Russian Political System Research Articles

Развитие отечественного патриотического предпринимательства и вопрос социальной опоры власти в постсоветской и современной России

Russian patriotic entrepreneurship is a poorly studied question both in theoretical and practical aspects. In this article, Russian patriotic entrepreneurship is considered as a social group, as part of the social support of the modern Russian political regime in the context of the formation of business patriotism in Russia. The aim of this article is to investigate the issue of social support for power in post-Soviet and modern Russia in the context of the emergence of patriotic entrepreneurship as a result of the development of Russia’s political system. The novelty of this study lies in the fact that patriotic entrepreneurship is considered, firstly, as part of the social support, and secondly, as one of the products of the transformation of the current Russian political system. It is shown that due to the peculiarities of their economic, social, political, legal interests and their implementation, patriotic enterprises are part of the social support of the modern Russian political regime. In other words, patriotic entrepreneurs are one of the social groups of the Russian population that ensure the existence and legitimacy of the modern Russian political system.

How are national and global identities connected to attitudes toward the political system in Russia? The role of political decisions contributing to international isolation.

How are national and global identities connected to attitudes toward the political system in Russia? The role of political decisions contributing to international isolation.

DESTRUCTIVE FACTORS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND WAYS TO OVERCOME THEM

Starting from 2022, the Russian national economy has been developing in difficult geopolitical and geo-economic conditions created by unfriendly states through the introduction of unprecedented economic sanctions in order to influence decisions made by the Russian political system. Purpose of the study: to determine the main exogenous and endogenous destructive factors that have a negative impact on the development of the national economy in the conditions of aggressive anti-­Russian policies pursued by the states of the “Western Coalition”, and ways to overcome them. Based on the analysis of scientific literature and statistical data, the study concluded that it is necessary to transform the spiritual, ideological and political subsystems of the institutional matrix, aimed at creating the necessary conditions for overcoming, first of all, internal destructive factors, developing competition, reducing the level of oligopoly, and developing a favorable investment environment. climate, human capital, outflow of highly qualified personnel from the Russian economy. Directions for transformation of the spiritual-­ideological and political subsystems of the institutional matrix of Russian society are proposed.

Потенциал применения институционализма в качестве теоретической основы государственного управления

State management of the socio-economic development of Russian society is carried out in the context of unprecedented anti-Russian sanctions, which necessitates a rethinking of approaches to economic analysis, which is the theoretical basis for the development of long-term forecasts of socio-economic development and socio-economic policy of the state. In the process of economic analysis in the emerging conditions of public administration, along with economic ones, it is necessary to take into account other significant social phenomena and processes, including the political and legal systems, social values immanent in Russian society, which is possible through the application of institutional economic theory based on an interdisciplinary approach to economic analysis. However, firstly, the founders of institutionalism are American scientists who analyze the American political and legal system and the culture of the American people, which excludes the direct use of institutionalism for the analysis of Russian political and legal reality and, secondly, to date, institutionalism has not been incorporated into a unified economic theory. formed. Based on the fact that institutionalism is recognized as a promising direction in the development of economic theory, the article points out the need for its adaptation to the socio-economic conditions of the development of Russian society, for which, first of all, it is necessary to develop common approaches to the definition of such basic concepts used in Russian institutionalism, as "institutional structure", "institutional environment". The analysis of the approaches of American and Russian scientists to the definition of the concept of the analyzed terms is carried out, on the basis of which, taking into account the Russian political and legal system, the author's definitions of the concept of "institutional structure" and "institutional environment" are proposed. The conclusion is substantiated that the use of these concepts in the proposed interpretation in the course of institutional analysis corresponds to an interdisciplinary approach to economic analysis, immanent institutionalism, is aimed at establishing institutionalism as a unified economic theory adapted to the realities of Russian society, capable of acting as a theoretical basis for effective public administration.

«THE STATE» AND «LEGALITY» IN THE DISCOURSE OF P.A. STOLYPIN DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS OF 1905–1907

The relevance of the research is determined by the need to disclose the political and legal concepts used by P.A. Stolypin during the first Russian Revolution and the beginning of forming the constitutional political system in Russia. Solving this problem makes it possible to better understand the ideas of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, who played a significant role in developing the government’s reform program during the first Russian Revolution, and assess its compliance with historical time. The novelty of the research lies in studying the influence of historical circumstances on P.A. Stolypin’s ideological design of the course aimed at creating a state governed by the rule of law, as well as at identifying its political values, which determined the main tasks of its activities. The purpose of the study is to study the influence of historical circumstances on the ideological justification of P.A. Stolypin’s state activities during the years of the revolutionary crisis and transformation of the political system in Russia, in the analysis of his political discourse. Materials and methods of the study. The source base of the work was made up of speeches by P.A. Stolypin and deputies of the State Duma in 1906–1907. The work is carried out in the context of the theory of political modernization and the axiological approach, which obliges to identify the system of values that determined the worldview of a historical personality. Study results. In the new Russian historical conditions – the beginning of creating a constitutional state, arbitrariness of left–wing parties, criticism of government policy by Constitutional Democrats – the «healthy forces» in power actualized the task of creating the rule of law, offering their own version of its functioning: representative institutions are engaged in legislative work within their powers and recognize the prerogatives of the emperor. There was there is much concern about the authorities’ choice of means to combat to preserve the statehood and order. In Stolypin’s understanding, the priorities of the government should be to restore order in the interests of all compatriots. He disagreed with the liberals’ view that the government sought to govern on the basis of «exceptional laws,» saying that it was the duty of the authorities to preserve order. The government must fight destructive forces with all measures,» therefore, Stolypin believed, the government can resort to extraordinary means to prevent destruction of statehood and seizure of power by rebels. Conclusions. The formation of the political discourse of the Prime Minister Stolypin was influenced by such historical circumstances as creation of a constitutional political system in 1905–1906, emergence of «healthy forces» in power capable of carrying out reforms, the activities of liberal parties demanding the rule of law, activation of a left-wing radical movement focused on destruction of the existing system. Stolypin thought through and ideologically justified the program, which was based on indisputable national values: integrity and greatness of Russia, strong statehood, legality, welfare and education of people, preservation of culture created by many generations of ancestors. Stolypin’s discourse was defined by the era of transition from autocracy to the rule of law, when a conflict arose between the value system of traditionalists, liberals and radicals. Maneuvering, Stolypin simultaneously formed the ideological foundations of the rule of law and protection of the management system by repressive means.

Russian-Ukrainian War: Biographical Discourse on Ukrainian Heroes

In this article, the author addresses the importance of encyclopedic publications aimed at highlighting and popularizing the defenders of Ukraine. These individuals not only protect their homeland in the war against Russia but also, through their successful and heroic deeds, defend the contemporary global order embodying a humanistic, democratic path of civilization development. The Russian-Ukrainian war, lasting almost a decade, with the last two years being full-scale and particularly brutal and destructive, has vividly exposed the gap between Ukrainians and Russians, dispelling long-held notions of fraternal nations. Ukrainians represent democracy, peace, and progress, while Russians embody totalitarianism, aggression, and decline. Throughout centuries, regardless of Russia's political system, it exploited Ukraine by annexing territories, exploiting natural resources, looting archaeological findings, destroying ancient landmarks, appropriating history, culture, language, and ruthlessly targeting talented Ukrainians, depriving the nation of its elite. Today, all masks have been torn off: the leadership of the Russian Federation seeks to permanently resolve the Ukrainian issue, committing genocide on the sovereign territory of Ukraine. Unfortunately, the war has “opened the eyes” of many Ukrainians, prompting them to recall not only the sad moments of its history but also times of glory and world fame. Stories of the victorious regiments of Russian-Ukrainians under Prince Sviatoslav, the daring Cossacks Ivan Sirko and Ivan Bohun, and the exploits of Ukrainians during the First and Second World Wars have come to the forefront. Ukrainian historical scholarship has already produced substantial research on these periods of military history, including encyclopedic formats. The building the biographical references, especially encyclopedias, about heroes of the Russian-Ukrainian war is relevant from various perspectives: not only preserving the memory of contemporary elite Ukrainians but also laying the groundwork for future research in history, including military history, and biographistics.

IMPACT OF RUSSIA’S ELITES ON THE 2024 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

This article examines the issue of the relationship between the elites of Russia, as well as their possible influence on the course of the election campaign for the election of the President of the Russian Federation. The work analyzes the varying degrees of influence on the formation of approaches in the process of transformation of the Russian political system. The purpose of preparing a scientific article is to study the problems of the influence of significant elite groups on pre-election scenarios, with an assessment of the position of competing political structures during the federal election campaign. In addition, there is speculation about possible steps they will take to acquire more influential positions in the next six months, when preliminary nominations of candidates take place and the prospects for election “battles” are outlined. The conclusions underlying this work make it possible to determine the current state of the elites in their competition in the field of political influence on candidates in the presidential “race”.

Делегітимація «русcкого миру»: альтернативи безальтернативності

The defeat of russia on the battlefield must be accompanied by the delegitimization of the “russian world”, that is, the loss of attractiveness for the russians themselves of the concept of the supremacy of everything Russian over everything non-russian. Cultivating russia’s greatness as a key task of “russian world” is one of the main reasons for the current Russian armed aggression against Ukraine, but also for Russia’s aggressive foreign policy in the world in general. The purpose of this article is to clarify the main features of the delegitimization of the “russian world” in the regime of social education. To do this, the definition of “russian world” as a special symbolic system, which the modern russian political regime is trying to adjust from the standpoint of aggressive russian geopolitical subjectivity, has been previously clarified. This leads to the performative selfdenial of the “russian world”, which can be traced at the level of the accumulation of symbolic capital, the establishment of political elites (the authorities and the opposition), as well as at the level of the development of civil society. Social learning involves the search at the level of civil society for new forms of communicative self-organization at various levels of collective formation. A way out for such performative self-denial is possible only through the ways of social learning, the search for a change in one’s own identity, and not through attempts at autistic self-affirmation characteristic of the modern russian political regime, as well as the destruction of all political and cultural alternatives to the stateapproved canon. Social education is a way of soft and non-violent delegitimization of the “russian world”, in contrast to rebellion and revolutions, which in russia traditionally only lead to the emergence of even more brutal forms of state dictatorship. The monologic nature of the russian political space provokes the reation of new forms of social consensus outside the russian political system – in the sphere of culture, counterculture, and subcultures.

An Autoethnography of a 23-year-old student in Russia during the first year of war in Ukraine

Aim: Beside its catastrophic consequences for Ukraine, the Russian aggression has had a major impact on Russian so-ciety. The article explores and reflects on the experience of a 23-year-old student in Russia during the first year of the war in Ukraine (2022) which elucidates the moral conflict of dealing with close relatives who hold a different political view on the conflict. The first author uses autoethnography to describe the lived experience of navigating the nuances of daily life, grappling with propaganda, and conflicting feelings toward close relatives. In particular, the author is questioning how one must act in times of peril and moral demise.Methods: We employed autoethnographic collaborative research to explore the first author’s narrative stemming from her personal experience of being a citizen of a country that inflicted a war on another country. The examination of the narrative was conducted collaboratively with another researcher (DS) to enhance comprehension regarding how personal context interacts with social, political, and cultural factors.Results: The presented story is the first author’s exploration and attempt to position herself in morally challenging situ-ations, while also considering the everyday elements of the war, including the silencing effects of political oppression, propaganda, political censorship, and wartime atrocities. Within this consideration, the first author reflects on the Russian aggression on Ukraine and its implications through the lens of her own experience with propaganda, all while learning to cope with a moral injury inflicted by the closest member of the family.Conclusion: The Russian political system has major conse-quences for young adults’ ability to uphold a normal life. Exposure to propaganda and fake news presents a constant threat of destroying the fine fabric of interpersonal relation-ships and imposing moral injury by the inability to act be-cause of an oppressive political system.

Problemi demokratizacije u XXI veku - slučaj Rusije

The main research objective of the article was to assess the nature and the way of the transformation of Russia's political system over the past 23 years. The process of transformation taking place there, was analyzed in the context of Samuel Huntington's Third Wave paradigm, which, in the opinion of the author, was considered the most corresponding to the changes occurring in Russian Federation after 2000. In connection with the above, an attempt was made to answer the following research questions: Firstly, what was the specificity of the democratization of the political system during last 23 years in Russia? Secondly, whether a de facto retreat from democratization began in the first decades of the 21st century? Thirdly, whether the political system of the Russian Federation can now be considered fully authoritarian? Democratic transformation in Russia in the near future is assessed as problematic, and the possible scenario of such events seems non-representational at this moment. As can be seen from the in-depth analysis, democratization is not a state achieved once and for all, it is an extremely complex form and requires constant, systematic improvement and subjective participation of citizens, which the political system of Russia is still not characterized by. The most useful research methods that author used in writing this article were the case study, the decision-making and systemic methods.

Становление парламентаризма в период Первой русской революции в оценках иркутских общественно-политических деятелей

The article highlights the key stages of the formation of parliamentarism in the Russian Empire during the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. On the basis of a complex set of personal origin sources, the opinions of active participants in the Siberian political process, stages and content of the civil society formation process and its involvement in socio-political life in the empire and the region are identified and analyzed. In conclusion, findings are formulated about the main essential characteristics of the process under study and its impact on the further evolution of the Russian political system.

На переломе: Ф. А. Степун о революции 1917 г. и советском строительстве в России

The aim of the article is to highlight the historical, philosophical and religious views of Fyodor Augustovich Stepun (1884–1965), a scientist, philosopher, Christian thinker, about the 1917 Revolution and post-revolutionary Soviet construction in Russia. The relevance of the topic is justified, and the necessity of its further study is emphasized. The author characterizes the corpus of sources, including Stepun’s works of different years that comprehend this topic. The author emphasizes the interdisciplinary nature of Stepun’s research strategy that combines scientific methods of knowledge, such as the critical method, the method of ideal-typical construction, the biographical method, the method of philosophical criticism of literary texts, and the main provisions of religious symbolism, which implies the study of history in the context of higher religious ideas. Based on such an interdisciplinary approach, Stepun considered the revolution as a religious and historical tragedy of the Russian people and the Christian world as a whole, while paying attention to a careful study of the factual material. Stepun’s ideas about the causes of the Revolution of 1917 are highlighted, in the structure of which he attributed a key place to the counterproductive policy of the Russian autocracy and World War I, which was unsuccessful for Russia. The complexity of Stepun’s ideas about the February and October revolutions is emphasized. Attention is focused on his positive attitude to the February Revolution, the main goal of which was the democratization of the Russian political system. Stepun also accepted the October Revolution, which raised the world-wide theme of socialism, connected, in his opinion, with the Christian project of the transformation of the world. The thinker’s ideas about the religious consciousness of the people as a factor of their political activity in the revolutionary epoch are analyzed. A positive attitude is observed. Stepun’s ideas about the revolutionary game, in his interpretation reflecting the population’s search for forms of social adaptation in the first post-revolutionary years, are considered. His deep rejection of Bolshevism as a political system with its God-fighting and class ideology, which contributed to the widespread state violence and immoralism in the country, is emphasized. It is concluded that Stepun’s conception of the 1917 Revolution and Soviet construction in Russia is meaningful, and that it is relevant to contemporary Russian society.

Процедурная справедливость как фактор отношения к политической системе: роль экономического положения страны

<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Objective. </strong>The aim of the study is to analyze the relationship between perceived procedural justice in the political sphere, the perceived economic situation of the country, and attitudes toward the political system in Russia. <br><strong>Background</strong>. Previous research has shown that the perceived procedural justice of politicians and political institutions improve attitudes toward them, satisfaction with their actions, and agreement with their decisions. Furthermore, adherence to procedural justice norms can offset the negative impact of economic problems. However, these studies have several limitations related to the sample and the method, which were taken into account in our study. <br><strong>Participants. </strong>In the study, 8520 Russian citizens participated (<em>N</em><sub>1 </sub>= 3193, <em>N</em><sub>2 </sub>= 3237, <em>N</em><sub>3 </sub>= 2090). <br><strong>Study design. </strong>Respondents participated in an online survey conducted on the YandexToloka platform. The study involved three measurements: the first measurement took place in September 2022, and the second and third measurements were conducted in November 2022. <br><strong>Measurements. </strong>Respondents filled out questionnaires to measure perceived procedural justice in politics, perceived economic situation, and attitude toward the Russian political system (social system justification, trust in federal political institutions, and emotion toward the political system). <br><strong>Results. </strong>The study showed that both perceived procedural justice and the perceived economic situation of the country were positively related to the attitude toward the Russian political system. However, assessments of economic situation and procedural justice interacted with each other: the lower respondents rated the country's economic situation, the stronger the relationship between perceived procedural justice and attitude toward the political system. <br><strong>Conclusions. </strong>Russians' ability to influence political decisions, the observance of equal rights, and respectful treatment by government representatives support the political system within which these occur. This becomes especially important during times when the country faces economic difficulties.</p>

Искусственный интеллект в политическом управлении: тенденции и перспективы

The article discusses the main directions of the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in the political life of society. It is noted that the level and quality of life of the population depends on the pace of AI implementation in various spheres of public life. The analysis of the conducted research in the format of an expert interview allows us to identify the key trends, advantages and challenges faced by the Russian political system in the implementation of AI. The results of the expert survey provide valuable practical recommendations and a basis for discussing possible directions for the development of AI in political management in Russia. The article notes the insufficient elaboration of the problems of artificial intelligence in the Russian scientific, in particular, political science discourse, which, in turn, is seen as promising in increasing research opportunities. The aim of the work is to identify the main trends in the use of artificial intelligence in political management and the prospects for its development in the political sphere of society. The consideration of the problem was based on the results of an initiative political and sociological study in the format of an expert interview (N=7). The following general scientific methods were used to analyze the results obtained: description, analysis, synthesis, classification. The study also used SWOT analysis to identify the strengths and weaknesses of using AI in the field of domestic state policy and electoral systems, as well as to show the opportunities and threats of its use. The analysis of the results of the expert survey showed that artificial intelligence is most in demand in such areas as analytics, decision-making, scenario forecasting, political communications, improving the efficiency of political institutions, especially the electoral system, monitoring voter sentiment, and in the field of security. Highlighting the shortcomings in the use of AI, experts noted the possible subjectivity and bias in decision-making, the problem of transparency and protection of personal data. As solutions to this problem, the development of appropriate regulations protecting the human right to confidentiality and privacy, "transparent" algorithms, and careful selection of data on the basis of which AI makes decisions were proposed. The prospect of further research lies in the development of ethical standards that can ensure transparency and security in the implementation of AI in political systems. An important conclusion of the article is the conclusion that there is an objective need to develop a regulatory framework and conduct regular inspections of AI systems to maintain trust and effective use of digital technologies in politics.

The Essence of Russian Imperialism in the Thought of Władysław Studnicki

The subject of this article is the presentation of the essence of Russian imperialismin the thought of Władysław Studnicki. It seems that in today’s geopolitical situationtheissues related to the analysis of Russia’s expansion have become extremely importantThe author of this article assumed that the thoughts formulated on the subject by theabove-mentioned thinker remain valid today. The method used to verify the hypothesis wasa critical analysis of source texts and an aspect analysis of one of the Polish researchersof the history and political system of Russia

Between Loyalty and Opposition

This article analyzes intra-party dynamics and the transformation of the role of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) within the Russian political system. Although the party is considered to be a member of the so-called “loyal” opposition, the increasing volatility of the party system and growing political instability have implications for future relations between the KPRF and the regime. The article argues that despite the organizational strength and demonstrated loyalty to the regime, the party is currently affected by the problem of “dual commitment,” epitomized by a growing center-regions cleavage and ideological incoherence. These two vectors of internal divide are shaped by the context emerging from different intra-system trends and by demographic trends affecting the interaction between the leadership and the rank-and-file of the KPRF. While in the wake of some surprising results from the 2021 legislative elections, the party still seems committed to demonstrating loyalty to the regime; in the long run, the growing intra-party cleavage is likely to affect the role of the KPRF within the party system, opening a new window of opportunity for opposition politics in Russian regions.

Formation of Mechanisms and Technologies for Interaction between Authorities and Society in the Context of Digitalization of Public Administration

This article discusses the process of digitalization of the communicative space between the state and society in modern Russia. From the point of view of the concepts of “new public management” and “service state”, the stages of the formation of e-government are studied. The reasons and prerequisites that led to the formation of the concept of digital public admin- istration are also studied. The political and institutional benefits and prospects for the develop- ment of new interactive formats and digital technologies used by government bodies in the practice of their interaction with the population are analyzed. On the basis of the study, the authors conclude that digital technologies are a modern and inevitable multifunctional addition to the large-scale institutional environment of the Russian political system, which requires changes in the qualitative and quantitative representation of existing political institutions, as well as harmonization of the infrastructure and all organizational structures of the state. The reported study was funded by Foundation for the Development of Scientific Research and Applied Developments of NWIM RANEPA

The Electoral System of Modern Russia: history and prospects for development

The institution of elections ensures the free expression of the citizens’ will. However, the electoral system in Russia is going through a difficult period faced with the need to adapt to the current global reality and the growing influence of network communications. Its modernization will largely depend on understanding its history. The purpose of this manuscript is to provide a comprehensive historical and political analysis of the development of the electoral system in modern Russia. The results show that the current electoral institution had a significant impact on the formation and consolidation of the Russian political system at the beginning of the 21st century and on overcoming the consequences of the post-Soviet political transformation. The paper offers a review of the key approaches to overcoming the current problems of the electoral system, including the introduction of modern information and communication technologies into the electoral process, as well as issues of consolidating these technologies, electronic voting mechanisms and digital communications in Russian electoral law.

Political Doctrines of Neo-Pagans: from the Community of Equals to the State of the Selected Fewy

Since the emergence of the phenomenon of the Soviet (later Russian) new paganism, the ideologists of the movement set out to develop their own political programs, consisting of utopian projections aimed at the functioning of nativist religious groups in the reality of a hostile/neutral environment. These plans listed as their ultimate goals the raising of paganism to the level of the state ideology and even the complete reorganization of the Russian Federation into a new theocratic state headed by a formal cast of cult worshippers: magi and sacrifi cers. The purpose of this article is to examine the central political concepts of the leaders of the Russian pagan movement of the last third of the 20th — fi rst third of the 21st centuries. The experience of Dobroslav (A. A. Dobrovolsky), who laid the foundations of this worldview for decades to come, is taken as a biographical example of the pagan political development. Dobroslav’s concept received its further development, and underwent the transformation in the course of the quest of magus Velimir (N. N. Speransky) and subsequent ideologists of the Russian religious nativism. As a result of the research, the author of the article arrives at the conclusion about the continuity of the neo-pagan political doctrine and the constancy of the central strata. Those include the organization of “their own” space in the form of self-governing (veche) communities, independent of the “outside world” and aimed at the gradually expanding infl uence up to the complete seizure of power. This can be achieved either through the strengthening and development of diasporic pagan groups (a “peaceful” evolutionary option), or through the violent overthrow of an existing state institution (a “military” coup). Other goals include creating an ethnic hierarchical system subordinate to theocratic leaders as pagan leaders of the nation and strengthening contacts with representatives of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation, carriers of pre-Abrahamic beliefs and with “co-religionists” from abroad. In terms of the worldview, we can see a signifi cant infl uence of eschatological views and conspiracy theories; rejection of the off icial science, political and economic systems and reliance on the author’s constructs of community leaders and individual ideologists of the neo-pagan community. It should be noted that this “set” of neopagan constants is subject to modernization taking into account the current (topical) trends in the development of the political system in Russia and the world as a whole.

Approach to the Method of Myths Analysis (according to R. Bart Methodology) as a Tool for Studying the Process of Legitimation of the Political System on the Example of the Rethinking of the Historical Experience of the USSR in Contemporary Russia

In this article, the author attempts to analyze several basic myths that are based on the events or peculiarities of the historical events of the USSR period, but at the same time have a direct impact on the process of legitimation of the modern political system in Russia. The relevance of this topic is conditioned by the need to scientifically comprehend the existing experience both scientifically and analytically in the formation of the ideological foundations of the statehood of Russia, considering the request for the analysis of the “genetic code” of the Russian political system. As a material for analysis, the author of the article uses generally accepted ideas and artifacts of Russian modernity. The author identified the following three myths for the analysis: St. George’s Ribbon as a symbol of the victory of the USSR over fascism, the Gagarin Monument as a symbol of the breakthrough technological heritage of the USSR and Russia as the successor of this heritage; Economic growth as a symbol of economic determinism embedded in the ideology of Marxism. The identification and determination of the mechanism for the formation of myths based on the historical experience of the USSR has made it possible to identify promising directions for the development of myths in the future.