Romance Loanwords Research Articles

DIACHRONIC REPRESENTATION OF SELECTED ROMANCE LOANWORDS IN THE LOCAL SPEECH OF POMJAN

This paper presents a diachronic account of the use of selected Romance loanwords (from A to K) in the Pomjan local speech of the Šavrini dialect. The Romance loanwords, which are an integral part of the Istrian dialects of Slavic origin, are the result of the centuries-long life of Istrians with Slavic and Romance roots. They are reflected as simple borrowings, hybrid borrowings, Romance phrases, calques, and so on. The loanwords collected by the Slovenian dialectologist Tine Logar in 1957 in Pomjan (Slovenian Istria) were compared with those we hear from today's dialect speakers. In 29 etymological articles we find out whether the Romance loanwords used by the villagers more than sixty years ago are still known and used by the locals today. At the same time, we show the spread of the lexemes in other parts of Slovenian Istria and connect them to their first origin, which is mainly Istrian-Venetian – the existence of the lexeme is also proved 1) in the Triestine dialect, 2) in Venetian and 3) in Standard Italian. The etymological articles conclude with a reference to the final source of the word.

Semantica ed etimologia dell’armeno hnjan ‘vasca in cui si preme l’uva’

The article deals with the Armenian substantive hnjan, which in the modern language denotes the ‘wine-press’ or a ‘rural hut located on the fields’. An exam of its use in the texts of classical age where it is attested (the translation of the Bible and the History of Armenians of Agathangelos) allows to recognize an original meaning of ‘hole dug for the squeezing and the fermentation of the grapes’. The etymology proposed connects the word with Sanskrit paṅka- ‘mud, mire, dirt, clay; ointment; moral impurity’, and a German cognate represented by Old High German fūhti, fūht, Anglo-Saxon fūht ‘damp, moist’, the German source of the Romance loanwords Italian, fango, French fange, Catalan fanc ‘mud, mire’.

Gallo-Romance lenition in Germanic loanwords

Abstract One of the earliest changes affecting Western Romance before the end of the Roman Empire was the lenition of intervocalic *p, *t, *k to *b, *d, *g. We find its effects in a number of Romance loanwords in West Germanic. The word for ‘market’ has not played a role in this discussion because it is often attested with t in the West Germanic languages. Still, there are strong indications that the word was borrowed into Germanic as *markadu after the lenition of intervocalic t in Romance. Its phonological make-up is comparable to that of Latin vocatus, which was borrowed into Germanic as *fogadu.

The Percentage of Italian and Turkish Loanwords in the dialect of Knin

The dialect of Knin – whose ikavian component is stressed here – has historically embraced many Turkish and Italian loanwords. The Italian loanwords can be seen as the basic stratum of borrowings, since they were borrowed at large during the longer Italian rule, with Turkish loanwords having been decimated as the society advanced, which can be seen in comparison to the landscape in Imotski-Bekija dialects, where they comprise a large part of vocabulary. Overall, both the Italian and the Turkish loanwords comprise all kinds of borrowings from the respective languages, as documented in the text. There I distinguished Italian loanwords from Romance loanwords – which are not herein included – representing, unlike Italian loanwords, early borrowings from the local, eastern Adriatic Romance dialects, now extinct.

Some examples of Croatian dialects’ influence on the lexical diversity of the contemporary linguistic idiom of Zadar among non-native elderly speakers

The synchronic linguistic situation of the urban idiom in the city of Zadar is a result of several strands of dialectal influence: Neo-Shtokavian dialect spoken in the hinterland, Chakavian ikavian (“ikavski”) idiom spoken in the coastal region of Croatia, Central Chakavian ikavian-ekavian (“ikavski-ekavski”) dialect and standard Croatian. Lisac established that the contemporary Zadar idiom consists of a mixture of two Croatian dialects, Chakavian and Shtokavian, each in turn further subdivided into Central Chakavian and South Chakavian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and East Herzegovinian, respectively. Due to varied historical circumstances, within these dialects we find a number of loanwords, mostly Turkish in Shtokavian and Romance borrowings in the Chakavian dialect. To this end the paper uses linguistic contact theory, applied in research on dialects, and explores influence in one direction only: it explores the presence of Turkish loanwords in Croatian idiom of Zadar (in its Shtokavian dialectal component) and Romance loanwords in the Zadar idiom (in its Chakavian component) but not the influence of Croatian on either Turkish or Romance languages. Hence the recipient language is Croatian (here specifically its Zadar idiom) while the donor languages are Turkish and Romance languages, mainly Venetian Italian but also standard Italian, and in some cases we are dealing with linguistic relics of Romance Dalmatian language in Croatian. We have selected to analyse Turkish loanwords in the Shtokavian dialect and Romance loanwords in the Chakavian dialect (within the Zadar idiom) because they are the most frequent foreign borrowings in the Zadar idiom, especially Romance elements that pervade the varieties of Croatian spoken in the coastal region (they often remain on a regional level only but some have passed from Chakavian into Croatian standard).

Romance Loanwords brokola and brokoli in Serbian Gastronomic Discourse

It is known that the term brokola ( Brassica oleracea var. italica ) in Serbian refers to a more recent Romance loanword brokoli (Ital. broccolo , pl. broccoli ) and an older provincial word brokule (in the Serbian Dictionary by Vuk Stefanovic Karadžic). In recent times, the widespread use of the dual forms brokoli/brokola (and brokula ) does not inherently cause a significant interference in communication because both an ordinary person and an expert know very well that this is the same concept. Linguistic dilemmas about whether to use blokoli or brokola arise, however, only at the level of morphological ad­aptation of loanwords (gender, number and case), because it is where the mentioned forms should be adequately incorporated into the Serbian text (culinary recipe, menu, advertising text, research article etc.). Analysis of the morphological adapatation of studied loanwords using the material of electronic sources indicates their competitive relationship where each loanword has, for the time being, the right to coexist parallelly in the Serbian language provided that the norms of the grammatical system of the recipient language are respected.

Unexpected obstruent loss in initial obstruent–sonorant clusters: an apparent example from Basque

The apparent loss of initial obstruents in Basque borrowings from Romance (e.g.laru≪ Lat.claru) is striking. While Proto-Basque is generally reconstructed as lacking initial clusters, the expected repair in loans, based on typology, phonology and phonetics, is copy-vowel epenthesis, not obstruent loss. Indeed, there is evidence for a vowel-copy process in Basque in other loans with obstruent–sonorant clusters (e.g.gurutze≪ Lat.cruce). We suggest that initial obstruent loss before /l/ but not /r/ is related to Romance developments. In the Romance varieties in contact with Basque, /fl pl bl kl gl/ all show evidence of neutralisation to /ʎ/ word-initially. We hypothesise that obstruent loss in words like Basquelarureflects influence from local Romance languages at a time when Basque lacked /ʎ/. In contrast, vowel copy conforming to Basque syllable structure was the norm in Romance loanwords with clusters not affected by this process.

Language contact substantiating gender realization and loan-noun integration in Heptanesian, Italiot and Cretan

This paper deals with the congruities in the main mechanisms governing nominal loanword integration, drawing data from three contact-induced dialectal systems of Greek, i.e. (a) Grekaniko (Griko and Bovese spoken in Southern Italy), which has been influenced by the local Romance varieties and Italian, (b) Heptanesian (spoken on the Ionian islands) and (c) Cretan (spoken on the island of Crete), which have been both affected by Venetian and Italian. It is shown that semantic, morphological and phonological factors conjointly regulate gender assignment to Romance loanwords in the dialects in question. I claim that the recipient systems resort to the available word-formation mechanisms in order to effect loanword accommodation. I argue that nouns of Romance origin are adopted by the three dialects in a uniform manner, i.e. through congruent strategies. Overall, this paper demonstrates that the integration of loans in a recipient linguistic system, which bears an overtly marked gender, may offer invaluable insights into grammatical gender assignment and the process of loan-noun integration.

The problem of Judeo-French: between language and cultural dynamics

The article discusses the problem of the linguistic status of the varieties of Old French used within the Jewish communities of medieval northern France. On the basis of evidence drawn from graphemics, phonology, inflectional morphology and the lexicon, several distinct linguistic registers, corresponding to the various discursive traditions reflected in the Jewish vernacular texts, are identified. These registers are characterized essentially by a number of lexical features, including phenomena pertaining to inherited Romance vocabulary, loan words, morphological calques and phono-semantic matching. While the existence of an autonomous Judeo-French language or dialect is not corroborated, the Jewish vernacular sources are interpreted as the expression of a distinctly Jewish linguistic repertoire shaped by the cultural dynamics of Jewish life in the French Middle Ages.

The influence of loanwords on Norwegian and English stress

Rice (2006) presents a unified analysis of Norwegian word stress that applies equally to native words and to loanwords. In this analysis, stress is oriented to the right edge of the word, which suggests that the loanwords were responsible for changing what was originally a left-oriented grammar of stress. In this paper I consider a similar reorientation that took place in the history of English, also under the influence of Romance loanwords. Closer examination shows that the two cases appear to be different. Many loanwords of the sort that caused a change in Norwegian entered Middle English without causing any significant change in English stress. It was only in the Early Modern English period that the loanwords were able to impose a right-oriented stress pattern on English. Rice (2006) observes that the loanwords were able to change the Norwegian stress pattern without overtly contradicting the native words; that is, the loanwords could make a change only in aspects of the grammar where the native words were ambiguous. I argue that this principle also accounts for the English case.

On the Relationship between Gemination and Palatalization in Early Romance Loanwords in Common Slavic

This paper discusses how geminates in Early Romance loanwords were treated in Common Slavic. The proposal is that there was a tendency for Romance geminates to be replaced by palatalized consonants in Slavic, possibly via an early palatalized geminate stage in Slavic itself. This proposal receives support from the close relation between gemination and palatalization found in other Indo-European languages and presents a more systematic account of the phenomenon than other available explanations.

On the Change of Word Stress in the History of German

Word stress in German is usually thought of as following the Germanic stress pattern (main stress on first stem syllable); quasi-monomorphemic words like Forélle or Holúnder suggest, however, that Modern German follows a Latinate stress pattern (last syllable extrametrical; stress on the penultima or the antepenultima, depending on weight of the second-to-last syllable). The change in stress pattern occurred in the 16th and 17th century, judging from evidence of metrical texts, due to a heavy influx of Latin and Romance loan words in this period, which followed the Latinate stress pattern and were taken as sample for the stressing of monomorphemic words longer than two syllables.

Die frühen italienischen Lehnwörter des Englischen

The present study aims at a twofold goal. It evaluates the early English loanwords of Italian origin which the MED, the OED and its nascent third edition record up to the middle of the sixteenth century and it exemplifies how the transfer of Romance loanwords into late Middle and early Modern English should be analyzed. The analysis shows that not more than about two dozens of Italian loanwords were borrowed directly. Only half of them have survived in present-day English. This is much less than what has been assumed so far because many loanwords of Italian origin were transmitted by French whereas others proved to be Latinisms. The transfer does not begin before c. 1400 and only gradually increases after 1500.

Latin and Romance loanwords in English

In this study the autor provides a survey on the interaction between English and the Latin, French, Italian, Spanish and Potuguese is analyses chronologically, with a special regard to the phonological modifications of loan-words.

Studies in the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance Loan-Words in English

Studies in the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance Loan-Words in English

Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance Loan-Words in English, with Special Reference to Those Ending in -able, -ate, -ator, -ible, -ic, -ical, and -ize

Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance Loan-Words in English, with Special Reference to Those Ending in -able, -ate, -ator, -ible, -ic, -ical, and -ize

Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek and Romance Loan-Words in English with Special Reference to Those Ending in -able, -ate, -ator, -ible, -ic, -ical, and -ize

Studies on the accentuation of polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance loan-words in English : with special reference to those ending in -able, -ate, -ator, -ible, -ic, -ical, and -ize

Review. Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek and Romance Loan-Words in English. Danielsson, B.

Review. Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek and Romance Loan-Words in English. Danielsson, B.