are very similar to those of low-income households in South African cities (46% in Dar es Salaam and 67% in Morogoro versus 61% in Cape Town), it is recommended that the parallel frequency of ‘collector/distributor’ routes is up to 5000 m (Rwebangira & de Langen, 1999 Rwebangira, T. and de Langen, M. 1999. “Urban road design standards: recommended non-motorized transport elements in Sub Saharan Africa”. Georgetown East Paper presented at the Transportation Research Board 78th Annual Meeting, Session: Global Transport Forum 1: Urban Mobility in Sub Saharan Africa [Google Scholar], p. 5). This reflects much greater sympathy to the severance impact of arterials on pedestrian movement in lower-income environments than the South African convention of 1500 – 2000 m.

Caring for a South African Treasure: Preserving the Bleek and Lloyd Collection at University of Cape Town Libraries

In the papers of Dr Wilhelm Bleek, Lucy Lloyd and Dorothea Bleek we have a unique record of the San peoples, in particular the /Xam people, of whom none now remain. The importance of the collections held at University of Cape Town Libraries (UCT), the National Library of South Africa and the South African Museum is recognised by their listing in UNESCO's Memory of the World Register. Increasing use of the records by scholars, as well as the need to preserve this valuable South African heritage demands that we find ways both of making it more easily accessible and of preserving it. The collection includes notebooks (over 12,000 pages of the stories and histories of the /Xam and /Kung informants), artworks, photographs and correspondence. A project has recently been completed at UCT Libraries to digitise an album of photographs taken by Dorothea Bleek on several expeditions between 1910 and the late 1920s. While a selection of the photographs has been made available on the web, a major advantage in having the album accessible in electronic form is that the originals no longer have to be handled. The paper deals with the digital imaging project, as well as other work that has been done or is planned regarding preservation of the collection. ESARBICA Journal Vol.22 2003: 37-42