Role Of Political Parties Research Articles

“We Will Re-distribute Land When You Vote Us into Power…” Electoral Politics and Peasant Struggles Amidst Unresolved Land Question in Southern Malawi

The people of tea growing districts of Thyolo and Mulanje have been at constant loggerheads with estate owners for decades now. The borne of contention is that the tea estates own huge thatches of land and utilize less than 50% for plantation agriculture while the majority remain land-poor. The objective of the research was to understand the role of political parties in supporting or resisting land reform initiatives in Thyolo and Mulanje, Malawi. Political Parties in Malawi since 1994 have promised to redistribute land to peasants, but little action has been taken on the same. Using qualitative research approach, data was collected from peasants, local leaders, political parties and other secondary sources. Four main political party manifestos were studied: Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Malawi Congress Party (MCP), United Transformation Movement (UTM); and United Democratic Front UDF). The study finds out that political parties in Malawi uses the land struggle to woo votes from the electorates; promise them land redistribution and after they get into power the issue is forgotten. Party Manifestos from 1994 to 2019 have either included the issue in their blueprint, or omitted entirely. The study finds out that during the 2019 tripartite elections, no single party outlined what procedure it would use to free up land in the estate lands. This paper suggests that a successful reform in the area starts with political will within the ruling party, with governing institutions having a carefully mapped plan on how they would go about land reform; rather than mere propaganda on the matter. DOI: 10.7176/DCS/10-5-08 Publication date: May 31 st 2020

Dynasty Politics in Indonesia: Tradition or Democracy?

The presence of political dynasties that encompassed power struggles at regional to national levels resulted in the substance of democracy itself being difficult to realize. The flourishing of political dynasties - especially in the regions - is inseparable from the role of political parties and regulations on the elections. Oligarchy in the body of political parties causes the mechanism of candidacy and nomination to not run as it should. During this time, there is a tendency for candidates to be nominated by political parties based on the wishes of the party elite - not through democratic mechanisms that take into account the subjective abilities and integrity of candidates. In addition, at the same time, political dynasties continue to build a strong network of power so that they can maintain their power within the party body both at the regional and central levels so that political dynasties are able to dominate and kill democracy in political parties.

Politicizing Farm Animal Welfare: A Comparative Study of Policy Change in the United States of America

Farm animal welfare is becoming a subject of politicization strategies. The conflicting policy preferences are pronounced in the United States, with its large and highly intensified livestock sector. The lack of federal farm animal welfare regulations shifted politicization strategies of animal welfare advocates to the state level. By 2019 12 states had already passed legislation to protect animals in food production. This comparative study reveals that policy changes were initiated by new actor constellations entering the agricultural subsystem and were particularly successful when the institutional opportunity of public ballots existed. The role of political parties seems to be limited however.

Democratic practices and youth in political participation: a doctoral study

ABSTRACT Youth in democratic activities has changed the political scenario of Pakistan. The current study was aimed to identify the youngsters towards their participation in democratic paractices and political activities. The novelity of presnt study is to introduce a new theory of ‘Youth-Inn’ which indicated the continuous youth participation and involvement in community problem solving, peers motivation, influence public to do vote, and other political matters. The phenomena of this study are based on the present political scenario of Pakistan and youth participation in building the political structure. The study was quantitative in nature and data were collected through random sampling techniques, hundreds of respondents participated from two provinces of Pakistan, which are Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The objective of the study is to highlight the performance of youth activities, contribution to the political participation, their role in political parties and interests in political and social matters. The findings of the study suggest that youth in Pakistan are increasingly participating in democratic, social and political activities, which are their basic and core responsibility to take apart and do sufficient steps for the country.

Ustrojowe uwarunkowania funkcjonowania partii politycznych we Francji i ich konsekwencje dla sceny politycznej

Systemic Conditions of Functioning of Political Parties in France and Their Consequences for the Political Scenario he aim of the article is to discuss the framework of the semi-presidential system of government, which directly or indirectly affects the functioning of political parties and the format of the French party system. These factors include a strong and active presidency, the hierarchical dualism of executive power, the institution of referendum, the majority electoral law and the weak systemic position of the parliament. The author points out that although the entry into force of the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic in 1958 significantly reshaped the position and role of political parties, institutional factors were not conducive for their functioning. Political parties reacted with active political strategies and managed to consolidate their systemic position, and voter behaviour confirmed that deep-rooted political cleavages are still important in the contemporary political scenario.

The Blemish of Voter Apathy in Sustaining Democratic Governance in Nigeria: The Role of Political Parties

Sustaining democratic governance is a philosophy hinged largely on the functionality of the institutions of governance in line with democratic process and norms. The study established that virile democratic system is an illusion when a chunk of citizens are less concerned and disinterested in political activities of their country especially when it comes to voting. That is, a carefree attitude by the citizens towards voting is inimical and an aberration to widely celebrated modern democracy. Expectedly, political parties play a crucial role in citizens’ participation in politics, because they are mobilization forces. When political parties stimulate violence then it becomes a problem. The core interest of this study therefore is to investigate the interplay between campaign characters of political parties and low voters turn out in Nigeria. Secondary method of data collection was adopted, as published article, books and relevant reports were captured from the national dailies. This study out found that in Nigeria, political parties are liabilities rather than assets to the Nigerian Democracy, considering their attitude that encourage voters’ apathy. Indeed, failed electoral promises; ideological bareness; electoral violence, high level of indiscipline and unprincipled party defection characterizes Nigeria’s political parties and by implication stimulate among the citizens a mood of pessimism about partisan politics. As the 2019 general elections had been concluded and Nigerians continue to yearn for sustainable democratic governance, political parties should reposition themselves; by being well grounded on ethos and ideology and build confidence and trust in the electorates. Hence, there is a compelling need for Nigerian political parties to be democratic, as democracy is incontrovertibly inconceivable without virile political parties.

GERMAN POLITICAL PARTIES AS A RESOURCE FOR SOCIAL REFORM IN GERMANY IN THE 70S OF THE XIX CENTURY

The paper analyzes the role of political parties and other political resources in the context of social reform in the German Empire in the 1870s. Not only political parties and movements, but also professional associations, entrepreneurial groups that demonstrate a certain degree of social responsibility are referred to political resources. The indicated period in Reich Chancellor O. Bismarck’s domestic policy was marked by an active search for like-minded people represented by representatives of various political parties, economists, and large industrialists for social reforms development and implementation. It is proved that in search of the all-German social support, O. Bismarck demonstrated the ability to maneuver between political parties and groups, business and other social strata. The study focuses on Reich Chancellor’s strategy was aimed at reducing the severity of political and social problems and creating a social balance between different social strata. The author emphasizes that the head of the German government not only sought to isolate the working class out of the social democracy through social concessions, but also to maintain peace and harmony in new industrial society, open the way to its consolidation, which was supposed to come to stability through social reforms. The author pays particular attention to the structure, organization and influence of the political parties. The study provides the statistical data on the share of voters who voted for the parties and the number of deputy mandates received from the results of general elections, as well as describes various political programs.

Partisan views of Russia: Analyzing European party electoral manifestos since 1991

ABSTRACTThe connection between Russia and European political parties has been in the scholarly and popular spotlight recently. While scholars focus on the connection between the far right (and populist) parties and Russia, they have all but ignored the rapidly increasing literature on the role of political parties in foreign policy. This article provides an attempt to bridge these literatures. After analyzing a corpus of party manifestos, the results suggest that there is temporal variation in how European parties have seen Russia since the end of the Cold War. European parties tended to be mostly positive in their views of Russia prior to 2015. Geography and ideology were much less important as a factor in explaining party positions. While some ideological groups share attitudes across different borders, the overall influence of ideology on attitudes toward Russia is minimal.

KONTRIBUSI KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DI LEGISLATIF DALAM INDEKS PEMBANGUNAN GENDER (IDG)

The Gender Empowerment Index (GDI) is a measure obtained from women's indicators in the legislature, professional women and women's income contribution. Of these three indicators, the position of women in the legislature is a massive inator that will only move once every 5 years. The regulation on political representation has been established since 2003 by setting a quota of 30%, but on the way up to 16 years the affirmative action has not been successful. The reason is the role of political parties is not optimal, female candidates are limited human resources and limited in the narrow nomination. The position of women's representation in the legislature contributes greatly in forming GDI. Women's contributions will be massive within 5 years. Therefore a strategic step is needed to collaborate between the power of political parties in promoting female candidates with political capital owned by women. Strong political parties have the opportunity to make this happen.

The Catholic Church and consolidation of democratic civil society in Spain

ABSTRACTThis article examines how the Catholic Church assisted the transition to democracy and consolidation of democratic civil society in Spain through a position of political neutrality. By abstaining from any active role in political parties, abandoning pretence of moral monopoly and embracing pluralism, it helped facilitate the establishment of civil society. Analytically, the path dependence mechanism, Huntington’s theory of democratization and the secularization of religion theory are used to explain the how the Spanish Catholic Church helped establish the bases of civil society in democratic Spain.

Democracy or particracy ? The role of political parties in the early years of the Italian Republic

La République italienne est régulièrement dénoncée, dans l’opinion publique comme dans une partie de l’historiographie, comme une « partitocratie », où les partis, oligarchies fermées, auraient confisqué le pouvoir. Revenant sur les différentes phases de cette dénonciation, née dès l’immédiat après-guerre, cet article se penche également sur l’action des partis à la Libération qui ont joué un rôle central dans la pacification sociale, l’apprentissage de la démocratie et la promotion, pour certains d’entre eux du moins, d’une diversité sociale.

Democracy and the Entanglement of Political Parties and the State: Party–State Relations in 20th-Century France, Italy, and Germany

This article makes a plea for a historical turn in the study of party–state relations. Building on recent insights on the role of political parties in institution-making which have emerged in the historical sciences, it suggests that the deployment of a historical institutionalist perspective can tackle the difficulties in isolating the causal mechanisms and identifying empirical indicators of party–state entanglement, which stand at the foreground of political science studies into the contemporary crisis of democracy in the West. Based on a analysis of institutional reforms of party state relations such as party laws, constitutions, and electoral laws in France, Italy, and Germany over the course of the 20th century, this article demonstrates how, other than the democratic problem which it is considered to be today, the entanglement of party and state not only had long historical roots but also made a major contribution to the democratization of Europe.

Indonesia Political Development: Democracy, Political Parties in the Political Education Perspective

This research paper was aims to explore the dimensions of the political development that are closely related to the existence of a political system that is confronted with progressive social and political changes. Democracy as the pillar of the implementation of constitutional government is a form of political development idealism which in its implementation moves dynamically and synergizes with the prevailing political system. As one manifestation of democratic implementation, political institutionalization is the most important part in the implementation of democratic governance. The role of political parties in all countries including in Indonesia, in the plain view, coloring the political dynamics of the government. Understanding political development certainly will not be separated from the social transformation, because social changes that was occur in society also move rapidly, but on the other hand the reality of public political education is not in line with the political changes that occur due to the swift external factors including the development of foreign politics. In this critical study, certainly not all dimensions of political development will be discussed but try to express the ideas was related to democracy, political parties in the perspective of political education which includes democracy, political parties and the problem, the reality of public political education. the link between democracy, political parties and political education is at the core of this study.

Antisemitism in Political Parties (AIPP)—Aims and Methodology

Historically, antisemitism does not lead to wide- spread violence and institutional discrimination against Jews except where it is politically encour- aged by institutional leaders. Examples include the role of the Catholic Church and aristocracy in the persecution of Jews in Medieval Spain, the role of the Tsarist bureaucracy in supporting pogroms in the Russian Empire, and the role of the Nazi Party in organizing the violent repression of Jews in 1930s Germany. In his history of the notorious antisemitic forgery, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Norman Cohn writes as follows: "[T]he men who propagated the Protocols were often pogromshchiki at heart, waiting hungrily for the chance to organise massacre. Whether they ever got that chance or not depended entirely on what happened to their countries during the Second World War. In the embattled democracies, such people lapsed into obscurity, when they did not disappear into jail – but in those parts of Europe where the Nazi leaders were able to implement their plans for geno- cide, various dingy figures, hitherto known only as editors or publishers of the Protocols, were suddenly transformed into important administrators, with responsibility for drafting and implementing antisemitic legislation." Cohn’s point is that, without political support, antisemites remained on the fringes of society, but with such support, they were able to cause terrible suffering. Therefore, political parties’ attitudes to allegations of antisemitism among their own officers are of the greatest impor- tance. Do they take such allegations seriously, investigate them thoroughly, and (where neces- sary) apply sanctions—or do they brush them aside as if unimportant? AIPP is an ongoing monitoring and research project set up by a charity, Campaign Against Antisemitism, in 2016 to monitor both antise- mitic discourse in the public statements of offi- cers of UK political parties and the subsequent disciplinary handling of such cases by the par- ties themselves. In an increasingly febrile polit- ical atmosphere surrounding issues relating to Israel and antisemitism following the Gaza war of 2014 and the elevation of Jeremy Corbyn to the leadership of the Labour Party in 2015, the authors of the project realized that there was a clear need for an evidence-based record to be kept of incidents of political antisemitism, using a clear and objective set of criteria. It was realized that few, if any, UK political parties had clearly set out, transparent disci- plinary processes for dealing with incidents of racism (including antisemitism) as are common in other institutions, such as professional bodies, businesses, or other large and influential mem- bership-based organizations. In light of the fact that officers of political parties are public fig- ures with a public mandate, the absence of such disciplinary processes would have an effect on the propagation of antisemitic discourse. This project assesses the roles of political parties in dealing with antisemitism.

Participatory budgets in Brazil and Portugal: comparing patterns of dissemination

ABSTRACT The dissemination of citizen participation in policymaking has increased considerably worldwide, as in the case of participatory budgeting, considered as the best-known democratic innovation in this field of study and practice. In order to share empirical knowledge about participatory budgets, the article provides a comparative analysis of patterns of dissemination in Brazil and Portugal. These countries were selected for being paradigmatic cases in the dissemination of participatory budgets. The comparative analysis of sociopolitical contexts and institutional designs sheds light on similarities and differences on democratic frameworks, political and non-political agents, target public, approach to participation, and main goals. Findings point to similarities in the passage from the dictatorial to the democratic regime in both countries, and differences in the role of political parties and social agents behind the dissemination. It is within such sociopolitical contexts that non-associated citizens are the target of participatory budgets in both countries, although they are differently approached because address different goals.

Close to Home: Local Ties and Voting Radical Right in EuropeFitzgerald, Jennifer. New York, Cambridge University Press (2019), 264 p., ISBN 978‐1‐108‐ 42153‐9

Close to Home: Local Ties and Voting Radical Right in EuropeFitzgerald, Jennifer. New York, Cambridge University Press (2019), 264 p., ISBN 978‐1‐108‐ 42153‐9

Political Polarization and Long-Term Change in Public Support for Environmental Spending

Abstract Public support for environmental protection has evinced declines in recent years that are widely attributed to growing antipathy among self-identified Republicans. Fractures in what was long considered broad and enduring support for the environment in the United States have called attention to the broader socio-political context in which individual opinion on the environment is formed, and especially the role of political parties and their leaders in shaping opinion. Empirical analyses of environmental support, however, remain strongly focused on individual-level correlates of support. We apply recent methodological advances in age-period-cohort models to scrutinize changes in Americans’ willingness to pay more for environmental protection between 1973 and 2014. Analyses distinguish the importance of individual traits, such as political identification, from cohort and especially period-based fluctuations that result from changing economic and political conditions. Individual-level covariate results are reflective of previous research on environmental opinion (e.g., age is negatively and education positively associated with environmental support). We further find that political context across time periods matters as much as, and interacts with, individual political affiliation to influence support for the environment. Americans of all political stripes demonstrate decreases in support for environmental spending during Democratic presidential administrations and during difficult economic times. Declines during Democratic presidencies are especially pronounced among Republicans. Analyses also highlight parallels between the high levels of political polarization in environmental support found at the end of the Obama Presidency and the end of the Carter era.

Barber Conable: A Tribute to His Contributions to Tax Law and Lessons for Tax Education

ABSTRACTBarber Conable, a U.S. congressman from New York, served for 20 years as a member of the House Ways and Means Committee. During that time, he actively participated in the tax legislative process and documented his experiences in newsletters, articles, speeches, and a book. Tax educators and their students, tax practitioners, and others interested in the legislative process and in tax policy can learn much from his writings. Conable provides explanations using terms that he coined such as the ABC Syndrome that illustrate how tax laws become complex. He describes the workings of the U.S. House of Representatives and the Ways and Means Committee and the role of party politics. A study of Barber Conable serves not only as a tribute to his public service, but also as a primer on the legislative process and tax policy that can enhance tax education.

Translating the Constitution

Lawrence Lessig's recent book, Fidelity and Constraint: How the Supreme Court Has Read the American Constitution (Oxford University Press, 2019), restates and expands his important and influential theory of interpretive fidelity as translation. This book review is in three parts. Part One explains why, although Lessig's theory is based on fidelity to original meaning, his originalism is unlike most contemporary versions. Indeed, despite his metaphor of translation, Lessig is not really a textualist at all. Unlike most contemporary originalists, he pays relatively little attention to parsing the words of constitutional text, or to their history. Instead, he is a purposivist and structuralist, who argues that fidelity to purpose and structure in changed contexts may sometimes justify departing from the text or adding things to the text. Part Two examines Lessig’s use of the concept of to explain and justify many of the Supreme Court’s most famous liberal decisions, including Brown v. Board of Education, the sex equality cases, the reproductive rights cases, and the gay rights cases. Lessig's concept of social meaning actually refers to changes in elite consensus among the relatively small groups of elites who form the audience for Supreme Court Justices. Lessig's arguments are an imaginative restatement of the American Legal Process tradition, but using a different vocabulary. In an age of polarized elites like today, however, Lessig's account threatens to break down, as Lessig himself recognizes. Part Three considers whether a purely internalist theory of constitutional change like Lessig’s is adequate to explain the growth and development of the American Constitution. It argues that Lessig’s account of change relies too much on how the world looks to the Justices, rather than on how the world actually changes; it also relies too much on winner's history. His account could be made stronger by focusing on the role of political parties, movements, and state-building in constitutional change; and the long-term construction of judicial review by the political branches. The result would no longer be purely internalist. But it might be a more powerful account of the complicated processes of constitutional change.

지방정치 활성화를 위한 제도적 개선방안 : 지방선거와 정당의 역할을 중심으로

지방정치 활성화를 위한 제도적 개선방안 : 지방선거와 정당의 역할을 중심으로