Russian Influence Research Articles

Sovyet Sonrası Bağlamında Genç Bir Gagauzca Konuşuru Olmak

The concept of identity assumes great importance in the context of endangered languages. In this study, the identity perceptions of Gagauz adolescents were investigated using Bucholtz and Hall's (2005) sociocultural linguistic approach. To this end, semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with three adolescent Gagauz speakers who had distinctive profiles in terms of Gagauz identity. Bucholtz and Hall's indexicality principle, specifically the use of WE- and THEY- references, was taken into consideration in the analysis of interviews held with young Gagauz speakers. In the semi-structured interviews, the participants responded to specific questions that probed self-identification, the relationship between the Gagauz language and ethnicity, the future of Gagauz people and Gagauz language, and perceived linguistic (in)security when speaking Gagauz and Russian languages, as well as language choice at school. The findings show that the participants have different profiles and use various indexical references and linguistic strategies regarding group membership. The influence of Russia and the Russian language on Gagauz identity is salient in social life, bureaucracy, and politics. As a result, the strong identification with ethnic identity and perception of Gagauz identity does not help maintain the Gagauz language in Gagauzia.

State Murals, Protest Murals, Conflict Murals: Evolving Politics of Public Art in Ukraine

Russian interference and invasion in Ukraine have transformed that nation’s historical practice of mural painting. A traditional art form with deep religious and political resonance in Ukraine, murals have become an instrument for patriotic mass mobilisation against the Russian military threat. From the mid-2000s, spraypaint graffiti underwent a gradual process of professionalisation and reconciliation with mainstream culture as Ukrainian municipalities pursued urban beautification initiatives and city-branding strategies to mitigate the socioeconomic challenges of postsocialism. It was this legacy of apolitical, privately funded street art that provided the foundations for patriotic muralism following the Maidan “Revolution of Dignity” and the Russian annexation of Crimea. Amidst the post-Maidan search for a postcolonial understanding of Ukrainian culture disentangled from Soviet and Russian influences, professionally produced murals in central urban districts proposed new visions of national identity. The war’s intensification since 2022 has resulted in a decentralisation of mural production. No longer reliant on international festivals in urban centres, conflict murals are now made by Ukrainian artists in large cities and small towns across the country. The newest murals represent a blending of the physical and digital—with a subject matter often inspired by viral conflict memes; artworks are, in turn, shared with worldwide audiences via social media.

Western Balkans: External Actors Before and During the Current Crisis

The Western Balkans has been and remains a particularly dense zone in terms of the number of actors present, where the interests of all the leading actors in world politics are bizarrely intertwined. The Ukrainian crisis has added spice to the Balkan agenda, reviving “frozen conflicts” not only within the borders of the region but also beyond its perimeter. Directly dependent on the outcome of the armed confrontation in Ukraine and separately from it, a clash or, at least, an intensification of external actors in the Balkan direction seems inevitable. The historical-systemic approach used in the study and the paradigm of multipolarity made it possible to trace the probable directions of activity of both regional and external actors. Based on a wide range of sources, the work provides a panorama of the foreign policy positioning of regional capitals; identifies major and minor external actors; shows the transformation of approaches and practical steps of key actors through the prism of the ongoing crisis. External actors - the European Union (EU), China, Great Britain, Russia and the United States - are divided into groups in accordance with their positions regarding the pre-crisis Balkans and the Balkans in the face of the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West. Among Western interests, special attention is paid to Great Britain, whose activity in the Western Balkans after Brexit is affiliated with the West in general, but not with the United States (despite all the history of strategic partnership in the region) and, moreover, with the EU separately. Against the background of the dominance of Western institutions in the region, the paper traces, however, the growing role of China, as well as external actors of the “second plan” with an oriental flavor: Türkiye, Iran, and the states of the Persian Gulf. An analysis of Russia’s prospects in the region has shown that the crisis in the system of international relations has largely nullified the results achieved earlier. The degree of Russia’s involvement in the crisis raises the question of its resource capacity, the ability to further maintain its own positions. Additional difficulties will be associated with the consolidated efforts of the Western allies and other external actors, including China, to balance Russian influence and presence in the Western Balkans.

The Russo-European Gas Trade and the Position of Southeast Europe between the Great Actors: Neo-imperialism, Conflict–Cooperation Perpetuum, and Soft Balancing

Abstract The article analyses the Russian neo-imperialist strategy in the gas trade in Southeast Europe (SEE) and the reactions of the EU and the region’s countries to this. The first argument in the article is that the existence of favourable political, social and economic preconditions is necessary for the application of a neo-imperialist strategy. The second argument is that an individual country’s geographical position determines Russian interest in building transit pipelines on its territory. Because the gas trade exists in the framework of the conflict-cooperation perpetuum between the interested parties, the third argument is that this provokes a reaction from the EU and the affected countries in the form of soft balancing. This approach is intended to curb Russia’s power, but not to completely break a gas trade with this country. As the EU has been making efforts to counteract Russian geo-economic power by promoting diversification of the gas supply and funding new gas infrastructure projects, Russian influence in the region has been decreasing in recent years.

Serbian Energy Sector in a Gap Between East and West

Serbia's energy sector is heavily reliant on Russian influence. On the other hand, Serbia's status as a candidate country for joining the European Union (EU) membership requires active working toward diversifying energy sources of supply. In the past decade, Serbia has secured a reduced price for natural gas through a bilateral agreement with Russia, addressing the shortfall in its domestic production. The former agreement priced Russian gas at US$270 per thousand cubic meters and expired in 2021. The new deal links gas prices to crude oil and ranges between US$310 and US$408, maintaining its competitive position as one of Europe's lowest import prices. Furthermore, alongside the new gas pipeline for Russian gas exports, the EU is funding the construction of a new interconnector, both with entry points from Bulgaria. Serbia also faces significant dependence on crude oil, and this reliance is compounded by the inability to import it from Russia any longer. Opposite, Serbia is usually self-sufficient in electricity production which still remains under state ownership. The domestic exploration and processing of oil and gas, as well as the sole underground gas storage facility in Serbia, have partial ownership by Russian Gazprom while the transportation of gas is under the full control of the Serbian government. This Communication about the energy situation in the Republic of Serbia put particular emphasis on the evolving political dynamics in the global energy market with a specific focus on the Russia–Ukraine war. The topic is also linked to the contentious status of the southern Serbian autonomous province, recognized as an independent state by the majority of Western nations but not by Serbia. It is feared that Serbia's energy dependence on Russia could have significant ramifications for its EU candidacy.

The School System of the Transcaspian Region in the 1890s‑1910s as a Reflection of Imperial Unification Policy

The article delves into the historical examination of Russian and Russian-Native elementary schools within the Trans-Caspian region, an autonomous territory under the dominion of the Russian Empire, which over the course of three decades of imperial rule, transformed into a cultural frontier. Given the economic advancement of this region characterized by military-administrative governance, the school emerged as a significant socio-cultural institution, serving as a pivotal conduit for the dissemination of Russian influence throughout the area. Concurrently, it functioned as a platform for imperial social and cultural assimilation. While by the conclusion of the imperial era, this process had not yet yielded in substantial transformations within the local society due to the limited number of educational institutions and students, it nonetheless laid the foundation for a model of educational administration that functioned as a tool of imperial influence.
 The study draws upon both published and archival documents to provide a comprehensive overview of all the elementary Russian-Turkic schools that operated within the Trans-Caspian region, encompassing relatively understudied Russian-Tatar and Russian-Persian schools as well. The article identifies a range of salient characteristics inherent to Russian-Turkic schools. It expounds upon the daily routines of these institutions, their curricula, pedagogical methods, teacher status, and related data. Through an exploration of the organization and activities of all Russian-Turkmen schools within the region, the analysis reveals that the most distinguished among them served as platforms for fostering ethno-cultural interactions and subsequently contributed to the emergence of a novel Turkmen elite.

The impact of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway on Bihor and the Novi Pazar Sandjak

The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway would necessarily impose. Furthermore, it is essential to mention how the realization of the “Novi Pazar Railway” would have affected the ethnic and religious dynamics in the Bihor district and the broader area. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire intervened with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph and Count Goluchowski on several occasions to abandon the plan to build the “Novi Pazar Railway,” as the Russian government maintained the same view it had expressed in 1900. Austro-Hungary eventually agreed, leaving only a political influence supported by the propaganda activities of secret services. This work serves as a foundation for further research and discussions on this topic.

Ukraine’s Information Security Policy: at the Crossroads between Russia and the West

CEEOL: https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=1197952 This is a study of the development of Ukraine’s information policy within the dichotomy of two concepts of information (or cyber) security – those of Russia and the West. Ukraine may have chosen a policy of integration into Western security structures; however, for decades, it has been firmly connected to the traditions and approaches inherent in the Russian concept of information security. This phenomenon has been observed in the positions taken by researchers and lawmakers in the country and causes some ambiguity. Here, we present an assessment of the contradictory characteristics of Ukraine’s information security policy and compare its Russian influence with its orientation to the West. We conclude that Ukraine is still balancing between these two spheres. Exposure to Russia’s concept remains in academic circles, but the legal and normative sphere tends to follow the Western approach; and gradually, Ukraine’s subjectivity in information security issues is developing at the international level.

Tatsuno architectural style in Manchuria

The main goal of the article is to study the transformation of the style of banking and consular institutions in Manchuria in comparison with its Japanese counterparts. The first part of the work provides an introduction and indicates the relevance of the topic. The author of the architectural style of tatsuno is the architect Kingo Tatsuno. The article carries out an analysis of his creative path and identifies his main buildings, which later formed into a separate style. The continuity of tatsuno to the German Renaissance is shown, the main elements of the style are revealed. Most of the Japanese buildings were concentrated in the southeast of the region, in the cities of Dalian, Yingkou, Shenyang, Tieling and Changchun. Five banks and four tatsuno-style consulates have been identified. The work shows a detailed architectural analysis with the identification of classical and non-traditional elements within the style. The conclusion section summarizes the data obtained and shows the Russian influence on some Japanese buildings.

Operation Barbarossa, the Dissolution of the USSR and the Russo-Ukrainian War: 1917-2023

After World War One and the fractionation of the empires of central Europe, Ukraine, the nascent USSR, created the Soviet Republic of Ukraine, which became a political unit with a state apparatus for the first time. The USSR invested heavily in making Ukraine an industrial country producing minerals and electricity. The collectivization of agriculture resulted in great famine, and brutal repression marked the Ukrainian imagination. The German invasion of the USSR aimed to explore the East and colonize it with the Aryans. During Barbarossa, right-wing Ukrainian nationalist groups welcomed the Nazis, who repelled Ukrainian independence by narrowing collaborationism and practicing the Holocaust. After the defeat of the Third Reich, the USSR retook Ukraine, repressing Nazi collaborators and opponents and reintegrating the republic into the Soviet economy. With the collapse of the USSR in 1991, Ukraine became independent and, under the Yushchenko government (2005–2010), government organizations supported by the diaspora built a new national identity, distancing itself from communism and Russian influence, rehabilitating heroes and nationalist-fascist organizations, The Ukrainian government allying itself with the West and NATO sees the fight against the invasion of the USSR in 2023 as a war of independence consolidating nationality.

Dowód w postępowaniu przed Komisją do spraw wpływów rosyjskich

In 2023, an act aimed at creating a legal framework for the establishment of a new public administration body entered into force, which, among other things, would conduct proceedings to investigate Russian influence on the internal security of the Republic of Poland in 2007–2022. Undoubtedly, in the context of this type of cases, the procedural institution of “evidence” will be of particular importance. Therefore, this concept has been adopted as the subject of analysis in this study in the context of its understanding described in the cited legal act and in juxtaposition with Article 75 § 1 of the Administrative Procedure Code.

SEARCHING FOR SOLUTIONS TO OVERCOME THE URBAN CRISIS

Problem statement. Russia's full-scale attack on Ukraine led to an urban crisis that affected all aspects of life, including housing conditions, quality of life, ecology, unemployment, and urban competitiveness. The question about the future of the city is a question about the meaning of the city. Urban development is a key element of a country's stability and growth. Terrible events became one of the causes of environmental, demographic, and urban crises. To overcome them, it is necessary to develop programs that would encourage other countries to finance and invest in our state, create conditions for attracting migrants. The purpose of the article is to analyze the problems that arose as a result of the urban crisis and search for effective solutions to overcome them. Within the framework of the article, the trends of modern urban planning are considered and the aspects that need to be paid attention to when designing new or rebuilding old cities are substantiated. As a starting housing option for returning Ukrainians and foreigners, an innovative format for the reconstruction of “Khrushchev” buildings for rational use of space is proposed. Conclusions. Considering russia's influence on the urbanism of Ukraine and its pre-war state, it is difficult to determine the fate of the city, if even the country has not determined it. It is necessary to pay attention to the peculiarities of each city before rebuilding it. The main goal of a comfortable city is a high level of life quality, which means providing residents with the opportunity to have quality housing, free access to green areas and parks, cultural, educational and sports facilities, medical care and transport infrastructure. The concept of a “comfortable city” is a solution to the crisis after the return of peace and independence.

LONDONSKA KONFERENCIJA, STVARANjE ALBANSKE DRŽAVE 1912. GODINE I ODNOSI BALKANSKIH SAVEZNIKA

The First Balkan War was by its significance and consequences a far more serious event than it was believed up until today. One of the reasons for this could be the start of the Great War which to the largest extent cast a shadow on everything that came before it. However, at conferences in London in 1912/13, decisions were made that would greatly impact the future of the Balkans and Europe as well. The liberation of the great area of European Turkey by Balkan allies came as a big surprise to European forces. The banishment of Turks from Europe further disturbed Europe, especially Austro-Hungary and Russia. The new boarders in the Balkans were supposed to reflect the power and influence of great powers in their geopolitical combinations. Austro-Hungary managed to defeat Russian influence by creating the Albanian state, which Serbia had to accept. Even such a success did not satisfy Vienna, so they embarked on diplomatic action to persuade Bulgarian representatives to attack former allies and thus break up the Balkan alliance, one of the more serious works of Russian diplomacy in the Balkans. Due to their megalomaniacal aspirations for dominance in the Balkans, Bulgaria attacked Serbia and Greece and thus caused the second Balkan War.

Preference Constellations in EU–Russian Crisis Bargaining over Syria and Ukraine

AbstractThe Russian invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 and the ensuing EU–Russian clash over the fate of Ukraine highlight the importance of explaining the outcomes of EU–Russian crisis bargaining. Complementing existing accounts, we argue that favourable preference constellations are key: The more determined, united and focused side prevails over its less interested, divided or unfocused counterpart. We first establish the inferiority of Russia's influence assets (economic, military, normative and allies) relative to the EU. We then use congruence analysis to reverse‐engineer crisis bargaining outcomes in key cases of EU–Russian crisis bargaining, showing that favourable preference constellations allowed Russia, despite inferior assets and EU opposition, to ensure Syrian dictator Assad's political survival, finalize the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and keep Donbass out of Kyiv's control since then. Finally, we discuss the implications of these findings for related areas, as well as for current and future EU–Russian crisis bargaining, specifically over Ukraine.

ЕВОЛЮЦІЯ МОДЕЛІ РИНКОВОЇ ЕКОНОМІКИ УКРАЇНИ В СУЧАСНИХ УМОВАХ

The article describes concept of market economy model, process of a national market economy model formation and theoretical direction of this process. Market economy liberal model theoretical problems are highlighted, namely, an uncertainty of market self-regulation and its theoretical underdevelopment. Social inequality is characterised as a sign of economy liberal model. Distribution of incomes both in the world and in Ukraine are analised. A market economy model evolution under influence of global historical events is highlighted. The libertarian model of the economy is presented, change in the economic model under the influence of the spread of Covid-19, the activation of certain actions of small and medium-sized businesses is characterised. Changes in the economic model under the influence of Russia's military invasion are identified, negative factors that had an impact are listed, and international aid for Ukraine's economy is described. Competition, as the central thesis of liberal economic policy, cannot fully fulfill tasks of economic system of society. Favorite variations of the "invisible hand of the market" of Adam Smith's time need revision. Therefore, it can be concluded that the liberal model of economy is characterised by social inequality, and its use can be revised in the direction of alternative, more optimal, models.

Whither Wagner? The Consequences of Prigozhin’s Mutiny and Demise

The mutiny and death of Yevgeny Prigozhin, the leader of Russia’s Wagner Group paramilitary outfit, has created great uncertainty about how Russia will manage paramilitary organisations going forward. Wagner has played a key role in expanding Russian influence in the Middle East and Africa at relatively low cost, while keeping official casualty counts limited in Ukraine and Syria in particular. The group or some version of it, whether unified or fragmented, will likely continue to operate, probably under stronger control of the Russian Ministry of Defence, but with a continuing role for one or more oligarchs.

Russian influence, anti-Western sentiments and African agency: The struggle for influence in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Russia has been trying to extend its influence over Africa over the last years; a process which became intensified due to the Russia-Ukraine war. Through the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article shows that although Russia plays an active role in this quest for influence by offering incentives (such as those shipments of weapons), anti-Western sentiments in the DRC are at least as important. These sentiments have been magnified by the M23 rebellion and perceptions of Western complicity in this crisis. This has resulted in pressure within the Congolese administration, particularly from the security forces, to “shift to Russia,” as well as Western efforts to counter this influence. At the same time, this ‘neo-Cold War’ has offered opportunities for political leverage by the Congolese government, to exercise pressure on Western governments – something which has not always been successful.

Assessing Determinants and Impact of Possible Russian Influence in the Western Balkan Countries

Abstract For Russia, the Western Balkan region holds significant historical, cultural, and religious ties, and while from a historical point of view the Western Balkans represents an area where Russia tries to be a long-time actor, the relationship between Moscow and Western Balkan states also depends on international factors such as EU integration. Additionally, this relationship is further impacted by current international crises. The objective of this article is to confirm the rise of Russian influence in the Western Balkan countries, and to determine how and to what extent it has impacted the region. For this purpose, a qualitative analysis is conducted with secondary data from many sources, including reports and policy events; the analysis also includes a rhetorical review of public appearances by the political leadership of the Western Balkan countries. First, we consider Russia’s pro-active approach manifested through its economic involvement in the region, and second the reactive approach of the Western Balkan countries due to their disillusionment with the EU, and the Covid-19 pandemic. Further, we argue that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a strong catalyst, as it directly affects the relationship of the Western Balkan countries with Russia, the EU, and vice versa.

The Devil's Advocate: An Argument for Moldova and Ukraine to Seize Transnistria

This article outlines the policy suggestion for Moldova and Ukraine to bilaterally invade the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR) to strengthen their respective national security interests. The article examines the historical background of Moldova and the PMR, otherwise known as Transnistria, to provide context for the relationship between the two actors. As the PMR has acted as a tool of covert foreign influence for Russia, it is recommended that Moldova and Ukraine act now to eliminate the risk of Russian influence and interference from posing a larger threat in the future for these states. This article conveys the reasons, risks, and benefits for a joint invasion of Transnistria. It details the justifications for such a proposed action, but it also outlines its possible consequences. The policy suggestion is further justified when viewed under the lens of defensive realism, contrasted with Russia’s aggressive expansionist actions under President Vladimir Putin. Finally, the article gives basic strategic and tactical suggestions on how to accomplish this task.

Emergence of modern historical policy in the Russian-Ukrainian war context: Assessing transformations in global order paradigms and present challenges

The purpose of the article is to study contemporary historical policy in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war and against the background of paradigm shifts in the world order and other contemporary challenges. To achieve this goal, the article uses the methods of critical analysis of literature (content analysis), historical-comparative, and historical-typological methods. The results show that historical politics is becoming an important component of modern life in Ukrainian society, especially in the context of the Russian invasion. The use of history as an instrument of expansion has become an essential feature of Russian politics. This model can be seen as an attempt to restore Soviet identity, with a strong emphasis on “common history and brotherhood.” The modern version of this idea, promoted by the Kremlin, is based on the concept of reviving Russian influence after the collapse of the Soviet Union (which, in the Kremlin's view, was a geopolitical catastrophe) on the territories of independent states. The conclusions emphasise that such manifestations of chauvinistic historical policy have become a tool in the hybrid war against Ukraine and the democratic world as a whole.