Debate In Russia Research Articles

Taking Sides: Stefan Heym's Historical Fiction by Meg Tait (review)

MLR, 97.4, 2002 1039 his study. He shows how those, such as Johannes R. Becher, who most passionately believed in the unity of German culture were gradually forced, not only by events but by the logic of their own beliefs, into the identification of German culture with the existence of the GDR itself and therefore into supporting steps initiated by the opposing faction which were to lead to division and Sovietization. He examines three 'case studies' in particular: the fate ofthe journal Sinn und Form under its editor Peter Huchel, the critical debate over Brecht's Das Verhordes Lukullus, and the orchestrated protests over Hanns Eisler's Faustus. In all three cases he shows how those who defended the objects of the attacks from the proponents of division were all the time playing into the hands ofthe latter. This he attributes to the Marxist mentality,whose dialectics was always willing to concede some sort of Socialist legitimacy to what was in fact a ruthless regime. There are parallels to be drawn here with the position of the intellectuals in the later years of the GDR. One point which emerges very clearly is the sheer psychological complexity ofthe individuals involved, who therefore cannot simply be 'condemned' for their actions or failure to act. Davies suggests that it was this readiness to make concessions, based partly on bad conscience, which allowed the division of Germany to go ahead. Becher, Brecht, and Eisler, not to mention others such as Arnold Zweig, would have had the authority and the influence to change the course of history had they been more determined to do so. The events of 17 June 1953 demonstrated the regime's fundamental weakness and the extent ofthe opportunity which was missed. For not only the term 'Stalinism' is questionable; the issue of 'Geist' vs. 'Macht' was never one of simple polarities. Davies has two major strengths: his familiarity with the post-Soviet debate in Russia and his ability to draw on the skills of the political scientist to illuminate aspects of Kulturpolitik as cultural historians are seldom able to do. It is unfortunate that in the process of turning the typescript into a book so many words have been run together, others redundantly hyphenated. University of Nottingham J.H. Reid Taking Sides: Stefan Heym's Historical Fiction. By Meg Tait. (British and Irish Studies in German Language and Literature, 22) Oxford, Bern, and Berlin: Lang. 2001. 208 pp. ?23; ?34.30. Stefan Heym's literaryoutput represents just one aspect ofa varied career that has also included journalism, broadcasting, and latterlypolitics. As befitsa writerwho has been active in so many spheres, Meg Tait's study of Heym's historical fiction is primarily an 'exercise in contextualisation', which examines the 'relationships between author, text, environment and readers (implied and, in some cases, actual)' (p. 10). In her introductory chapter Tait briefly sketches some aspects of the MarxistLeninist orthodoxy that dominated ofBcial GDR historiography, and discusses its impact on historical fiction in the early decades of the GDR. She goes on to examine Heym's relationship to Stalinism, with particular reference to the question how much Heym could have known about the nature of Stalin's regime. These contextual considerations feed in to the main part of the study, which consists of lengthy readings of three of Heym's historical novels: Lenz, Ahasver, and Schwarzenberg. Although these three form the main focus of the book, several of Heym's other novels (notably The King David Report and The Architects also receive more or less detailed atten? tion, so that a comprehensive overview of Heym's historical fiction emerges in the course of the study. The trajectory of Heym's writing is plotted as a movement away from the norms of Lukacsian realism towards a more questioning mode of narrative that eschews representation of social reality in favour of an exploration of ethical and 1040 Reviews political ideas. Lenz occupies the former position, while Ahasver and The King David Report fall into the latter category. Schwarzenberg, on the other hand, falls awkwardly between two stools in Tait'sestimation, the 'abstractionof ideas' having a detrimental effecton the narrative proper (p. 175). Lurking in the bibliography...

Historical Diffidence

Research Article| August 01 2002 Historical Diffidence: A New Look at an Old Russian Debate Aileen Kelly Aileen Kelly Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Common Knowledge (2002) 8 (3): 496–515. https://doi.org/10.1215/0961754X-8-3-496 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Aileen Kelly; Historical Diffidence: A New Look at an Old Russian Debate. Common Knowledge 1 August 2002; 8 (3): 496–515. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/0961754X-8-3-496 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsCommon Knowledge Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Duke University Press2002 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Peace and Mind: Seriatim Symposium on Dispute, Conflict,and Enmity Part 3: Diffidence, Humility, Weakness, and Other Strengths You do not currently have access to this content.

Virtual Reality: Barter and Restructuring in Russian Industry

A general consensus in the transition economies literature links the existence of enterprise restructuring with the pace of the transition process and the potential for economic growth. The existing literature is less clear, however, about whether the lack of economic growth is caused by the lack of enterprise restructuring. Complicating the debate in Russia is the confusion regarding the role of barter transactions in enterprise restructuring. Much of the confusion is generated by proponents of a ?virtual economy? interpretation of how the Russian economy and Russian enterprise managers operate. This paper dispels much of the confusion about the existence of enterprise restructuring and the corresponding role of barter by demonstrating why the virtual economy model fails to accurately depict economic actions or outcomes in Russia. We develop the argument that barter is closely related to an absence of liquidity in the Russian economy, using both macro-level and micro-level data to document the consequences of ?structural illiquidity.? Our results are unambiguous: both the incidence and volume of barter transactions are inversely related to liquidity. We conclude that analyses using barter transactions as evidence of the lack of enterprise restructuring in Russia stem from: (1) the lack of clear consensus about what constitutes enterprise restructuring in transition economies and how it varies with the stage of the transition process; (2) errant assumptions about managers? objective functions; (3) the relative mix of formal and informal restructuring mechanisms; (4) the lack of attention to industry variation and, within industry, to managerial characteristics; and (5) the Texan complex (if it ain?t big, it ain?t ...) which causes analysts to ignore changes in enterprise operations unless they occur on a grandiose scale.

Russian geology and the plate tectonics revolution

Abstract The suggestion of the concept of ‘scientific revolution’ by Thomas Kuhn in 1962 was, in itself, a significant event in the history of science, and ‘crucial’ episodes or ‘paradigm shifts’ have come to be of special interest in the history of geology (as in other sciences). The appearance of a new paradigm is commonly associated with attempts by the most talented and well-established practitioners to consolidate or sustain the position of the previously prevailing paradigm. For almost 40 years, global theories in geology have been developing under the influence of mobilist ideas. It is no secret that in Russia the mobilist school initially met with serious opposition, and that even up to the present it has had numerous opponents. However, Western, and especially popular, scientific literature usually exaggerates the intensity of the situation and underestimates the contribution of Russian geologists and geophysicists to the development of mobilism and plate tectonics. The present paper describes some of the debates in Russia concerning mobilist doctrines, the work done in that country in the last three decades of the twentieth century from a mobilist perspective, and various theories that had currency in Russia at the end of that century.

Russian ratification process Why is the rest of the world waiting?

Russia has a crucial veto on the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol. The preparation of the ratification and institutional reform have begun in April 2002. The ratification process is based on the activities by high-level policy makers who have other priorities, federal level institutional actors which may be unclear about their roles and the few overloaded expert civil servants. After the US withdrawal from Kyoto, arguments against ratification have appeared in the Russian debate, mostly based on the lack of clarity of the economic benefits available. Ratification would require Russia to establish an eligibility strategy under Kyoto and divide responsibilities and rights between the government, regional and private sector actors. The legal procedure of ratification is simple but internal political complexities may delay the process.

Russia's non-strategic nuclear forces

This article provides a brief overview of current debates in Russia on nuclear weapons before examining several factors that suggest that Moscow's interest in arms control arrangements affecting its NSNF is likely to be limited. Indeed, while Moscow has maintained its demands since the 1950s that all US nuclear forces in Europe be removed, its willingness to retain existing arms control limits such as the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and less formal obligations such as the 1991-2 unilaterial commitments on NSNF may be in decline. Moreover, Russia's implementation of the latter commitments remains unclear. The prospects for Moscow's endorsing new negotiated constraints on Russian NSNF therefore appears doubtful.

Work and Welfare in the New Russia

Part I Background and project design: Russia in trouble Soviet social policy Russian social policy project methodology Moscow, St Petersburg and Voronezh. Part II Social policy - actors and debates: social policy actors Russian debates on social and employment policy. Part III Surviving poverty and unemployment: welfare, resources and household survival unemployment and employment strategies. Part IV The state of Russian welfare: social policy and social order.

<sc>David Wartenweiler</sc>. <italic>Civil Society and Academic Debate in Russia 1905–1914</italic>. (Oxford Historical Monographs.) New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1999. Pp. x, 252. $75.00

Journal Article David Wartenweiler. Civil Society and Academic Debate in Russia 1905–1914. (Oxford Historical Monographs.) New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1999. Pp. x, 252. $75.00 Get access Wartenweiler David. Civil Society and Academic Debate in Russia 1905–1914. (Oxford Historical Monographs.) New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1999. Pp. x, 252. $75.00. Samuel D. Kassow Samuel D. Kassow Trinity College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 106, Issue 2, April 2001, Pages 683–684, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/106.2.683 Published: 01 April 2001

Civil Society and Academic Debate in Russia 1905-1914

This book is a study of the impact of liberal academic ideas on the concept of civil society in Russia in the years following the revolution of 1905. The changes that resulted from the revolution were in the direction of greater autonomy for the individual and a lessening of arbitrary rule. The book shows how, in its efforts to further the cause of civil society, the academic community combined liberal notions of the individual and the citizen with their own professional claim to cultural leadership. Throughout an era when Russia hovered on the brink of a new revolution, academics embarked on various new enterprises — such as people's universities and private or semi-public institutions of higher education — aimed at reaching out to a wider section of the population and offering opportunities for peaceful and progressive reform.

Russian Peacekeeping Strategies in the CIS. The Cases of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan by Dov s> Lynch (review)

REVIEWS I9I Lynch,Dov. Russian Peacekeeping Strategies intheCIS.TheCases ofMoldova, Georgia and Tajikistan. The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Macmillan, Basingstoke and London, and St Martin's Press, New York, 2000. Xi+ 265 pp. Notes. BibliographicalReferences. Index. ?45.00? THIsbook is a revised version of Dov Lynch's D Phil thesis submittedto the University of Oxford in I997. This book can safely be said to be the first comprehensive study of Russian peacekeeping in the CIS. Any study of this subjectrequiresconsideration of the general concept of peacekeeping and of the evolution of Russian foreign and securitypolicy towardsthe near abroad. The authorusefullycommences hisworkwith abriefoverviewof international peacekeeping and its development since both I945 and the end of the Cold War. This places the phenomenon of Russian peacekeeping within a comparative context, enabling one to compare it with the experience of peacekeeping as practisedsince the end of the Second WorldWar.The book then goes on to discuss the development of Russian foreign and military towards the near abroad in the I990s, before discussing the Russian debate over peacekeeping, along with a considerationof three 'case studies',namely the Russian involvement in the peacekeeping operations in Moldova, Abkhaziaand Tajikistan. Russianpeacekeepingin the nearabroadhasbeen an importantinstrument of Russian foreignpolicy towardsthe formerSoviet states. Lynch arguesthat the Russiangovernmenthas pursueda strategyof armed suasionin Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan, using coercive intervention, 'peacekeeping' operations and various forms of political pressure in an attempt to restore clear hierarchical relations in the the CIS region by means of short of war. In Lynch's view, suasion is the key concept in Russia's approach towards the conflicts in these three states that led to the deployment of Russian peacekeeping forces, suasion itself denoting both persuasion and dissuasion by using force on a limited scale along with other tools of pressure by one external state against a target state or other actor in order to influence the actions and perceptions of that target, but without entering into large-scale armed conflict. The study of the evolution and effettiveness of Russia'sstrategyof suasion requiresthe consideration of the development of Russia'spolicy towardsthe near abroad.This Lynch does admirablyin the course of two chapters,which tracethe developmentof foreignministryand themilitaryapproachestowards the otherformerSoviet states.The roleplayed by differentinstitutionalactors, such as the presidential administration, Security Council, parliament, the intelligence services, armed forces and the ministriesof defence and foreign affairs are all discussed, underlining the fact that Russia's foreign policy processhasbeen subjectto theconflictingoutlooksofthesevariousinstitutions. The evolution of attitudestowards the near abroad, namely the shift from a liberal approach towards a more assertive nationalist-centrist approach is well-traced.The state of the Russian armed forces and the impact of military reformon theevolutionof Russianpolicyarealsodiscussed.Russianeconomic and military weakness has forced Russia to look more to political means of resolving disputes. She has also had to accept that her economic weaknesses 192 SEER, 79, I, 2001 have forced her to concentrate on developing relationswith key states in the CIS (Georgia, Armenia, Belarus and Kazakhstan), rather than attempt to create a sphereof influencethroughoutthe entire Commonwealth. From an overview of Russia'spolicy toward the near abroad, Lynch then discussesthe development of Russianviews on peacekeeping, again noting the differentperspectives of differinginstitutions involved in the formulation of policy. In referring to the case studies, Lynch notes the emergence of two operational patterns. In Abkhazia and Moldova, Russian forces created conditions for the deployment of peacekeeping forces which have frozen the conflicts. In Tajikistan, Russian forces have been engaged in a collective securityoperationsupportingthe Tajikgovernment. These forceshave been supportingborderforces in a conflicton the TajikAfghan border. Russia has endeavoured to make these peacekeeping operations CIS operations, but the inability of other CIS members to contribute forces means that these operations have been in effect solely Russian operations.In the second partof the book Lynchprovidesbriefhistoriesof the Moldovan, Abkhazand Tajikpeacekeeping operations. This book is an excellent study of peacekeeping in the near abroad, and is also more thanjust that. It is also a studyof Russianforeignpolicy towardsthe formerUSSR, and a studyof the makingof foreign and securitypolicy in the Russian Federation. The author has moreover produced a most useful bibliography.It would have been interestingif the peacekeeping operation in South Ossetia could also have been considered. More attention could also havebeen paidto thereactionof the...

Měnící se paradigmata

The demise of the USSR and its Marxist ideology, the emergence of Russia once again as an independent, autonomous entity and the changes following the end of the Cold War compelled Russia to redefine its national interests and make substantial adjustments in the sphere of foreign policy and in the conceptual foundation of international strategy.The essay deals with the development of the discipline of international relations in Russia during the 1990s. Its author seeks to draw a distinction between and describe the major theoretical approaches and foreign political schools in the country, to outline the problem of the Russian debate about international relations and reflect the institutional dimension of post-communist international studies.In post-communist Russia, there were and still are several schools of foreign political thinking, differing in their conceptual foundations and in their approach to specific international problems. Together with purely Russian schools, one can identify here almost all classic paradigms of international relations (realism, idealism or globalism/radicalism/structuralism). But one must realize that the mentioned schools represent changeable arrangements.In the initial phase, following the establishment of independent Russia, its international policy was most strongly influenced by Atlanticism which was orientated to the West. This was followed by the assertion of Euro-Asianism which placed greater stress on the uniqueness of a Russia which ought to become a bridge between West and East. The “derzavnici”, on the other hand, were of the opinion that Russia should be guided by the principle of self-restriction and self-sufficiency, but this notwithstanding, it should pursue an active foreign policy with the aim of demonstrating to the West the capability of Russia as a counter-balance to the enlargement of NATO and the European Union.The realists helped to overcome the crisis in Russian foreign political thinking; they succeeded in defining the real security interests and priorities of Russia (for example, preserving the common system of European security or preventing the enlargement of NATO into its vicinity). The geopolitical school, in turn, exhorted the restoration of the country’s former great power status since it maintained that the present system of international relations was multi-polar. The idealists, on the other hand, concentrated primarily on the problem of the integration of the CIS and on European security.

"Zolaizm" in Russia

The article discusses Russian perceptions and responses to Zola's literary theories and practices as a phenomenon of Russian culture. Developing on one level as a polemic between the proponents of a 'scientifically' objective art and the defenders of a traditionally committed literature, the Russian debate on naturalism reflected a variety of positions on the perceived crisis of Russian realism. Zola's role in the Dreyfus case (1897-98) provided the basis for the reconciliation of opposing views and the rehabilitation of Zola as a 'realist' writer in the Russian sense, although Zolaism itself remained problematic for Russian historians and the theoreticians of socialist realism.

Civil Society and Academic Debate in Russia 1905-1914

Civil Society and Academic Debate in Russia 1905-1914

NATO expansion and Russian national interests

The article centres on the debate in Russia about NATO expansion into Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and how expansion affects re‐emergent Russian national interests post‐Madrid. The author examines official Russian arguments against expansion as well as the views of policy‐makers and political commentators, assesses the impact of NATO's plans on Russian‐Western Security and disarmament arrangements and analyses Russia's relations with her neighbours in CEE, the CIS and Asia.

Transferability of parliamentary experience: The Russian example

The article looks at the development of parliamentary institutions and procedures in Russia and the extent to which Russian politicians have been interested in learning from ‘mature’ democracies. There are few examples of parliamentary practices being transplanted without significant adaptation. The debate in Russia on the role of parliament indicates that the idea of imitating foreign models has to compete with the powerful notion of rediscovering a national democratic tradition and both are used rhetorically to support particular interests. Parliamentary rules and practices are organically linked with party organisation, with the balance of parties at any given time, with electoral law, and with the relationship of the executive to the legislative branch. Changes in political habits take time. International contacts are valuable because they lend confidence and authority to those who are working to build on democratic habits, but it is more important that parliamentarians and officials should find solut...

Satire and Socialism: The Russian Debates 1925-1934

Journal Article SATIRE AND SOCIALISM: THE RUSSIAN DEBATES 1925–1934 Get access ROBERT RUSSELL ROBERT RUSSELL University of Sheffield Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Forum for Modern Language Studies, Volume XXX, Issue 4, October 1994, Pages 341–352, https://doi.org/10.1093/fmls/XXX.4.341 Published: 01 October 1994

The Foreign Policy Debate in Russia: In Search of a National Interest

Russia is at present seeking to define its national interest. A new foreign policy is in the process of being formed; in a debate that has run wild, the points of reference used when formulating foreign policy in the days of Soviet Marxism have been abandoned and replaced by notions about “the Russian national interest” (Rahr 1992; Crow 1992).

The Foreign Policy Debate in Russia: In Search of a National Interest

Russia is at present seeking to define its national interest. A new foreign policy is in the process of being formed; in a debate that has run wild, the points of reference used when formulating foreign policy in the days of Soviet Marxism have been abandoned and replaced by notions about “the Russian national interest” (Rahr 1992; Crow 1992).

The Evolution in Constitutional Debates in Russia in 1992-1993: a Comparative Review

The Evolution in Constitutional Debates in Russia in 1992-1993: a Comparative Review

Sex education and the AIDS epidemic in the Former Soviet Union

AbstractThis paper describes the Russian response to sexuality, sex education and AIDS. Using primarily Russian language sources, it analyses the background to the current Russian debate on sex education since the 1960s. The nature of the government response – the introduction of a health education programme designed largely to combat specific sexual diseases such as syphilis and gonorrhoea – is also explored. It is suggested that the demise of the Communist edifice has not significantly altered official attitudes towards sex and sexuality. Particular attention is devoted to the impact of the AIDS epidemic on government and popular reaction to this sex education programme. Given the adverse effects which the breakup of the FSU, economic crisis and the disintegration of the USSR Ministry of Public Health in November 1991, have had on the possibility of launching a unified, co‐ordinated and systematically concerted sex education programme it is concluded that backward attitudes towards sexuality are likely to exist for many years to come and the same is true with regard to the widespread prejudices towards the victims of AIDS in the FSU.