Russian Domination Research Articles

THE LIMITATIONS FACED BY GEORGIA IN TERMS OF GEOPOLITICAL OPTIONS

The recent intensified challenges to Georgia’s democratic development, which since the fall of the Soviet Union has been recognized as a democratic beacon among post-Soviet states in Caucasus area for its’ continued path towards Euro-Atlantic integration, have in fact revealed to an unprecedented degree, the extreme lack of real geopolitical choices. The story seems as simple as never before, with either an option to enter and embrace the Russian domination zone, or to seize the absolutely unique opportunities for unprecedented rapprochement with the EU and realistic prospects for accession to the European Institutions, as well as for enhancing the multidimensional relationship perspectives already established with the United States, opportunities which, along with other factors, have emerged decisively due to the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian War. Our academic inquiry also examines the erosion of the concept of neutrality, as well as the Realpolitik discourse.

Ukraine’s Real Place in History

The Ukrainian nation emerged out of European ties, global processes, and twentieth-century violence that shaped its resistance to Russian domination.

Shaping Identity

This essay examines the formation of national identity in Azerbaijan during the early twentieth century through an analysis of works by Azerbaijani authors. This period was a crucial time for the country as it faced significant historical changes that challenged its sense of identity. Azerbaijan was situated between the Islamic and Christian worlds and had been under the control of the Russian Empire for many decades, making the search for national identity difficult. The essay analyzes the writings of two prominent Azerbaijani thinkers, Kurban Said and Ahmed bey Aghaoghlu, to reveal the main tendencies in Azerbaijani society during this period. The authors’ suggestions for building a better society serve as insights into the tendencies and atmosphere at that important time. The essay argues that these works may chronicle the formation of the national identity during a historically obscured time when the Soviet regime erased all traces of identity issues. The study draws on Benedict Anderson’s concept of imagined communities, which emphasizes the role of discourse and media in forming and transforming national identities. The essay discusses the importance of understanding national identity in crucial historical periods and how it aids in the process of its formation. Finally, the essay provides historical context on Azerbaijan’s situation at the beginning of the twentieth century, including its short-lived independence, the influence of diverse cultural, ethnic, and religious values, and the challenges of Russian domination, cultural restrictions, and falsification of historical facts.

The Evolution of the Russian Diaspora in Northeast China (Late 19th – Mid‑20th Centuries)

Based on the fundamental statement that the Russian immigrant community in Northeast China in the late nineteenth – mid-twentieth centuries was a diaspora, this article examines the process of transformation of the nature of the Russian diaspora and the peculiarities of its functioning at certain stages of its existence. The research is based on the conceptual ideas of Imperial and Diaspora Studies. There are four stages of the existence of the Russian diaspora in Manchuria, which differ in the nature of the interaction of Russian immigrants with a foreign cultural environment, due to the sociolegal, economic, and political situation of the diaspora, as well as sociopolitical and sociocultural conditions of the living environment. The Russian immigrant community was formed as an imperial diaspora during the period of Russian domination in Manchuria. Despite the decline of the political and legal status and the marginalization in the early 1920s and later the split into politically antagonistic Soviet and Emigrant colonies, the diaspora retained elements of imperial consciousness and the desire for national and cultural autonomy. In the case of the Soviet colony, this was accompanied by attempts at a new “imperial” expansion in the form of Sovietization of the former alienated zone of the CER. In its turn, focused on the Sinification of the former alienated zone, the policy of the Chinese authorities led to a conflict of interests and hindered the process of integration of Russian immigrants, which was already complicated by the cultural and religious alienation of the living environment. The capture of Manchuria by the Japanese and the creation of the state of Manchukuo, which led to the disappearance of the Soviet colony, actualised the problem of the Russian diaspora’s integration into the multinational community of Manchukuo. Implemented within the framework of the Japanese pan-Asian national policy, the integration led to the strengthening of national defence tendencies and a significant numerical decline of the Russian diaspora. After 1945, the Russian diaspora, which was subjected to political repression, experienced intensive Sovietization and turned into an instrument of Soviet policy in Northeast China. The history of the diaspora ended with mass repatriation and remigration of 1954–1961.

THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR: WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR RUSSIA, UKRAINE, AND THE WEST?

On November 16, 2023, Dr. Ibrahim Muradov presented The Russo-Ukrainian War: What Does it Mean for Russia, Ukraine, and the West? at this year’s West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a question-and-answer period with questions from the audience and CASIS Vancouver executives. The key points discussed were that Ukrainian society's push for a pro-Western policy has shaped its foreign relations, despite international reluctance to integrate Ukraine into Western structures; Ukraine's strong protest culture, especially in western regions, has significantly influenced its political direction and resistance to Russian dominance; and Ukraine developed a long-term strategy for economic, military and identity strengthening and this long-term strategy precipitated the full-scale invasion and forced the Kremlin to act before the strategy was complete.
 
 Received: 01-07-2024
 Revised: 01-26-2024

LANGUAGE POLICY OF UKRAINE: METHODOLOGY OF ANGLICIZATION IN EDUCATION

The object of the article’s research is the policy of Anglicization in the field of education. The purpose of the article is to reveal the problem of anglicization on the basis of the official educational documents «Conceptual principles of state policy regarding the development of the English language in the field of higher education» (2012) and «Methodological recommendations for ensuring high-quality study, teaching and use of the English language in higher educational institutions of Ukraine» (2023) as threatening the state status of the Ukrainian language. Among the tasks is to analyze the nature of Anglicization in the educational and legislative field of Ukraine. The subject of the study is the principles, methodological recommendations and legislative initiatives of Anglicization in the educational field of Ukraine. In the research, we apply the national principle of assessment of sociolinguistic phenomena and the analytical-descriptive method, which makes it possible to reveal the xenophilic nature of language policy in the conditions of war. As a result of the adopted «Conceptual principles...» (2014), «Methodological recommendations...» (2023) and a number of other proposals, the English language acquires the highest level of prestige, eliminating the state Ukrainian language from apriority position in the field of education. The neutralization of the Ukrainian language occurs from within and without: from within - through the introduction of courses in professional disciplines in English, English for professional purposes and for academic purposes with passing exams as a condition for the career growth of the teaching staff; from without - through the planned transformation of the status of the English language in the legislative field of Ukraine. The spread of the English language should by no means narrow the scope of the Ukrainian language in its own state, and not only because the Ukrainian language has nowhere else to develop as in Ukraine. The officialization and protection of the Ukrainian language in the educational field is a preserved national identity. It is the imbalance between the state Ukrainian language and the dominance of both Russian and English that causes reasonable concern about the independence of our Ukrainian perspective and the subjectivity of Ukraine on the world political chessboard.

The Changing Nature of the Natural Gas Trade between Russia and Turkey: The Role of Climate Change and the EU Institutions

This article focuses on the changing nature of Russia-Turkey energy trade relations. The main argument of the article is that climate change, as well as EU institutions and environmental protection regulations, have been decisive in the long-term transformation of bilateral natural gas relations. The EU favors competitive market structures to combat climate change, and the EU Green Deal sets ambitious targets for renewable energy consumption. These variables establish grounds for legitimacy among EU members in the face of Russian dominance of the EU energy market. However, as discussed in this paper, the Russian government’s main strategy to counter this opposition from the EU side is to circumvent the EU’s institutional arrangements through its relations with Turkey. The final point to be discussed in this paper is the impact of the EU energy and environment policies on changes in Russian perceptions of Turkey.

Работа Н. Ф. Дубровина «Закавказье от 1803 до 1806 года» как начальный этап в создании «Истории войны и владычества русских на Кавказе»

N. F. Dubrovin’s research occupies one of the fundamental places in the formation of Russian military-historical Caucasian studies. It is on the works of N. F. Dubrovin that the official, “civilizing” history of the Caucasian War will be formed and spread. As one of his contemporaries will correctly write about him, “he, one might say, was the first, through the scientific development of archival documents that became available only to him (my italics), systematically described the wars: the Patriotic, Caucasian and Crimean, leaving at the same time a very noticeable trace in the description of the wars of Catherine’s reign” [49, p. 543]. Indeed, the thematic scope of Dubrovin’s works is extensive, and the corpus of documents from various depositories introduced by him into scientific circulation confirms the extensive opportunities provided to him as an official historian to work with the most important closed documents. Undoubtedly, N. Dubrovin holds a special place in the development of not only Caucasian studies, but also Russian history and archeography. An extensive list of his works can only cause respect and surprise to the creative potential of the author, who masterfully paid his debt to the Fatherland not with a bayonet, but with a pen. “The History of the war and the Rule of the Russians in the Caucasus” and “The Caucasian War” [35; 36]. N. F. Dubrovina are among the first official works in pre-revolutionary historical science with a systematic review of the annexation of the Caucasus to Russia. The publication of these publications was preceded by two monographs — “Transcaucasia from 1803 to 1806” and “George” [14; 15] and numerous articles by the author on Caucasian subjects. The first two “Georgian studies” monographs of Dubrovin are not considered at all as components of the above-mentioned “History of the War...”. Despite the fact that the publication of Dubrovin’s first work “Transcaucasia from 1803 to 1806” caused a great resonance in society and high ratings. In a brilliant review by E. Feoktistov, this work emphasized its importance for the history of coverage of “Russian domination in the Caucasus ...”. A high-ranking reviewer pointed to this work as the first result of the work being prepared by Mr. Dubrovin on the history of the Caucasus. [50, p. 354].

Rebuilding “Greater Russia” and the Invasion of Ukraine

This article examines Vladimir Putin's commitment to rebuilding "Greater Russia" and its implications in the context of the invasion of Ukraine. Putin's vision involves re-establishing the former Soviet Union and extending Russian dominance beyond its borders, fueled by a belief in the historical and cultural ties between Russians and Ukrainians. The article explores Russia's assertive and unilateralist approach to international politics, its military interventions in neighboring countries, and the justifications used to expand Moscow's control over former Soviet territories. Highlighting the invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and its devastating consequences, the author raises questions about Putin's long-term goals and whether they involve recreating "Greater Russia" or countering perceived threats from the West and neighboring states. The author contends that despite other factors that might play a role in influencing Russian policy, the re-establishment of Moscow’s influence/control over as much post-Soviet territory as possible – the recreation of “Greater Russia” -- is the most important role – not NATO expansion, although it no doubt was an issue. If the Russians are successful in dominating Ukraine, other former Soviet areas – for example, the Baltics – are likely to become targets of future expansion.

Who Is to Blame and What Is to Be Done? The Rise and Fall of Russian Authority in the Olympics

Who Is to Blame and What Is to Be Done? The Rise and Fall of Russian Authority in the Olympics

Crisis as potential for collective action: Violence and humanitarianism on the Polish‐Ukrainian border

The notion of crisis has evolved from a sudden, acute event to a broader disruption of stable historical narratives and the future. This article explores how the crisis surrounding the Russian invasion of Ukraine challenged the inevitability of Poland's membership in the West and threatened to catapult it back into a history of war and Russian domination. However, for Polish volunteers aiding Ukrainian refugees and the military, the crisis was also a temporality in which their actions took on outsize importance. By working on seemingly mundane tasks of provisioning and transport, they attempted to shape history and, in doing so, redefined the concept of humanitarianism in times of crisis. This article highlights how crisis can serve as a potential for collective action, blurring the distinction between individual and collective agency and redefining how people respond to crises.

KARACHAI-BALKAR IN RUSSIAN PERSECUTION

Karachai-Balkar is one of the major Turkish tribes living in the Caucasus region. This people whose history is full of exile and migration lived at first under Ottoman reign and then enters under Russian domination. After they were suppressed by Russians during Ottoman reign, Russian people who captured Caucasia, forced Turkic tribes to escape as they oppessed to Russian people. Hasavk war was the keywar for the Russian to seize the Caucasus region. At the beginning of the war Karachai-Balkar resisted to Russians, later they ceased fired but even so they had their share of Russian cruelty. Karachai-Balkar who fought to survive under Russian pressure began to migrate to Anatolia. The rest of the these people who stayed in the Caucasia were accused of treason and exiled during the World War II. A gradual migration to Anatolia from the Caucasus region started and Karachai-Balkar lived a comfortable life, they didn’t forget their own culture and traditions and have maintained these traditions until today. Many studies have been conducted on the subject before. The purpose of this research is to examine Hasavk War which was a significant milestone in Karachai-Balkar history and tham as sacresan dexiles Russian carried out after the war through compiling studies and articles written on this subject.

The Balkan War and Its Implications for Islamic Socio-Political Life in Southeast Europe (1876-1914 AD)

This research describes the historical series of the occurrence of the Balkan Wars and their implications for Muslim life there. This study took up three main issues, namely (1) the causes of the Balkan Wars, (2) the chronology of the Balkan Wars, and (3) what are the implications of the Balkan Wars on the socio-political life of Islam in the South-East. Europe. The research method used in this thesis is the historical research method. 4 steps, namely (1) Heuristic, (2) Source Criticism/Verification, (3) Interpretation and (4) Historiography. Two approaches are used in this study, namely the political and sociological approaches. While the theory I use in this research is theory. Theory of conflict and social change. The research results that the authors obtained are as follows: chronologically, the Balkan War was preceded by the Macedonian problem which eventually served as an excuse to legitimize the war. Basically, the main cause of this Balkan War was due to ambition and personal grudge between the respective rulers of the Balkan countries and the Ottoman Empire. It is also carried by the decline of the sultanate, Russian domination, the Turkish-Italian war (1911-1912), the idea of nationalism, propaganda, the formation of the Balkan alliance and the failure of diplomacy. The outbreak of the Balkan War not only brought about geopolitical changes, but was also a humanitarian catastrophe for Muslims in the Balkans who, at that time, had to accept the fact that their situation was no longer the same as when it was ruled by Muslims because authority had passed to non-Muslims.

The linguistic situation on the Ukrainian Black Sea coast - Ukrainian, Russian and Suržyk as "native language", "primary code", frequently used codes and codes of linguistic socialization during childhood.

The study analyses the linguistic situation in the three Ukrainian oblasts on the Black Sea coast using survey data collected from 1,200 respondents before the Russian attack on Ukraine. At the end of the 18th century, this region was the core of a "new Russian" governate during Tsarist times. Previously, the region had been ruled by Tatars and there were neither Russian nor Ukrainian settlements. From the 19th century onwards, the Ukrainian and Russian population dominated. Since the annexation of the Crimea, these oblasts represent a crucial part of the Kremlin's plan to establish an "expanded New Russia (Novorossiya)" under Moscow's control - extending along the Ukrainian-Russian border and the northern Black Sea coast, reaching from Xarkiv to Odesa. This area is clearly at the forefront of Russia's current war goals since controlling it would allow them to establish the strategically important land bridge to Crimea. Linguistically, the area undoubtedly belongs to those regions of Ukraine where Russian was prominent, although apart from the Crimea at no time was there an ethnic Russian majority on the Black Sea coast - neither during Soviet times nor since Ukraine's independence. This means that the population with Ukrainian "nationality" also made strong use of Russian. This situation is being instrumentalized by Moscow as an argument for its military intervention to protect the Russian or Russian-speaking population. The study firstly describes the linguistic situation in the region, differentiating between the so-called mother tongue, the first language acquired and the principally-used language. It can be shown that the traditionally assumed dominance of Russian is actually far weaker when the population's "multicodality", including the mixed variety Suržyk, is included in the analysis. A differentiation is made between respondents with Ukrainian and Russian nationality throughout the analysis. Using statistical procedures such as principal component analysis and cluster analysis, the interdependencies between stated mother tongue, first language and multicodality are presented. Different motives for claiming a certain mother tongue can be identified among subgroups of respondents. The analysis focuses particularly on the questions of the extent to which central government measures to strengthen the position of Ukrainian since Ukraine's independence have changed respondents' preferences when choosing a code, and whether respondents have perceived social pressure for any form of shift. On the whole, it can be established that speakers with Ukrainian nationality who were primarily socialized in Russian have considerably increased their usage of Ukrainian, but without abandoning Russian. At best, this can also be established to a minimal extent for respondents with Russian nationality. Furthermore, since there is only extremely scant evidence that respondents encounter disapproval or censure from their environment for their choice of code (be it Russian, Suržyk or Ukrainian), Moscow's claim of persecution, if not genocide of the Russian-speaking population is exposed as a blatant lie.

The “Russian Factor” in Bulgarian Foreign Policy in the Years of Post-Communist Transition

This article seeks to give counterarguments against the claims of some political scientists that Moscow continued to exercise control over the foreign-policy decision-making process in Bulgaria even after the country left the Soviet sphere of influence in the early 1990s. To this end, the term Russian factor is used in the light of Bulgaria’s post-Communist “distancing” from the Russian Federation and its integration into the Euro-Atlantic community. Dwelling on some examples taken from the diplomatic practice of Sofia–Moscow bilateral relations, the author has tried to prove that soon after the end of the Cold War, the “Russian dominance” gave way to the much more attractive idea of Bulgaria’s pro-Western spatial reorientation.

АНАЛІЗ ВІРША-ГІМНУ КРИМСЬКИХ ТАТАР «АНТ ЕТКЕНМЕН» («Я ПОКЛЯВСЯ») НОМАНА ЧЕЛЕБІДЖІХАНА В ІСТОРИЧНІЙ ПЕРСПЕКТИВІ

Crimean Tatar’s history is that of agony, exile, sorrow, oppression and persecution, but it is also the history of Crimean Tatar nation’s national struggle. Crimean Tatars’ history has 5 stages: 1. Crimean Khanate Period (1441-1783), 2. Russian Domination: Invasion of Crimea (1783-1917), Crimea during Russian Revolution and Early Bolshevik Reign: Crimean Tatar Republic (1917-1918), 4. Exile Period (1944-1987), 5. Return to Homeland (1987 – up to the present), 6. Repeated annexation of Crimea by Russia (2014 – up to the present). The first three periods are presented in Crimean Tatar National Anthem. National anthems have a significant importance in the histories of nations, as they reflect the national identities. Crimean Tatar National Anthem has been sung and listened with high zest by the majority of the nation in different times and places. So what does it tell to us? What values does it advice us to maintain? What kind of targets does it point out? In order to give satisfactory answers for such questions, we will handle “Ant Etkenmen” in quartets, making use of past studies on History and Linguistics. The name of Crimean Tatar National Anthem is “Ant Etkenmen”, and it was written by Numan Çelebi Cihan, the first president of Crimean Tatar People’s Republic. In our study, important poems in the history of Crimean Tatars, mainly “Ant Etkenmen” (I Vowed) the national anthem of Crimean Tatars written in 1917 by Numan Çelebi Cihan, will be analysed in terms of vowing motif. Our study is based on the both the symbolic languge analysis and the aesthetic aspects of the national anthem in terms of its sound, words, harmony, the world of sense, dream and thought, its lyricism, meter, rhyme, rhtym, language and style. The first three quartets of the anthem focus on the agonies in the history of Crimean Tatars. In the analysis of the poem data received in the field of History will also be made use of.

Concert tour of the Ukrainian Republican Chapel in Czechoslovakia (1919-1920)

The article analyzes the significance of the activity of the Ukrainian Republican Chapel in Czechoslovakia and the consequences of the cultural diplomacy of the Ukrainian People's Republic during the National Liberation Struggle of the Ukrainian People in 1917-1921. Using the example of the Czech period of the Chapel's concert tour, It is demonstrated how the European tour of the choristers led by Oleksandr Koshyts influenced the perception of the Ukrainian people by Europeans by the example of the Czech period of the Chapel's concert tour. The concerts of the Ukrainian Republican Chapel in the cities of Czechoslovakia had a great success, as evidenced by numerous reviews in the local press, memories of the choristers and their leader, and scientific researches on this topic. The experience of the Chapel's concert activity in Czechoslovakia is an example of successful cultural diplomacy and proof the influence of culture on the political sphere of society. The purpose of this work is to study the activities of the Ukrainian Republican Chapel in Czechoslovakia, its importance and influence on the attitude of Czechs to Ukrainians in the context of cultural diplomacy of the Ukrainian People's Republic. To achieve the goal, the following methods were used: historical, comparative, source analysis and synthesis. The chronological framework of this study covers the Czech period of the Kapela's European tour, in particular 1919-1920. The novelty of the study consists of a detailed study of the activities of the Chapel in one country of the European tour. The focus of the author's attention is not the events, but their meaning and consequences. The prospect of further research on this topic is due to the rapid growth of interest of Ukrainians and the world community in the history and culture of Ukraine. In the conditions of the new Russian-Ukrainian war, the struggle of the Ukrainian people inspires the world. Cultural diplomacy was one of the aspects of the struggle of Ukrainians against Russian domination, so its research is again relevant today.

МІЖНАРОДНИЙ ДОСВІД БОРОТЬБИ З ПОЛІТИЧНИМ НАСИЛЛЯМ ЗАСОБАМИ ІНФОРМАЦІЙНОЇ ВІЙНИ

The goal of the work is to study the international experience of democratic countries in countering threats in the information and digital space, which involves repelling cyber-attacks and information operations, as well as counteroffensive actions in order to preserve Western democratic values, institutions and systems. The article examines the international experience of resisting political violence in the information space, which confirms the existence of a common enemy of the democratic world, the Russian Federation, in the information struggle. It has been demonstrated that the Russian approach to information warfare is a global strategy that includes both cyber attacks and information operations against the majority of democratic actors in the world (Poland, Bulgaria, Slovakia, Georgia, Moldova, USA, France, Sweden, etc. ). Russian information warfare campaigns have influenced and continue to discredit democratic institutions. They promote extremism and discontent, supporting anti-democratic leaders in an attempt to shake the influence of the West. It was found that Russian information strategies coincide in many countries and can serve different goals. However, it was found that there are three common goals among them. There are restoration of Russian dominance in the post-Soviet/imperial sphere of influence, reducing the influence of Western democratic values, institutions and systems in order to create a polycentric world model and the expansion of Russia’s political, economic and military hegemony throughout the world. Attention is focused on the fact that the Russian media machine uses a wide range of misinformation tools, « Trolls from Olgino», which leads to confusion and calls into question the very concept of truth.

The Balkan War and Its Implications for Islamic Socio-Political Life in So utheast Europe (1876-1914 AD)

This research describes the historical series of the occurrence of the Balkan Wars and the implications thereof for Muslim life there. This study took three main problems, namely (1) the causes of the Balkan Wars, (2) the chronology of the Balkan wars, and (3) What are the implications of the Balkan wars on the socio-political life of Islam in Southeast Europe. The research method used in this thesis is the historical research method. 4 stages, namely (1) Heuristics, (2) Source / Verification Criticism, (3) Interpretation and (4) Historiography. There are two approaches used in this study, namely the political and sociological approaches. While the theory I use in this research is theory. conflict and social change theory. The results of the research that the authors obtained are: chronologically, the Balkan war was preceded by the problem of Macedonia which in the end was used as an excuse to legitimize the war. Basically, the main cause of this Balkan war was due to the ambition and personal grudge between the respective rulers of the Balkan countries and the Ottoman Empire. It was also driven by the decline of the sultanate, Russian domination, the Turkish-Italian war (1911-1912), the idea of nationalism, propaganda, the formation of the Balkan alliance and the failure of diplomacy. The outbreak of the Balkan war not only resulted in geo-political changes but also was a humanitarian catastrophe for Muslims in the Balkans who at that time had to accept the fact that their situation was no longer the same as when it was led by Muslims because authority had shifted to non-Muslims.

The Attempts of the Mazepian Emigration to involve the Crimean Question into the International Policy of French Kingdom in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century

Being at the political and diplomatic service of King of France Louis XV for more than three decades (from 1729 to 1759) Hryhor Orlyk, the son of the Ukrainian Hetman Pylyp Orlyk, was committed to furthering the cause of his father. Traditionally, in the context of the political tasks of the French kingdom, he addressed, on the one hand, the incorporation of the Cossack factor into the foreign policy of the Versailles Cabinet, and, on the other hand, the Crimean question. At every stage of his diplomatic service, which we have distinguished (the 1730s, 1740s, and 1750s respectively), the Hetman’s son set different tasks to resolve the Crimean issue and, accordingly, tried to implement them. Through his consistent, permanent, and persistent actions, Hryhor Orlyk contributed to the traditional matter of Hetman’s Ukraine integration into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, along with the Cossack and Crimean factors. In the 1750s, one of the last representatives of the Mazepian emigration Fedir Myrovych and Fedir Nakhymovskyi joined the corps of Orlyk’s son Hryhor. They became his effective assistants in the matter of political and legal recognition of the Cossack factor as one of the dominant foreign policy activities of the Versailles Cabinet by the French political elite. Being in Crimea in the 1750s, Myrovych and Nakhymovskyi acted as special emissaries of the Versailles Cabinet maintaining contacts with it directly through Hryhor Orlyk. They contributed in every way to the policy of the kingdom in Crimea in connection with the activation of the Cossack factor there. Old Mazepa’s supporters assisted the Hetman’s son in the implementation of the military and political cooperation between France and Crimea and the Ottoman Empire, but they also attempted to explain the essence of Russian policy aimed at terminating the independence of the Kosh both to the Khan and to Zaporozhian Cossacks in Crimea. The author concludes that as the envoy of the French Crown in Crimea, Hryhor Orlyk made the last attempt to involve the Crimean Khanate to the problems related to the restoration of the Cossack statehood solving the Crimean-Cossack problem, which had been consistent since the sixteenth century. All Mazepa supporters by conducting their activities in Crimea not only contributed to raising the issue of integrating the Cossack factor as an integral part into the international policy of the Versailles Cabinet, but also helped to legitimize and substantiate the latter in the concept of involving Turkey and the Crimean Khanate into the struggle for Ukraine’s liberation from Russian domination