Russian Presidential Election Research Articles

Медиаобраз и политический имидж: закономерности корреляции двух конструктов

The article examines the phenomenon of media image and political image. The material for the study was the media representation of V. Zhirinovsky and K. Sobchak as candidates for the presidency of Russian Federation in the fields of television (in the information and socio-political programs of First Channel, ARTRBC (“Russia 1”, “Russia 24”), NTV, “RenTV”, Fifth Channel, “TV Center”) and the Internet (materials of news portals “RIA News”, “REGNUM”, “TASS”, “Interfax”, “Izvestia”, “Vedomosti”, “Meduza”; posts in social networks “VKontakte”, “Facebook”). The methods of contentanalysis, intent-analysis (through the system “Medialogia”), secondary data analysis — the results of sociological studies of All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center (ARPORC), Public Opinion Foundation (POF), Levada Center and the presidential elections in Russia. Chronological framework of the study: November 2017 — March 2018. The author comes to the conclusion about the existence of interdependence and conditional identity of the phenomenon of political image and media image, which influence the construction of each other. At the same time, excessive mediatization of political actors (outside the respective ritualized locales and contexts) leads to their self-discredit — the loss of the “credibility” of both the potential and the real electorate.

Институт наблюдателей на выборах, как фактор легитимации власти в современной России

Fragmentary outbursts of the protest that took place in the run-up to the Russian legislative election and the Russian presidential election in 2011–2012 led to the intensification of observation as a form of democratization of the electoral process. The Institute of Observers acts as a guarantor of the respect of electoral rights of citizens, provides a high level of transparency and openness of the electoral process, allows to identify violations and assess the legality of the vote. This paper examines the phenomenon of the public control over elections in the context of the main tool for legitimizing the power structures in the Russian Federation. The institute of election monitoring has undergone changes since 2011: number of election observers has grown, the qualification of observers has significantly improved, the range of monitors’ rights has expanded, and the level of their protection has risen. The amendments to the Federal Law «On the Election of the President of the Russian Federation» that were adopted before the presidential elections in 2018 allowed to democratize the observation process. Representatives from the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation and regional public chambers were included to the movement of observers. At present, certain measures are being considered to reduce the engagement of observers in electoral processes at all levels.

Особенности кампании по выборам президента России 2018 г.

The research deals with the aspects of the 2018 Russian Presidential Election Campaign and com-pares it with previous ones. An attempt is made to both identify the novel elements of the last cam-paign and trace its continuous and traditional na-ture. For instance, the particular attention of authori-ties to voter turnout became a distinctive feature of the 2018 Russian Presidential Election Campaign. To this end, absentee ballots were cancelled, and citi-zens were able to vote at any polling station upon advance online registration. A week and disor-ganized protest movement was typical for the 2018 election campaign in contrast to the 2012 campaign. It may be influenced by shifting public opinion be-cause of the reunification of Crimea with Russia and the imposition of Western sanctions on the Russian Federation. The research notes that voters regard the 2018 election campaign as a transition to the 2024 election since it is Putin’s final presidential term, and further state development program will be implemented by a new leader of the country.

Bastions of Tradition: The Ethnic Factor and Political Machines in Russian Regions

The regional machines created by the Russian governors in the mid-1990s turned out to be most effective in the ethnic republics. This phenomenon is supported by several facts, with the primary as follows: the density of the patronage networks among the rural ethnic minorities, and the economic heritage of the Soviet period and ethnical institutionalization. These factors allowed regional elites to integrate ethnic minorities into the clientelism structure to distribute symbolic and material benefits in exchange for their electoral support. However, at present, the federal authorities have considerably reduced the autonomy of the ethnic republics and deprived them of many ethnic preferences. Basing on the analysis of the electoral statistics from the Russian Presidential Election of 2018, this article researches the political consequences caused by the changed relationship between the center and the regions, as well as the changes in functioning of regional political machines in the circumstances where the governors’ institutional and resource autonomy has been reduced. The data analysis allowed for the discovery of the diversified electoral behavior of ethnic minorities in different republics. The reasons for the above diversification have been explained based on a comparative analysis of five case studies (the Republic of Bashkortostan, the Republic of Tatarstan, the Komi Republic, the Chuvash Republic, and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)).

Public Attitudes to Politics in Russia

The 2018 Russian presidential election was effectively a contest not between Vladimir Putin and the other seven candidates on the ballot paper, but between Putin and the level of election turnout. Anything less than a large majority based on a respectable level of turnout would have undermined Putin’s legitimacy to serve for a further six-year term. In the event, Putin achieved his goal. Through the analysis of public opinion polls conducted by the Levada Center, we examine the background to the election. Putin’s success can be traced, first to long-standing patterns of differential turnout across the regions and, second, administrative initiatives by the election authorities which created a renewed confidence in the integrity of the election process.

Women's Participation in the Presidential Elections in Russia: Value Aspects of Mass Media Discourse

The paper presents the results of the analysis of media coverage concerning the election campaigns for the presidential elections in Russia in 2012 and 2018. The emphasis is made on analyzing the representation of women candidates for top positions. The research is based on discourse analysis which revealed the holistic image of politicians, including explicit and hidden meanings. The analysis showed that the images of women politicians are devoid of a gender component. They are either commonplace, or include purely masculine features and actions. The paper explains that this representation of female characters in the electoral process corresponds to the essence of the modern sensual culture based on the domination of power, success and individualism significance, and moral atomism. The paper notes that a demand for moral values and moral authority of politicians has matured in the society. The results of the all-Russian sociological survey are given, according to which respondents expressed distrust and rejection of women candidates in the 2018 elections, because they did not possess the qualities necessary for the president. These trends can be described as a manifestation of the crisis of modern sensory culture and the forerunner of spiritual culture.

One Man Show: TV and Russian Internet Observation Diary of Russian Presidential Elections 2018

Three weeks before the 2018 Russian Presidential elections, Fedor Nesterov, media manager, analyst, and journalist compiled a journal focusing on the pre-election race on local electronic media, TV, and the Internet. Most of these media are controlled in direct or hidden ways by the government, and they present candidates in a biased manner, giving preference to one particular candidate. This diary offers insights from a journalist on how public opinion is shaped in Russia by mass media.

Presidential Elections in Russia: Opportunities and Limitations of Electoral Consolidation

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the processes of electoral consolidation around incumbents, as well as around opposition candidates, in Russian presidential elections. On the basis of a comparative analysis of the parliamentary and presidential campaigns over six electoral cycles, the author identifies shifts in the turnout and voting patterns for candidates in presidential elections in comparison to the previous State Duma elections. His research shows that almost all viable candidates in presidential elections rely on the electorate of a certain party—usually the one that nominates the candidate (the only important exception to this rule was the vote for P. Grudinin in the 2018 election). The study also shows that an increase in turnout in presidential elections plays into the hands of the incumbent (except for B. Yeltsin in 1996), although in some cases it can boost support for a strong opposition candidate (G. Zyuganov in 1996) or an entirely new candidate (M. Prokhorov in 2012). Having compared voting patterns between parliamentary and presidential elections, the author comes to the conclusion that an incumbent is usually able to win over ambivalent voters and, depending on the political context, voters from various party clusters; for example, supporters of A Just Russia, LDPR, liberal parties, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (at the level of certain regions). Opposition candidates possess much more limited opportunities for this kind of consolidation or lack them altogether. The author interprets these trends as a manifestation of strategic voting based on voters’ rational choice in favor of the incumbent.

Putin versus the Turnout? Mapping the Kremlin’s 2018 Presidential Election Support

The 2018 Russian presidential election was effectively a contest not between Vladimir Putin and the other seven candidates on the ballot paper, but between Putin and the level of election turnout. Anything less than a large majority based on a respectable level of turnout would have undermined Putin’s legitimacy to serve for a further six-year term. In the event, Putin achieved his goal. In this paper we examine the background to the election and the conduct of the campaign, and analyse the result. Putin’s success can be traced to, first, long-standing patterns of differential turnout across the regions and, second, administrative initiatives by the election authorities which created a renewed confidence in the integrity of the election process. While there is evidence that those wishing to protest against Putin spoiled their votes, the impact of this was minor.

Information Wars and Sanctions of the International Olympic Committee as Means of Political Pressure on the Russian Sport and Public Opinion

Combating doping has turned into a subject of harsh political pressure on Russia and the Russian public opinion in the run-up to the presidential elections in Russia in 2018. The Executive Board of the International Olympic Committee has suspended the activities of the Russian Olympic Committee and allowed the Russian athletes to perform in PyeongChang Games-2018 under the Olympic f lag in the status of «Olympic Athletes from Russia». The article considers the violated fundamental principles and norms of the international law and the human rights enshrined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention for the Protection of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and guaranteed by constitutions of civilized states and by the Olympic Charter Rules. The decline of Russian representation in international organizations has resulted in the violation of the fundamental principles and essential values of Olympism, the Olympic Charter and in infringement of human rights and liberties. The Olympic Charter permits the athletes to challenge penalties relating to participation in the Olympic Games exclusively in the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). The study of judicial practice and legal precedents in national courts gives credence to the right of any person/entity to judicial protection of honour, dignity and business reputation from distribution of unfaithful defamatory information and to the right to demand compensation of losses and non- pecuniary damage at civil courts.The article gives some examples of athletes applying to the national courts with legal claims for compensation for professional and non-pecuniary damage. The issues of defence of the National Olympic Committee, the Paralympic Committee, the interests and professional reputation of athletes of the great sporting empire should be handled originally at the governmental level, with involvement of international law counsellors. It is necessary to reform the sports system and the anti-doping laws. WADA (World Anti-Doping Agency) activities and the sport management system should be transparent, comprehensible and verifiable.

Анализ влияния электоральной активности на конкурентность выборов в России

The paper presents the results of a study on the election turnout of citizens in the Russian regions. The main objective of the study is to analyze how electoral behavior affects the distribution of votes among candidates who implement passive suffrage. It is necessary to determine whether there is a rela-tionship between the competitiveness of election and election turnout. Besides, it is important to ex-plain the reasons for the possible dependence, i.e. to show how this relationship affects the distribu-tion of forces in the pre-election race. The study focuses on the Russian presidential election of 2018. Election turnout is expressed through the percent-age of voter turnout, and the voter percentage in favor of candidates nominated for the highest state office is regarded as a result of the election cam-paign. The study revealed the peculiarities of elec-toral behavior during the voting period and outlined the relevant aspects of the electoral branch func-tioning in Russia. The trend in the high percentage of votes for the incumbent president at polling sta-tions and, at the same time, the high percentage of voter turnout prove that the fewer people vote, the more the competition of election is, and vice versa. The low competition and the lack of the alternative to the incumbent government demonstrate that, nowadays, Russia is in need of new political leaders who could prove themselves and, at least, get vot-ers’ attention that implies full involvement in politics during the election period.

Illegal Interference in Internal Affairs Sovereign States of the UN and in the Presidential Elections in Russia as Instrument of US Foreign Policy

Since signing of the UN Charter on June 26, 1945, that enshrined the principle of non-intervention in internal and external affairs of sovereign states, the United States, within the period from 1945 to 2000, committed over 100 acts of conscious unlawful intervention in the affairs of more than 60 states worldwide with the view of realizing the «colour revolution» scenarios, coups d’état and arranging social destabilization. The attempts of outside intervention in Russia’s internal affairs, in violation of the universally recognized norms of international law and the UN Charter, take place constantly, in fact from the moment of Russia’s proclaiming state sovereignty. The alleged grounds for intervention in the affairs of sovereign states are a special view about the US mission, predominant with the American elite, which is used for the politicians’ public argumentation on their «inalienable right». The main goal of Western intervention in Russia’s internal affairs and the elections is changing the foundations of the constitutional order and political course, violation of the territorial integrity, modifying the composition and structure of the Russian authorities, as well as inf luencing the Russian young people in order to make them a tool for erosion of the national political systems. To prevent the external threats to the sovereignty of the Russian Federation and the attempts to interfere in its purely internal affairs, Russia uses the whole potential of political and diplomatic measures and parliamentary diplomacy, adhering to the generally recognized norms of international law enshrined in the UN Charter, in particular, in Article 2 of the UN Charter, in the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in Internal Affairs of States, as concerns protection of their independence and sovereignty, the provisions of international treaties and foreign experience of defending sovereignty and opposing intervention from outside.

Imitational features of the 2018 presidential elections and their impact on the next electoral cycle: results of public opinion polls

The article provides assessment of the 2018 Russian presidential elections with the distinctive features of electoral authoritarianism. Drawn on the findings of VCIOM opinion polls the paper concludes that the nature of the elections at the state level is primarily imitational: compliance with electoral procedures does not lead to the redistribution of political power but merely consolidates the existing political system. However, despite the imitational characteristics, elections reflect changes in public opinion ignored by the authorities out of necessity. In this article, the authors describe a forecast scenario for the next electoral cycle.

Candidate Registration as the key stage in holding non-competitive elections (based on the example of the electoral campaign for the Russian Presidential Elections on 18 march 2018)

The article considers the initial stages of the 2018 presidential election campaign in Russian Federation - the nomination and registration of candidates. The list of the participants is analyzed along with the reasons for their registration or non-registration. The article concludes that there are targeted policies of non-competitive campaigns in the elections of the executive government (based on the example of the presidential elections). These policies act as the main tendency that governs the electoral processes in modern Russia. The article also considers the main mechanisms used to achieve this aim. This research draws a conclusion that the emphasis in organizing the elections is put on establishing such formal rules and procedures that only system and resource politicians are able to comply with.

The Prospects for a Color Revolution in Russia

From 1998 to 2005, six elections took place in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that led to the defeat of authoritarian incumbents or their anointed successors, the empowerment of opposition forces, and, thereafter, the introduction of democratic reforms. Because Putin's regime closely resembles those regimes that were successfully challenged by these dramatic changes in politics, Russia is a logical candidate for such a “color revolution,” as these electoral turnovers have been termed. Moreover, the color revolutions have demonstrated an ability to spread among countries, including several that border Russia. However, the case for a color revolution in Russia is mixed. On the one hand, the many costs of personalized rule make Putin's Russia vulnerable. On the other hand, Putin has been extraordinarily effective at home and abroad in preempting the possibility of an opposition victory in Russian presidential and parliamentary elections.

Electoral Choices and Basic Values of Russians

This research assesses which values were related to the voting results of the Russian presidential election in March 2012. This empirical study was based on the results of a representative poll conducted in two federal districts of Russia (N=2058), which was held shortly after the elections. Participants were given Schwartz’s values questionnaire and were asked which of the five Russian presidency candidates they voted for. Empirical analysis showed that the respondents’ values were related to their political preferences. The study showed that the conservation–openness to change values were related to participants’ voting choices. The conservation values were related to four of the five candidates, which suggest an absence of key differences in the values represented by these politicians.

Political elite of modern Russia: crisis of formation

Author analyzes the practice of functioning of political elite of modern Russia, the phenomenon of high rating of one of its actors and the crisis of alternative political leaders. The article pays special attention to the existing, in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the breadth of presidential powers. Separately discusses the features of current and in General closed for the controlled companies to the private process of formation of the Russian political elite. According to the author, this process takes the form of selection of candidates by a narrow circle of senior officials for subjective reasons, in connection with which the political elite even more segregated from the controlled companies and rising to a new, unattainable level of elitism. Referring to the existing practice of the presidential elections in Russia in the early 90-ies of XX century to the present focuses on the stagnation of the political opposition, lack of political competition among major political parties and their low electoral support in view of the existing political absenteeism. In the article the author considers the historical context of the formation of elite groups and privileged minorities, and draws attention to features of technocratic parliamentarism, which is inherent in States with a parliamentary form of government and does not implement at present in Russia, with its prevailing system of governance by public authorities. In conclusion, the special attention of author is turned on the existing in society political absenteeism, latent protest potential and, as a consequence, the request for the renewal of political elites, particularly in the framework of the upcoming presidential elections of the Russian Federation in 2018, the participation of new candidates. According to the author of the inventory of such social demand companies will allow to stop the risks enhance the destructive part of economic and regional political elite, will enhance the possibility of rotation of political elites, strengthen the role of civil society institutions and lead to the reproduction of an authoritative political leaders.

The use of media opportunities during the presidential elections in Russia in 1996 and 2000

The use of media opportunities during the presidential elections in Russia in 1996 and 2000

Использование возможностей средств массовой информации при проведении выборов Президента РФ в 1996 и 2000 годах

Использование возможностей средств массовой информации при проведении выборов Президента РФ в 1996 и 2000 годах

Россия и ЕС: об особенностях прагматизма

The relationship of the European Union and Russia as historically close and not
 having an alternative is considered based on the analysis of various treaties,
 agreements and programs between the EU and the Russian Federation. It is
 shown that their potential has not yet been using a fully and is being
 implemented in the interests our nations and citizens. Importance for Russia
 partnership with the European Union was once again confirmed after the
 presidential elections in Russia. Guidance documents and Decrees of the
 Russian President and the Government of the Russian Federation, aimed at
 creating the most effective forms of cooperation and integration in Europe were
 considered. Issues stabilization of financial systems and the modernization of
 the economyhave been discussed.
 Despite the intervention of politics in economic relations between Russia and
 the EU, the impossibility of preserving the old paradigm of «strategic
 partnership», there is the prospect of restarting relations based on respect for
 the interests of both parties and mutually beneficial cooperation.
 The paper investigates how perceptions of each other all over the Europe can be
 improved using both application of legal instruments and effects of traditional
 research and development activity in different humanitarian and educational
 programs.