Russian Eurasianism Research Articles

Eurasian Ideologies at Odds. Assessing the Opposing Nature of Eurasianism and Turanism

Eurasianism and Turanism epitomize two antithetical ideologies driven by the ambition of politically and culturally integrating Eurasia. While Eurasianism has never developed an exclusivist nationalist sentiment based on ethnolinguistic foundations, Turanism falls into the category of pan-nationalist ideologies that tend to exclude the appearance and affirmation of other nations within their spatial scope. The mutually incompatibility of the two ideologies rests on the fact that Eurasianism is based on the principle of inclusiveness of the different Eurasian populations, while Turanism on the principle of Ural-Altaic exclusivism and the rejection of a symbiosis with the Slavic element. This article aims to compare the classic variant of Russian Eurasianism with Turanism from an ideological and cultural perspective, through the evaluation of the respective intellectual fathers’ works. While Eurasianism builds its political-ideological project on Russian-Eurasian history, the imperial idea, the primacy of geography and the rejection of the West as a philosophical model, Turanism grounds its raison d’etre on ethnocentric and pan-nationalist postulates designed for the political and cultural union of the Turanian peoples and the exclusion of others. In this frame, the two ideologies embody geographically overlapping mutually exclusive paradigms and idiosyncratic Weltanschauungs.

Зарубежные альтернативы евразийству как потенциальный вызов для России

The article explores the issues of political theories which are considered to be an alternative to Russian Eurasian integration. The author proves that there used to be a range of political theories in the UK, Germany and the USA that reminded of Russian Eurasian policy. Those theories were based on six ideologemes, immanent in Eurasian context: 1) the concept of regarding ‘Eurasia’ as a distinctive civilization stemming from both European and Asian cultures; 2) cancellation of the previously existing European view of the dichotomy in the ‘West — East’ concept; 3) fusion of ‘West’ and ‘East’ (as seen from the European viewpoint) into a certain new form; 4) blending of history of a particular national state into history of Eurasia; 5) postulation of the imperial project which involves this ‘special Eurasion’ civilization; 6) opposition between the ‘Eurasian world’ and the ‘Western world’, in which the latter remains adversarial in relation to the former. At various times, similar ideas were discussed in the UK (within Indo-European linguistics), Germany (Ariosophy), the USA (the AfPak and the ‘Indo-Pacifica’ projects). The British version of Eurasia concept was based on India, the German version — on Tibet, and the American version — on Pakistan and India. These theories were focused on projects of building empires or blocks, combining Western with non-Western countries of Eurasia. In each version the UK, Germany and the USA are presented as special empires and/or great states, comprising both European and Asian features. All of these versions demonstrate the attempts to create a system (culture or civilization) that has not entirely European or Asian identity. Moreover, the designed ‘quasi-Eurasian’ projects have always been adversary in regard to Russian Eurasian concept because they did not include any collaboration with Russia, but rather confrontation.

Chinese Global Orders: Socialism, Tradition, and Nation in China–Russia Relations

While many use rational IR theory to explain Chinese foreign policy behavior, this paper follows global IR to employ interpretivist theory to examine how Chinese elites understand their country’s role in the world. In particular, it explores the Chinese global order ideas of socialism, tradition, and nation through a comparative analysis of how they work in China–Russia relations, especially after China’s 20th Communist Party Congress in 2022. The first section presents a critical analysis of the realist understanding of the China–Russia–U.S. strategic triangle. It argues that the socialist concept of “united front work” better explains Chinese (and Russian) policy in terms of short-term “tactical triangles.” To probe China’s long-term global order ideas, the second section explores narratives of tradition to examine the concentric circles model of global order seen in Chinese tianxia and Russian Eurasianism. To understand these competing Russocentric and Sinocentric global orders, the third section explores how each country’s official historiography highlights narratives of the nation and especially how national rejuvenation requires correcting the “national humiliation” of lost territories. Rather than see these narratives in a linear chronological history — i.e., from tradition to socialism to nationalism — this paper considers how they overlap in socialism, tradition, and nation, a non-linear dynamic triad of global order ideas. It concludes first that further research is necessary to examine the interrelation of these three narratives: while nation and tradition are often employed to support the overarching narrative of socialism in recent years, this could certainly change. The conclusion then argues that while these narratives may be coherent theoretically, they have not been very successful in achieving Beijing and Moscow’s foreign policy objectives.

Unpacking The Concept Of Nationalism Within Russian Eurasianism

Eurasianism was first developed in the first half of the 20th century among Russian emigrants. It advocated a typology of human civilizations based on cultural uniqueness and claimed the equal importance of all cultures. The issue of nationalism was connected with the understanding of culture in the writings of the Eurasianists. They believed that all the peoples of the former Russian Empire should live together in the same State for ecological and cultural reasons, thus forming a common civilization. This is how the territory of the state was formed (whether it was called the Russian Empire, the USSR or Eurasia), which under any conditions had to maintain its integrity. In the meantime, Eurasianism alternatively saw society as having a “personality” and required special descriptive terms such as “folk personality”, “symphonic personality,” “aggregate personality”, “cultural organism” etc. Thus, the purpose of the article is to analyze the understanding of the concept of nationalism in the works of Russian Eurasianists, based on the definition given by the theorist Anthony Smith as it is fully compatible to demonstrate changes in the understanding of nationalism in their works and to answer the question: how nationalism was defined precisely in Eurasianism? The paper argues that nationalism, as explained in Russian Eurasianism, which encompasses ethnic and civil aspects of the Smith definition and subsequently evolved into the idea of a common civilization, has the potential for being used in multi-ethnic and multicultural society as a unifying instrument.

Influence of the moscow patriarchate on the National Identity in the Context of the russian War against Ukraine

The factors of ethnicity and religion are the foundation of the national identity as seen across the peoples of our planet. Amid the russian war against Ukraine, the factors behind the formation and reinforcement of national identity have gained particular importance. Among those, religion occupies a distinct role; hence, in the modern age of cutting-edge scientific and technological advances of humanity, religion continues to have a colossal impact on virtually every facet of the functioning of society. Therefore, national identity also constitutes a potent driving force behind all social processes: politics, economy, culture, and, ultimately, warfare. That is why the national identity of the Ukrainian people as a whole and every individual Ukrainian is so vital and valuable. Ukraine faces an extraordinary threat emanating from religious organisations with headquarters in the territory of the aggressor state, russia. It is especially true in the case of the moscow patriarchate (MP), functioning in Ukraine under the designation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC). Meanwhile, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) was one of the first to appeal to the international community and world religious leaders to help stop russian armed aggression. The OCU also disseminates truthful information about Ukraine, primarily abroad, through the channels of church diplomacy. Strengthening the identity of the Ukrainian nation and elimination of the imperial religious and ideological influence of the MP and russian eurasianism should be one of the priorities of the state security policy of Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, russian aggression, OCU, tomos, UOC.

Customs regulation of cross-border e-commerce in the Russian Federation in the modern world

The article considers the current system of customs regulation of e-commerce in the Russian Federation and Eurasian Economic Union, projects of its amendment and possible consequences of these amendments.

Pre-Eurasian Motives in Russian Social Thought of the Nineteenth Century: Intersections of Chinese Influence as a Far East Culture and Egyptian Influence as a Mediterranean Culture

Without proper understanding of Russian pre-Eurasian thought of the nineteenth century, we cannot have a full picture of Russian Eurasianism as a political movement of the 1920-1930s. I analyse the ways in which Chinese and Egyptian cultural influence shaped pre-Eurasianism of Russian nineteenth-century social thinkers Vladimir Solovyev, Nikolay Danilevsky and Vasily Rozanov.

Karabakh Knot of Geopolitical Contradictions in the South Caucasus

The aim of the work was to study the geopolitical processes in the South Caucasus, representing the “Eurasian Balkans”. Based on the discourse analysis, the geopolitical position of the region and the geopolitical interests of its main actors were considered. The transformation of the Karabakh knot of geopolitical contradictions from a regional confrontation into a special “chess game” with the active participation of Western countries is shown. In this game Turkey is trying to become the leading center for development a new geopolitical structure of interaction between the Eurasian Turkic-speaking states as opposed to the Russian Eurasian project. It is concluded that only Russia can become the guarantor of peace and exert geopolitical influence on the wider region of the Greater Caucasus.

Foreign Threats to Ukraine’s Independence and the Challenge Posed to Polish National Security

The purpose of the article is to examine the Russian threat to Ukraine’s state sovereignty and its impact on Poland’s national security; to underline that Russia intends to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the USA and EU, and to establish control in the territory of the Eurasian continent. The research hypothesis is that the main purpose of Russia’s foreign policy is the reconstruction of a neo-imperial state, Ukraine’s reintegration into the post-Soviet space, and ensuring Russia’s domination in the region. The research task was completed using the research methods of a detailed study of sources and literature and a critical analysis of the information available to the author. Conclusions: Russia is trying to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the West, and to establish control over the Eurasian continent. Russia considers Ukraine and Poland as dangerous agents of Atlanticism. That is why the Russian Eurasian geopolitical project aims for the Ukrainian and Polish states to be neutralized in a radical way. To this end, Russia has started a “hybrid war” against Ukraine. Poland and the Baltic countries will be the next targets of Russian aggression. It is profitable for Russian neo-imperialism to destroy trust and the strategic partnership between Poland and Ukraine, and to act in accordance with the divide-and-conquer algorithm. In such circumstances, Ukraine and Poland need to work out a new “Doctrine of restraining Russia’s aggression,” to pursue gradual and coordinated policy for the sake of the victory over Russian neo-imperialism and the dismantlement of the Russian imperial social system. The article describes the peculiarities of the modernization of the Russian imperial system at the present stage, analyzes the content of the Russian neo-imperialistic policy against Ukraine, Poland and the West, the reasons for the failure of Ukraine to neutralize Russian expansion, and also shows possible geopolitical consequences for the national security of Poland in the event of the successful implementation of Russia’s geopolitical strategy.

From Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s–1930s. By Sergey Glebov. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2017. Pp. viii+238. $45.00.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsFrom Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s–1930s. By Sergey Glebov. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2017. Pp. viii+238. $45.00.Caress SchenkCaress SchenkNazarbayev University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 92, Number 3September 2020 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/709950 Views: 64Total views on this site For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Современные тенденции развития законодательства о саморегулируемых организациях в сфере строительства в Российской Федерации и государствах — членах Евразийского экономического союза

Современные тенденции развития законодательства о саморегулируемых организациях в сфере строительства в Российской Федерации и государствах — членах Евразийского экономического союза

From Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s–1930s, written by Sergey Glebov

From Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s–1930s, written by Sergey Glebov

Russian Federation and the Development of Integration Processes in the modern World: Problems and Prospects

The aim of the article is to analyze the concept and essence of the modern integration relations development, which reflect 2 basic trends — rivalry and cooperation of states and integration interstate associations. The subject of the article is the characteristics and peculiarities of the modern integration law and its basic model — the law of the European Union, as well as the latest trend of integration relations in the post-Soviet space. The article uses general scientific, philosophical and special legal methods of knowledge, and is based on the material of integration law and related legal and political sciences. According to the results, the article assesses the possible prospects for the development of integration relations in the world, especially for the Russian Federation and Eurasian Economic Union.

Critical Dimensions of the ‘Legal Culture’ Approach: The Case of Classical Eurasianism and Eurasia’s Legal Union

This paper refers to the accurate usage of the word “Eurasian”, which is tightly connected with Russian Eurasianism, an intellectual movement that existed in the Interwar period, in the years 1921–1939. Nowadays, the concept of “Legal Culture” is rendered banal by comparative legal thinkers, who reduce it to legal tradition or even the legal system as a social system. In contrast to these theories, the Eurasianist jural project was mostly culture-oriented. For instance, the Eurasianist idea of Language Union, provided by Nikolai Trubetzkoy and the famous linguist Roman Jakobson, could be useful for developing a new concept of Legal Union instead of the idea of legal family. Piotr Savitzky’s notion of “Mestorazvitie”, Jakobson’s “method of linking”, and Nickolai Alekseev’s idea of “Right-Duty” could be very fruitful concepts for establishing cultural jurisprudence.

Molecular-genetic marking of Brassica L. species for resistance against various pathogens: achievements and prospects

Cruciferous plants belonging to the genus Brassica of the Cabbage family (Brassicaceae) are cultivated as vegetables, oilseeds and forage crops; they occupy one of the first places in Russia in the gross yield of vegetables. The yield of cabbage crops is adversely affected by various pathogens, including bacterial, viral and fungal infections. The diseases such as black rot of cabbage (caused by the bacterium Xanthomonas campestris pv. campestris), downy mildew (caused by Hyaloperonospora parasitica), Turnip Mosaic Virus (TuMV) are not included in the list of quarantine diseases in the territory of the Russian Federation and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), but they can affect a part of the sown area and lead to significant (up to 100 %) crop losses. The development of cultivars resistant to these pathogens is an important trend in Brassica crop breeding in addition to existing methods of agrotechnical and chemical protection. The development of molecular marker techniques and marker-assisted selection (MAS) methods makes it possible to significantly increase the efficiency of breeding resistant cabbage cultivars. The review contains information on the currently known genes and quantitative trait loci (QTLs) associated with resistance to black rot, downy mildew, and TuMV. Molecular mapping data for resistance genes of Brassica species are shown. The molecular markers (RFLP, AFLP, SSR, EST, SNP, InDel, SLAF and others) closely linked to the resistance loci and SCAR-, STS- and dCAPS-markers derived from them for molecular screening are listed. The use of the markers reviewed to assess the Brassica accessions and lines can help the researchers in finding sources and donors of pathogen resistance of cabbage crops.

Sergey Glebov. From Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s–1930s.

Sergey Glebov. From Empire to Eurasia: Politics, Scholarship, and Ideology in Russian Eurasianism, 1920s–1930s.

Modernization of the Russian Education Under the Geopolitical Realities of Modernity: The Problem of Formation of the Russian Identity

The obvious contradiction between a modern geopolitical course of the country to multi-polarity, to the Eurasian vector of development and the strategy of modernization of Russian education according the Western (European) model derivative of the idea of uni-polarity, embedding the Russian education in a valuable semantic paradigm of the Western civilization is being implemented till present. The contradiction related to the strategic geopolitical vector of development of modern Russia and the strategy of its state institutes, education, in particular, leads to the fact that in the Russian society the complex unresolved humanitarian problems will turn into a serious crisis in future. One of such challenges in Russia aggravated due to the global opposition between Russia and the USA is the problem of national unity of Russian society, the formation of Russian national identity. Variants of the pedagogical solution of the given problem actualizing the idea of multi-polarity and the paradigm of the Russian Eurasian civilization corresponding to it, in particular, the Cossacks phenomenon are considered in the article. In this aspect, the Cossack culture appears as a spiritual and ideological phenomenon of Russian civilization, as the national value, actualizing the idea of the personifying the idea of Russianness in the Eurasian vector of development of Russia, creating the traditional basis for Russian identity formation among the younger generations at present and in future.

러시아의 유라시아주의와 제국의 지정학

Currently, East Asia is becoming an arena where the grand state narratives such as China"s "One-Belt-One-Road", Russia"s "Eurasianism", Japan"s "Free and Open Ind-Pacific Strategy" and Korea"s "Northeast Asia Plus Responsibility Community" compete and collide. These grand strategies are conceptualized as the "revival of geopolitics", which multiply the monopoly system of the US supremacy in the era of globalization. The commonality of these "geopolitics" is that they imagine the future development of each country in the expanded framework of "regionalism" linked to geographical adjacency, historical and cultural affinity, economic complementarity. All of these grand strategies assume "Eurasia" as the main geographic space. Russia moving eastward toward the Eurasian Union, China moving westward along the One-Belt, Japan moving north over the arcs connecting the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, Korea hoping to fly from the peninsula to the continent with the wings of peace meet in Eurasia. In principle, these new regionalist initiatives based on Eurasia promise mutual respect and common prosperity among the countries of the region. However, it is questionable whether they can be differentiated from existing geopolitical strategies and whether it will be a new civilizational project that can allow to imagine the post-global capitalism system beyond simple regional economic cooperation. In order to judge this, it is necessary to examine not only the political and economic drivers, but also historio-cultural, philosophical and civilizational origins of them. From these problematics, this article examines this focusing on the case of Russian Eurasianism. To this end, it investigates the classical Eurasianism of the 1920-30s and the neo-Eurasianism after 1990s with the keyword of Russian imperial identity, and examines the meaning of Putin"s pragmatic Eurasianism and the Eurasian Union initiative, and finally illuminates the social consciousness of Russia from the view point of the affections of empire.

Regional Integration via Major Powers: Russian Eurasian Economic Union versus Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt versus American New Silk Road Project

Büyük ve bölgesel güçler kendi stratejik çıkarları için çeşitli siyasal ve ekonomik projeler aracılığıyla Orta Asya'nın (OA) siyasi-ekonomik dokusu ve kalkınması üzerinde bir etki/kontrol kurmaya çalışmaktadırlar. Özellikle, Rusya, Çin ve ABD kendilerine özgü bölgesel bütünleşme modelleri sunarak bölgenin üzerinde bir tekel haline gelmek için mücadele etmektedir. Ayrıca, bu güçler son on yıldır çeşitli bölge dışı bütünleşme projelerini sürekli bir şekilde geliştirmektedir. OA için yapılandırılmış bölgesel bütünleşme modellerini öneren ve destekleyen mezkûr güçler günümüzde rekabet halinde olan üç büyük bütünleşme projesini gündeme getirmektedir. Bunlar Rusya’nın Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği projesi, Çin’in İpek Yolu Ekonomik Kuşağı projesi ve ABD’nin Yeni İpek Yolu projesidir. Bu makalede büyük güçlerin bölgesel bütünleşme yaklaşımları incelenmekte ve bu bütünleşme projelerinin OA’da sürdürülebilirliği ve bölge üzerindeki etkileri analiz edilmektedir. Makalede, büyük güçler tarafından ve onların çıkarlarını koruyacak şekilde geliştirildiğinden dolayı, bu projelerin bölgesel ve küresel oyuncuları bir araya getirip işbirliğine teşvik edici bir pratik çerçeve sunamayacağı sonucuna varılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda her büyük gücün bölgesel bütünleşme yaklaşımının bir birinden farklı olduğunun altı çizilmekte, öte yandan bölgeye yaklaşımlarında bölge ülkelerinin beklentilerinden ziyade kendi çıkarlarını ön plana almaları açısından benzerlik bulunduğu öne sürülmektedir. Ancak bu projeler başarıyla hayata geçirilse, OA devletlerinin siyasi bağımsızlığını gölgelemekle birlikte bölge ülkelerine sosyoekonomik yararlar sağlayabileceği göz ardı edilemez.

Rosyjska doktryna eurazjatycka

Wspolcześnie Rosjanie uwazają, ze geopolityka to problem zewnetrznego bezpieczenstwa kraju, obrony narodowych interesow na świecie. Pojecie funkcji geopolitycznej Rosji zalezy od tego, jak zareaguje ona na wyzwania wspolczesnego świata. Dyskusja na temat geopolityki w Federacji Rosyjskiej jest waznym elementem ksztaltowania doktryny panstwowej wobec wydarzen na świecie. Zwolennicy doktryny euroazjatyckiej zwracają uwage, ze podstawą do dyskusji o Eurazji jest kulturowa odrebnośc kultury rosyjskiej wobec kultury Zachodu. Rosyjscy teoretycy geopolityczni twierdzą, ze dzialania strategiczne powinny integrowac elity polityczne i gospodarcze w krajach Europy i Azji. Rosja chce utrzymac wplywy w Europie Wschodniej i Azji Środkowej, dlatego dązy do utworzenia Unii Eurazjatyckiej, ktora ma rownowazyc uklad sil miedzy Unią Europejską a regionem Azji i Pacyfiku. W Federacji Rosyjskiej, ktora dązy do odegrania waznej roli na świecie w XXI wieku, toczy sie debata na temat modelu geopolityki bazującej na dorobku teoretycznym i praktycznym. Doktryna euroazjatycka zmierza do zmiany ukladu sil na świecie. Ma na celu oslabienie pozycji Stanow Zjednoczonych i marginalizacje krajow Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej oraz Azji Środkowej.