Russian Border Research Articles

From Empty Parking Lots to Border Fences: A Visual and Sensory Ethnography of the Finnish–Russian Borderscapes in ‘Times of Stress’

ABSTRACT This article studies everyday bordering processes at the Finnish – Russian border during ‘times of stress’, specifically, following the COVID-19 pandemic and the onset of the war in Ukraine. The research is grounded in ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the summer and autumn of 2022 in four border cities (Imatra and Lappeenranta in Finland, and Svetogorsk and Vyborg in Russia). The study centres on visual and sensory observations made during the fieldwork, as well as discussions taking place in local newspapers and their social media channels. The Finnish – Russian borderland is approached as a ‘borderscape’ – a site where borders are constructed, deconstructed and reconstructed in everyday life by heterogeneous agents. The research illustrates that the political context shaped the Finnish – Russian borderscapes concerning the material border landscape, people’s experiences and imaginations. The study argues that visual and sensory ethnography can add deeper and more nuanced layers to the understanding of borderscapes as well as provide alternative ways of conveying research findings.

Manoeuvre Warfare in the Baltic

NATO is facing a doctrinally contradictory defence posture in the Baltic States, as those countries are investing in a static defence line even while Western militaries adhere to manoeuvrist operational approaches. Lukas Milevski argues that political imperatives and tactical conditions make static defence more appropriate than manoeuvre warfare. Politically, NATO’s policy of defending every inch and the Baltic experience of Russian occupation require forward defence. Second, the Russian border will always stop offensive manoeuvre. Tactically, the increasing difficulty of crossing the battlefield intact improves the chances of tactical defence and throws doubt upon the necessity of defensive operational manoeuvre. ◼

Разум и сила внешней политики Великобритании в Балтийском регионе

This article reflects the position or, more precisely speaking, disposition of Great Britain influence forces in the Baltic Sea region. In this case we can state two complementary strategic directions under the reference name «Mind and Force» identified as projections: (a) «soft power» objectified in informal network of academic and political interaction on the project platform of Baltic Geopolitics Network coordinated by Centre for Geopolitics of the University of Cambridge, and (b) military force – deployment of elements of Joint Expeditionary Force of Great Britain on the Baltic Sea including across the Russian border perimeter in addition to already deployed North Atlantic Alliance forces.

Conceptual Transformation of the South Kuril Islands’ Image in Japanese Media After 24 February 2022 (based on the materials of the English-language Japanese media)

The article is devoted to the study of the conceptual image of the South Kuril Islands in the leading English-language mass media of Japan after the beginning of the Russian Armed Forces’ special military operation in Ukraine. The relevance of the study is explained by the preservation of the hotbed of military and political tension near the Far Eastern borders of Russia, manifested in Japan’s territorial claims to the southern part of the Kuril Islands, which acquired a strongly pronounced verbalized ideological shift after February 24, 2022. The conceptual characteristics of the image of the islands (and closely related images of Russia/USSR) were identified using the methods of content analysis, cognitive-discursive analysis, cognitive interpretation, cognitive modeling, as well as elements of cognitive matrix analysis.

The Belarusian Frontier of the 1920s: Did Belarusization Take Place in the Russian-Belarusian Border Area?

The paper analyzes the historical circumstances of the 1920s, under which in three regions of the Russian-Belarusian borderland – Pskov, Smolensk and Bryansk governorates – it was necessary to reach the objectives of ‘Belarusization’: the size of the Belarusian population, the state of the school network in the NEP era and staffing for the solution of the “Belarusian question.” Belarusization is regarded as an integral part of the new Soviet national policy based on the resolutions of the 10th and 12th Congresses of the RCP. The purpose of the study is to identify and characterize the basic conditions for carrying out Belarusization in Russian regions with compact residence of the Belarusian population. First, this concerns the size of the Belarusian population in these governorates at the beginning and during the process of Belarusization, and detection of the dynamics and reasons for its significant reduction, starting from the end of the 19th century. Secondly, special attention must be paid to the problems in the school education system during the NEP era (financial, material, personnel), the solution of which was of much higher priority for local authorities in comparison with the objectives of Belarusization. The results of the study show that the policy of Belarusization in the Russian border regions failed to receive the due support either from local authorities overloaded with many other urgent tasks, or from the residents of the above mentioned governorates, including Belarusians. The practice of “self-Russification” became a kind of hidden form of protest among the Belarusian part of the population of the Russian border regions. Conclusions: The policy of Belarusization in the Russian-Belarusian border regions was not carried out in full even in the “minor format” proposed by Moscow, largely due to its artificiality and implementation without taking into account the opinions of the majority of Russian Belarusians themselves. The study is intended for specialists in national and regional politics, and in Russian and Belarusian history.

MOVEMENT OF MOVEMENTS: RUSSIAN ACTIVISM IN EXILE AND THE POROUS POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE

What happens when a social movement must relocate to continue its advocacy? Such a “movement” of movements has been going on—in a partial, fragmented way—since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, raising a host of issues for Russian social movements. Past research has identified several broad trends in Russian civil society prior to the war: enduring, evaporating, and adapting forms of activism. These terms captured, respectively, organizational types that had persisted since the 1990s, those unable to survive, and those that adapted to Russia's increasingly repressive environment. This article examines a new trend in Russian civil society, escaping, in light of the concept of political opportunity structure. Specifically, we find that Russian feminist and environmental activists operating beyond Russia's borders experience a porous political opportunity structure that crosses state boundaries, creating new opportunities for activism as well as constraints.

Service Tatars in the construction of military fortifications on the southern borders of Russia (1720–1730s)

Service Tatars in the construction of military fortifications on the southern borders of Russia (1720–1730s)

Active spread of β-thalassemia beyond the thalassemia belt: A study on a Russian population.

β-Thalassemia is a disease traditionally associated with thalassemia belt countries. Nonetheless, as global migration intensifies, β-thalassemia-causing variants spread far from their origin. We investigated this process to detect some patterns underlying its course. We analyzed β-thalassemia-causing variants and the origin of 676 unrelated participants in Moscow, the largest city of Russia, far away from the thalassemia belt. Our analyses revealed that modern Russia has one of the broadest spectra of thalassemia-causing variants: 46 different variants, including two novel β0 variants. Only a small proportion of the reported pathogenic variants likely originated in the resident subpopulation. Almost half of the variants that supposedly had emerged outside the Russian borders have already been assimilated by (were found in) the resident subpopulation. The primary modern source of immigration transferring thalassemia to a nonthalassemic part of Russia is the Caucasus region. We also found traces of ancient migration flows from non-Caucasus countries. Our data indicate that β-thalassemia-causing variants are actively spilling over into resident populations of countries outside thalassemia belt regions. Therefore, viewing thalassemia as a disease exclusive to specific ethnic groups creates a mind trap that can complicate the diagnosis.

Development Resources of the Border Regions of the Russian Federation

The Russian Federation borders with 18 foreign countries. Seven of them are NATO members as of March 2024. The state border of Russia passes through the territory of almost half of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. The shelling of the territory of the Russian Federation by the armed forces of Ukraine radically changes the situation in the sphere of not only of military, but also of socio-economic security, primarily in the border regions of Russia. The issue of their protection, elimination of weaknesses and organization of society’s life in a new, unstable, largely unfavorable external environment is especially acute. The formation of resources necessary for solving these issues largely depends on the current level of economic development of the country and its border regions. The author’s purpose was to illustrate some aspects of the economic situation in the border regions of the Russian Federation, given the current circumstances where Russia’s adversaries are attempting to create areas of tension near the Russian borders, exemplified by Ukraine, Poland, and the Baltic States. To achieve this goal, the author solved several tasks. They are: selecting the subjects of the Russian Federation to be studied, determining the set of statistical indicators to be analyzed, and determining the length of the dynamic range for each indicator. We also constructed the dynamics of change for these selected indicators. The results of the author’s analysis of seven statistical indicators that reflect the socio-economic situation in 36 selected border regions of the Russian Federation are presented below. The analyzed statistical data are taken for the period from 1995 to 2021. The economic and statistical research was carried out on the basis of data from the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation, most of which are published in statistical collections “Regions of Russia. Socio-economic Indicators”. The article shows that a number of the studied parameters indicate the need to strengthen the economic power of the Russian border regions in modern and possible future conditions. The obtained results can be useful for legislative and executive authorities of the Russian Federation and the subjects of the Russian Federation in the development and implementation of the development policy of regions that have a particularly important strategic importance.

Re-imagining Cross-Border Relations in the High North: The Case of Kirkenes

Kirkenes is a Norwegian small town located in the High North, bordering Russia. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the people of Kirkenes have invested heavily in building relations and establishing close ties with their Russian neighbours. Following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the local community must adjust to a new reality. This article explores how conflicting narratives on Kirkenes as a border town inform local discourses on the town’s relationship with Russia, with reference to (1) the issue of Cyrillic Street signs in Kirkenes, (2) twin-city agreements with Russian towns, and (3) Russian access to the port of Kirkenes. Along with a focus on borderland narratives, the article leans on Makarychev & Kuznetsova’s distinction between structural, practical and popular geopolitics to show how cross-border relations at a local level are increasingly shaped by national and international political pressures, strengthening local frustrations and feelings of disconnect with national authorities. Furthermore, the article highlights the importance of history, local conceptions of history, and the weaponization of history in shaping cross-border relations in the Norwegian–Russian borderland.

Subjective Well-Being and Standard of Living in the Kaliningrad Region

The article provides a conjugated analysis of an objectified picture of the living conditions and subjective well-being of the population in the Kaliningrad region as one of the Russian border regions, characterized by the strengthening of the role of the border as a dividing marker against the background of intense cross-border interactions in the recent past. The study is based on a comparison of the socio-economic indicators of the neighboring border regions of Russia, Poland, and Lithuania with quantitative (representative survey) and qualitative sociological data (focus groups and semi-structured interviews) obtained by the authors in Kaliningrad region in 2020–2022. It is shown that subjective well-being and perception of the quality of life, as well as a comparison of one’s own standard of living with that achieved in neighboring Poland and Lithuania, are determined by the socio-economic polarization of the region and the heterogeneity of the Kaliningrad society, including differences in lifestyle, mobility, and activity of residents. An imbalance between the relative material well-being of the inhabitants of the exclave against the background of other Russian regions and their poor social well-being caused by an unfavorable comparison of themselves with neighboring EU countries was revealed. Differences across the border are assessed primarily through the prism of general admiration for Europe, envy of goods and comfort, although most respondents are not familiar with the realities of life on the other side of the border. At the same time, the main referents of unfavorable comparisons are not only neighbors, but also the most wealthy and successful groups of the population.

A brand’s Initiation and Promotion in Relation to Modern Culture Wars

Nowadays, there is a tense geopolitical situation because of the advance of NATO to Russian borders, the threat of violation of its sovereignty. The collective West aims to dismantle Russian statehood and undermine social cohesion, law and order, national values, and socio-cultural values. They fixate on restoring neocolonialism and imposing global dominance on sovereign states. The paper focuses on the aggression of the collective West towards Russia’s cultural values, posing a threat to its national historical code. The subject of the study is the actions of cultural wars between brands and countries, which caused adopting anti-crisis measures. The purpose of the study is to analyze and provide possible strategies and models of brand behavior during crisis situations caused by culture wars. The research deals with the following issues: the modern phenomenon of culture wars; the role of the cultural brand in relation to culture wars; the possibility of using commercial brands as a tool of soft power; the influence of brands on the formation and changes of cultural, national and traditional values; the phenomena of culture shock and brand cancellation culture, as well as methods of countering crisis situations.

MANCHURIA RAILWAY STATION IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY: PROBLEMS OF ORGANIZATION OF MANAGEMENT ON THE RAILWAY

The article concerns the organization of management at the Manchuria railway station in the early 20th century. The station was located on the Chinese territory, two kilometers from the Russian border. For several decades, the Russian population constituted a majority there; churches, schools and hospitals were built, and two customs offices operated. The management of the hamlet, which sprang up near the station, was carried out by the administration of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Simultaneously, at the time of the completion of the construction of the railway connecting branch “Chinese Junction - Manchuria”, part of the functions of the management of the station was taken over by the Trans-Baikal Railway. On the materials of the Russian State Historical Archive the author had shown that the joint management of the station by two railways at once had a number of peculiar features. To resolve disputes, the administration of the railways entered into special agreements. The first of them was signed in 1903 and made provision for all income and fees from the operation of the border section of the road from the Chinese border to the Manchuria station to go into the use of the Transbaikal road. All expenses for the operation of the rolling stock were also to be borne by the Trans-Baikal Road. The operation of the station facilities was strictly regulated: one part of the stone building for passengers, as well as the territories along the railway line, passed under the control of the Trans-Baikal Road, and the other - under the control of the China Road. Expenses for the maintenance and repair of the building for passengers, as well as other public facilities at the Manchuria station, were to be borne by each road in equal parts. The efficiency of the station largely depended on the due organization of the management system. The simultaneous participation in this process of the representatives of two railway departments at once led to a lack of unity of action in matters of organizing transportation. The state-owned Trans-Baikal Railway was dependent on the central departments. The Chinese Eastern Railway, as a private road, had broader competence. The presence of commercial agents at the Manchuria station did not add to unity, as they oft en pursued their own goals to the detriment of state interests.

W obliczu klęski Prus – o działaniach władz guberni litewskich na przełomie lat 1806–1807

In the autumn of 1806, in view of the defeat of Prussia in the clash with France and the approach of Napoleon’s army to the borders of Russia, the Russian authorities became concerned about the loyalty of their Polish subjects. The authorities of the Lithuanian governorates took preventive measures to preclude an uprising movement and preserve public peace. In particular, attempts were made to seal the border. More careful attention was paid to the movement of people, and care was taken to ensure that travellers did not bring anti-government writings into Russia. Intelligence activities were intensified to monitor the disposition of the population. Emperor Alexander I ordered that any insurrectionary uprising be vigorously suppressed by the harshest means, including the use of the army. At the same time, the authorities tried to avoid anything that could fuel popular discontent. By the Emperor’s decision, the use of ukases in the courts, which, in the opinion of the Lithuanian nobility, hindered the conduct of judicial proceedings, was stopped. Attempts were made to introduce strict discipline in military units to prevent abuse of the civilian population. A police force was put on alert to put suspicious people arriving from abroad under surveillance. Signals of contact between Lithuanian residents and the French army were investigated.

Ethnosemantic analysis of binary oppositions in toposystems

Abstract The article considers regional issues of the Kazakh transtoposystem. There are a number of problematic issues related to cross-border Kazakh toponymy. The article analyzes only one aspect – the status of binary names in the cross-border toposystem. The goal is to study how obvious the binary opposition is there, considering the etymology of toponyms based on semantic opposition. The toposystem of the Northern and Western regions bordering Russia was used as the empirical material for the study. According to the border administrative-regional division, a number of districts of such regions of the country as North Kazakhstan, Pavlodar, Kostanay, Western Kazakhstan, Aktobe, and Atyrau border with Russia. In the article, a series of binary names along the toponyms of this cross-border zone is formed. In particular, Úlken-Kіshі (Big-Small), Aq-Qara (Black-White), Qara-Sary (Black-Yellow), Jaqsy-Jaman (Good-Bad), Jyly-Sýyq (Warm-Cold), and Ashy-Tushy (Bitter-Fresh) are analyzed. The difference between toponymic binary names and lexical antonyms is considered. We discuss the fact that the contradiction in lexical antonyms is clearly expressed, but in binary opposition along toponyms, the contradiction may not be complete. It is reported that the contradiction of toponyms is recognized only in the toponymic context, and sometimes it is even possible to form a related pair, rather than a semantic contradiction.

Combined Contaminant Levels from Local Harvested Food Items in the Norwegian–Finnish–Russian Border Region

This paper presents the results of a multidisciplinary study with the aim of assessing the potential combined risk from consuming locally harvested food products in the Euro-Arctic region of Norway, Finland, and Russia. The three important contaminant groups—radioactive substances, heavy metals, and persistent organic pollutants (POPs)—were measured in food samples such as berries, mushrooms, fish, birds, reindeer, and moose; they were sampled in 2013–2015. To assess the combined pollution levels and investigate the trends, similarities, and variations between different contaminant groups, subsequent multivariate statistical analysis was performed. The results showed that, in general, the levels of radioactive substances, toxic elements, and POPs were below the permitted EU maximum content in food products. However, statistical analysis revealed some correlations, similarities, and peculiarities between the accumulation of different contaminants in various species, which allowed for a better understanding of the mechanisms of accumulation and interaction between different contaminant groups. It also gave a better insight into the possible added risks and helped pinpoint species that could serve as reference markers for the accumulation of different contaminants in food. Mushrooms, fish, and reindeer were found to be important markers in the combined risk assessments for the contents of metals and radioactive substances. Further research, as well as the development of methodologies for combined assessments, are recommended.

Article: Collateral Damage Through Sanctions: The Role of ISDS for Third Party Investors Impacted by EU Sanctions Against Russia

The EU is considered the most active international organization in terms of sanctions. Since the start of the Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 alone, the EU has enacted twelve sanction packages targeting the economies of Russia and Belarus in specific sectors and established a list of over 1900 (As of January 2024, see https://eu-solidarity-ukraine.ec.europa.eu/eu-sanctions-against-russia-following-invasion-ukraine/sanctions-against-individuals-compa nies-and-organisations_en.) individuals and companies subject to assets freezes and travel bans. While those sanctions are targeted and specific, they nevertheless have an effect outside of Russia, due to their vast impact on important economic sectors, import and export and commodity pricing. To put it bluntly, it is virtually impossible to prevent a spillover effect beyond the Russian borders in times of a globalized, interconnected economic reality. The current sanction regime is not only widely impactful, but also a legal curiosity. EU sanctions are not ordinary countermeasures under public international law. They are coordinated acts by a group of States replying to the unlawful conduct of another State against a third. There is no connection strictu sensu between the EU and Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. These two particularities – the wide and partially unwanted effects of EU sanctions and their legal uncertainties – give rise to the question: Is there a way to check, balance and mitigate the impact of EU sanctions for those who find themselves to be ‘collateral damage’ thereof? This article argues that investment arbitration can answer this question in the positive. For this purpose, the article will first examine the effects of EU sanctions on non- Russian investors. Consequently, it will analyze the legal nature of EU sanctions under public international law, before turning to the role of investment arbitration and specifically the principle of proportionality to show how investment arbitration may mitigate unwanted results of EU sanctions without diminishing the desired effects of the regime.

Empires’ Keif, or Opium Trade on the Tea Route in the Era of Late Empires

This paper offers an analysis of the process by which new borders appeared in Inner Asia during the late imperial period. The research focuses on the borders of Russia, Qing, and Mongolia at the time of the collapse of the Qing Empire and political crisis in Russia, which led to its demise in 1917. The author aims to reveal the influence of these processes on the region referring to transborder smuggling via the transformation of the control and power of central governments. In the author’s opinion, two key factors defined the increase in opium smuggling at the Russo-Mongolian border in 1900–1917. First, political destabilization on the outskirts of the Qing Empire. Second, Cossack regiments were sent from the border to Europe to take part in World War I, thus border control was greatly reduced. The research for this study is based upon the materials of the Russian Imperial customs in the town of Kyakhta, the long-time center of Russo-Chinese trade. Based on archival data, one can trace the volumes and routes of opium smuggling from Iran to Mongolia. The area under consideration is well researched as a cross-border smuggling point; however, the problem of the illicit opium trade is still insufficiently analyzed. This is due to both political obstacles and access to sources. This article is the first attempt at a systematic study of opium trafficking through Kyakhta. The destination of the routes was the town of Maimaicheng, located near Kyakhta and inhabited by Chinese merchants. Opium was also bought by the honghuzi – armed robbers operating near the border. However, when the Civil War broke out in Russia (1917–1922), and the Far Eastern Republic was established, opium supply via the Trans-Siberian Railway declined as this route was no longer safe. Therefore, the notion of regional order and disorder is an important category for this research. This framework offers a way of better understanding Trans-Eurasian relations in the twentieth century.

Casualties of border changes: evidence from nighttime lights and plant exit

Abstract We investigate the economic effects of the Russia–Ukraine conflict – following the 2014 annexation of Crimea – on Russian border regions. While southern regions gained market access to Crimea, northern regions lost market access to Ukraine. Using nighttime lights data and geo-referenced plant-level data, we find that regions with deteriorating market access saw 43% less growth in lights – translating into 6–12% lower growth in GDP depending on the assumed lights-GDP elasticity – and a 35% increase in the exit probability for manufacturing plants after 2014. Exploiting variations in closed local border crossings in the northern regions, we find that these effects may be partly driven by less cross-border labour flows.

Do we need a border wall? The social perception of ‘walling’ the Polish-Russian border after the outbreak of the war in Ukraine

ABSTRACT The project of progressive securitisation of the Polish – Russian borderland is implemented with huge support from local communities. Inhabitants of the Polish border area support all possible tools intended for the protection of the Polish – Russian border. The results also show that the war in Ukraine and potential threats of migration from the Kaliningrad Oblast change the social optics with regard to the border with Russia. The present paper seeks to investigate how the local communities of Polish border zone with Russia perceive the activities conducted in order to reinforce the defensive function of the Polish – Russian border. For this purpose, a survey was carried out among inhabitants of the Polish border area with Russia.