Role Of Opposition Research Articles

Seeking an ‘other’ desperately: the dialectical opposition of political Islam in Morocco

This article uses the ‘opposition’ parameter to analyse the political discourse and practice of the main Islamist political actors in Morocco: the ‘officialist’ political Islam represented by the Harakat al-Tawhid wa-l-Islah (Unicity and Reform Movement, MUR) through its political alter ego, the Hizb al-‘Adala wa-l-Tanmiyya (Justice and Development Party, PJD) in which it is included, tries to reach the power in order to reform the political system in moral terms from the inside, by establishing a dialectical opposition based on Islamic concepts against the rest of the primary elites (opposition-instrumentalisation). The outsider Jama'at al-‘Adl wa-l-Ihsan (Community of Justice and Spirituality, CJS) keeps a firm opposition role against the Moroccan regime, denying both moral and political legitimacy to the ‘Alawi monarchy and trying to change the social and political system from outside of the party system (resistance-démarcation). This study offers some perspectives on the place of the dialectics of opposition in political discourse and their respective position regarding power. It also offers insight into the ideological challenges political Islam should face in the short term.

The Fate of Obamacare: Racial Resentment, Ethnocentrism and Attitudes about Healthcare Reform

Health care has been a contentious issue in American politics for decades, and scholars are beginning to understand the reasons behind public support for, and opposition to, healthcare reform. Using national survey data, we measure the impact of various racial attitudes, including Racial Resentment and Ethnocentrism, on white support for healthcare reform. We measure participants’ attitudes across a range of important dimensions of healthcare reform and examine a randomized experiment with a control group that frames legislation as “recent” healthcare reform and a treatment condition that frames legislation as “President Obama’s” healthcare reform. The findings demonstrate that racial attitudes and Ethnocentrism continue to play a role in both support and opposition to healthcare reform.

The Discourse of Intermarriage in Colonial Taiwan

This article examines how Japanese policymakers and intellectuals approached national classification in colonial Taiwan by looking into the policy and discourse of intermarriage between Japanese and Han Taiwanese. Despite its rarity in practice, intermarriage as an idea frequently appeared in political debates on the integration of Taiwan into the Japanese empire. Narratives on intermarriage shed light on how ethno-national consciousness was formed and how citizenship was distributed in the empire, revealing tensions between imperial expansion and nation building. In the process of colonial control, racial nationalism emerged to play a role in opposition to intermarriage, which was officially encouraged.

Edmund Burke in America: the contested career of the father of modern conservatism

Edmund Burke in America: The Contested Career of the Father of Modern Conservatism By Drew Maciag (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2013, Pp. xiv, 285. $29.95.)This monograph examines how, from the Revolutionary era to the recent past, a diverse assortment of Americans have drawn upon Edmund Burke's thought and used his ideas for a variety of purposes. Drew Maciag's handling of this important and curiously neglected subject in Edmund Burke in America is thoughtful, subtle, and insightful. Although it was the invocation of Burke by post-World War II conservatives that drew Maciag's attention initially to this subject, he quickly discovered that this comparatively recent appropriation of Burke's legacy in America is only the latest chapter in a long, symbolic enterprise (2). Since the Early National era, Burke has often been employed by cultural guardians concerned about social decline to criticize or check democratic trends and rebuke a naive confidence in reason. While the author frequendy acknowledges the dominance of Lockean and related Enlightenment ideas within the American political tradition, he observes that their central position has often been contested and that American Burkeans have sometimes played the role of a loyal opposition (230). Contrary to more recent popularizers, Maciag stresses how Burke himself never became a Tory and that his strongest traditionalist arguments were mostly the product of his later years. Even when he pursued a more conservative path in response to the radicalism of the French Revolution, Burke usually sought change with continuity. He hoped to carry the best elements of the past into a better future (21).The two best-known English commentators on the French Revolution, Burke and Thomas Paine, met different fates in the newly independent American republic. Paine was (mostly) embraced by Americans, while Burke was initially shunned or ignored: he was viewed a one-time ally in the struggle for liberty who had deserted the cause (32). Understandably, a backward-looking traditionalist would not gain a sympathetic popular hearing during a period of democratic enthusiasm. While John Adams has often been linked to Burke, the former was more thoroughly committed to Enlightenment ideals and democratic politics than Burke appears to have been, at least in his later years. While skeptical of democratic excesses, for instance, Adams never saw himself as the defender of a bygone age (38). The subsequent success ofjacksonian Democrats at the polls confirmed that the principles of Paine and Jefferson (rather than those of Burke or even of Adams) had triumphed in America. Meanwhile, some antebellum Whigs made extensive and imaginative use of Burke to develop their organic conservatism in response to an increasingly egalitarian culture. …

Opposition Politics in Nigeria: A Study of South West

This paper delves into the nature of opposition in politics generally and specifically in South-West Nigeria. The paper argues that opposition politics in South-West is a matter of policy as such if the incumbent’s actions are in line with the policies of the opposition group that person will enjoy the support of the opposition. The role of opposition is sacrosanct as it is essential to the smooth running of any representative democracy. The government should therefore, at all levels strive to do away with any policy that will thwart the effort of opposition, because in Nigeria most of the weaknesses of the opposition parties emanate from the incumbents’ hostile policies, which are mostly aimed at fragmenting and weakening the opposition groups.

Guest Editorial

Guest Editorial

Genomic Misconception: a fresh look at the biosafety of transgenic and conventional crops. A plea for a process agnostic regulation

The regulation of genetically engineered crops, in Europe and within the legislation of the Cartagena biosafety protocol is built on false premises: The claim was (and unfortunately still is) that there is a basic difference between conventional and transgenic crops, this despite the fact that this has been rejected on scientifically solid grounds since many years. This contribution collects some major arguments for a fresh look at regulation of transgenic crops, they are in their molecular processes of creation not basically different from conventional crops, which are based in their breeding methods on natural, sometimes enhanced mutation. But the fascination and euphoria of the discoveries in molecular biology and the new perspectives in plant breeding in the sixties and seventies led to the wrong focus on transgenic plants alone. In a collective framing process the initial biosafety debates focused on the novelty of the process of transgenesis. When early debates on the risk assessment merged into legislative decisions, this wrong focus on transgenesis alone seemed uncontested. The process-focused view was also fostered by a conglomerate of concerned scientists and biotechnology companies, both with a vested interest to at least tolerate the rise of the safety threshold to secure research money and to discourage competitors of all kinds. Policy minded people and opponent activists without deeper insight in the molecular science agreed to those efforts without much resistance. It is interesting to realize, that the focus on processes was uncontested by a majority of regulators, this despite of serious early warnings from important authorities in science, mainly of US origin. It is time to change the regulation of genetically modified (GM) crops toward a more science based process-agnostic legislation. Although this article concentrates on the critique of the process-oriented regulation, including some details about the history behind, there should be no misunderstanding that there are other important factors responsible for the failure of this kind of process-oriented regulation, most importantly: the predominance of politics in the decision making processes combined with the lack of serious scientific debates on regulatory matters within the European Union and also in the Cartagena system, the obscure and much too complex decision making structures within the EU, and the active, professional, negative and intimidating role of fundamental opposition against GM crops on all levels dealing with flawed science, often declared as better parallel science published by 'independent' scientists.

Synthesis and Characterization of New Mesoporous Silica Film Materials for Explosive Detection

Trace explosives detection plays a more and more important role in military, civilian and opposition to state terrorism application. Through sol-gel technique and spin coating technology, three different types of surfactants as structure-directing agent， a series of different pore size mesoporous silica thin films with two-dimensional hexagonal structure doped by silylated naphthol fluorescence dye were successfully fabricated. By using fluorescence spectra method, different films doping fluorescence dye were sensed toward nitro explosive vapor such as 2,4,6-trinitrotoluene (TNT), 1,3,5-trinitro-1,3,5-triazacyclohexane (RDX), octahydro -1,3,5,7-tetranitro-1,3,5,7-tetrazocine (HMX), and exhibit rapid response rate and extremely high fluorescent quenching efficiency, close to 72% after 60s response to TNT. The results clearly show that mesoporous silica films, with different porous size and structure, easily to be prepared and own high sensitivity, could be used as a new alternative of trace explosive detecting material.

Nomadism and the 2003 Anti-Social Behaviour Act: Constraining Gypsy and Traveller mobilities in Britain

Since the sixteenth century the state has restricted the mobilities of Gypsies and Travellers in Britain. As studies have repeatedly demonstrated, nomadic Gypsies and Travellers experience high levels of exclusion. In 1994 a duty to provide caravan sites was repealed and greater restrictions on nomadism were introduced. Motivation for restrictive state policy stems from economic factors but also involves processes of othering. The rise of New Labour in the mid-1990s left many to wonder whether constraints on the travelling way of life would continue or if new, more tolerant, policy initiatives would emerge. This article considers the impacts of policy introduced by the New Labour Government on nomadic Gypsies and Travellers and the rationale behind these policy initiatives. The 2003 Anti Social Behaviour Act, the main New Labour policy that affects nomadic Gypsies and Travellers, promoted new eviction powers which campaigners have argued could lead to a greater cycle of eviction. The article draws from local case-study sites where attempts have been made to develop transit sites and the role of political opposition, the media, and public opinion in thwarting these proposals.

Virtual Design of a New Type of Entertainment Machine and Dynamics Simulation of the Conveyor Track

This paper proposes a new educational strategy tower of defensive warfare entertainment machine which relies on linkage institutions, introduces two sets of role and combines with strategic defense warfare game ideology. Based on the virtual prototype of modeling which is made by SolidWorks and 3DMAX and a dynamics analysis on hitting force and friction of the opposition role in the attack on track and recycling process, it explains the feasibility of manufacture of the new entertainment machine.

Party and power: between representation and mobilisation in contemporary Russia

The reasons for the under-development of the Russian party system remain contested, yet significant changes took place in the 2000s. The system became more regulated and streamlined. There were far fewer parties, but the rights of those that survived were consolidated. Above all, the regime identified itself with a single major party, United Russia, although the relationship between the regime and the party was problematical. Russia practises a heavily presidential model of executive dominance, but the polity is characterised by a dominant power system. This system was careful to preserve its autonomy, and thus guarded against the emergence of a dominant party system. The regime party and its allies acted less as instruments of representation than as tools to achieve political mobilisation, and by the same token the role of political opposition was marginalised. However, the dual state character of the political order allowed contradictions to develop that made possible the strengthening of the constitutional state, and with it a greater autonomous representative role for political parties. The accelerated political reforms following the flawed December 2011 parliamentary elections sought to limit the arbitrariness of the administrative regime to permit the emergence of a more genuinely competitive political environment.

The Functions of Political Parties: In Theory and in Malawi

The paper applies the concept of 'party functions' to the case of Malawi. The purpose of the paper is discuss how well our understanding of the roles of political parties in established democracies can be used to study the functioning of political parties in a new democracy where the institutional, social and economic settings are fundamentally different from those in established Western democracies. Some functions, like electoral mobilization, are performed by parties in Malawi as elsewhere. However, functions like candidate nomination and interest aggregation are only partly taken care of by Malawian parties. Most deviating is the role of government formation and the role of opposition where internal divisions some times lead parties to be on both sides at the same time. A major explanation for the deviations in functions is found in the inadequate development of political parties as organizations. Parties also have additional functions as distributors of goods and services to individual and communities.

Витоки позапарламентської опозиції та її роль у демократизації суспільства

This article deals with the role of non-parliamentary opposition in the process of democratic transition. The topic is relevant in view of intensifi cation of mass civil actions in Europe. In the article non-parliamentary structures are investigated as important actors of political and social transformations. On the basis of European political philosophy and practice it is proved that the non-parliamentary opposition is an indication of maturity of civil society, is a negative resistance of mazhoritarizm, and it defi nes the process of democratization of society and so on.

Political opposition and democracy in sub-Saharan Africa

This special issue takes a closer look at the role and meaning of political opposition for the development of democracy across sub-Saharan Africa. Why is it that room for political opposition in most cases is severely limited? Under what circumstances has the political opposition been able to establish itself in a legitimate role in African politics? To answer these questions this special issue focuses on the institutional settings, the nature and dynamics within and between the political parties, and the relationship between the citizens and the political parties. It is found that regional devolution and federalist structures are areas where the political opposition can find room to organize and gain local power, as a supplement to influence at the central level. Important factors behind support for the opposition are a realistic appreciation of the level of democracy, dissatisfaction with corruption and pro-democratic values. Generally, however, opposition parties are lacking in organization and in institutionalization, as well as in their ability to find support in civil society and at promoting the issues that voters find most important. Overall, strong executive powers, unchecked by democratic institutions, in combination with deferential values and fear of conflict, undermine legitimate opposition activity.

People's Exit in North Korea: New Threat to Regime Stability?

As suggested in a growing literature that securitizes the phenomenon of refugee migration and analyzes it as a national as well as a regional security issue, the growing number of North Korean border‐crossers has far‐reaching political implications for both North Korea and the international community. Studies have argued that refugees could contribute significantly to democratic change in their home countries by assisting and actively participating in the struggle of the domestic opposition, even sparking regime instability and eventual regime breakdown. Much of the North Korean refugee research has focused on the human rights issues faced by the refugees, but a largely unexplored area of the refugee research concerns the political consequences of the refugee flight for the current regime in Pyongyang. This article examines whether North Korean refugees are expected to play the role of political opposition in exile by raising the following four questions: (i) Are the refugees political dissidents? (ii) Are they a resourceful critical mass? (iii) Does exit always lead to regime instability? and (iv) Would China and South Korea encourage exile politics against the current North Korean regime? The article contends that the North Korean refugee community does not currently represent a critical mass that can trigger instability of the Pyongyang regime. Most of the North Korean refugees are not political dissidents, nor have they organized into any resourceful critical mass capable of generating a threat to their home country. In addition, people's exit does not necessarily destabilize the regime as it can sometimes yield a positive political effect by driving out dissidents' voices. Furthermore, several of the receiving countries, in particular, China and South Korea, would not encourage exile dissident movements against North Korea for fear of Pyongyang's collapse. The North Korean regime's stability does not seem to be threatened by the current refugee situation, although the potential of refugees becoming a critical threat should not be discounted should people's exit ever reach the point of developing into an uncontrollable mass exodus.

Opposition politics in Malawi: hopeful signs amid the warnings

Across Africa, governments are either peacefully and legitimately ousted, or forced to share power, through the ballot box. In Malawi, the emergence of many political parties since the advent of a multiparty dispensation in 1993 signalled the flourishing of pluralism and opposition politics. However, in the May 2009 elections, the Malawi Congress Party and the United Democratic Front, which constituted the opposition, were largely rejected by the electorate in favour of President Bingu Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), credited for his sound economic policies emulated internationally. The reduced presence in parliament of parties outside of the Democratic Progressive Party coalition is troubling. This development has stimulated debate on the opposition's role and ability to defend democratic governance, and the challenges facing it. On the other hand, the DPP's landslide victory has to some degree demonstrated that it is possible to ‘de-regionalise’ and ‘de-ethinicise’ the configuration and alignment of political interests and forces, confirming for other African countries that the analysis of African politics need not be oversimplified into ethnic and cultural terms as is often the case. This paper contends that democratic governance is promoted by a credible opposition that effectively acts as an alternative government. Therefore, there is need for addressing the major factors that militate against its operations to enable it play its rightful role in Malawi's emerging democracy.

Integration Before Entry?: Immigration Control through Language and Country Knowledge Requirements

This paper sets out to answer two related questions: (1) what is the major motivation behind integration-from-abroad requirements, which include tests and language courses administered at a migrant’s point of origin?, and (2) what accounts for differences between new programs? After considering the significance and empirical differences of pre-entry integration programs in Western European states, I illustrate how mandatory language and country knowledge training from abroad primarily represent a decisive, strategic, and growingly effective instrument for immigration control. I root the political opportunity for integration controls in supranational, EU Directives on Family Reunification and Status of Third Country Nationals. I also look more closely at the Dutch Civic Integration from Abroad exam to show the effects of controls on family-based visa categories and certain nationalities affected by this “integration” test. Following this examination of the Dutch model, I account for differences between state practices by discussing the process of policy learning and the role of domestic blocking factors, including cost, feasibility, and judicial opposition. I conclude that this stratified convergence in immigration policy yields important consequences not only on the immigration experience itself but also a critical rethinking on the role and instrumentalism of integration in contemporary ethnic relations.

Geographic Views on the Nepali Newspaper: An Analysis on Press Prints and Universal Understanding

The profession of newspaper has been becoming more challenging in recent years. In the underdeveloped country like Nepal, media has been misused, misguided and misbehaved. The big publishing house monopolized market. They have influenced in using government facilities and diverting people's attention towards their narrow interest of political nature. In fact, newspaper can play disaster role to destroy political and social system. In the time of people's movement, newspaper has played active role to initiate revolution. Negative news has been diffused much during the People's Movement. Everything good or bad has been criticized. Newspapers often used bombarding words to oppose opposition's role. Similarly, unsocial and inhuman activities have been encouraged by publishing random thoughts and prioritizing their news on attack and crimes. Publication of negative news ultimately hampered the journalist. Standardization of newspaper in the changing context can be achieved by promoting more creative works and encouraging those activities which have reformed the society and also contributed to bring sound development. The society never can go up just reading negative news and anti social news. The journalist needs to reform their vision. They should focus good, encouraging and creative news rather than publishing critical news on harassment to personalities and cool events. Weekly newspaper are playing active role as mouthpiece of their parties and/or school of thoughts. They are neglecting people's aspiration and highlighting one sided thoughts without considering other's ideas and visions. This brought high toll in vandalism in media. Crime is increasing. The value system has been collapsed. People discouraged and country headed towards failure state. Newspaper should work as a watching dog to protect human values, national sovereignty, national unity and identity. Creativity and constructive ideas must be promoted. Narrow and selfish individual never can be a successful journalist. A journalist is also a lawyer and referee. Journalist can play a role of parents to the nation. Freedom for the enrichment of human civilization must be considered. A journalist has great role but never can be a dictator. Journalist is a mediator not ruler. Journalist can make the king not treat himself as a king. Journalist is freedom fighter but restricted to use own freedom. Social norms and values, academic conscience and humanistic attitude control them. To promote society, journalist should encourage literature, music and art. Without enriching them, man becomes beast. To promote development, journalist has to cooperate to disseminate new creative and constructive ideas. Too much criticism is fatal. It may boomerang. Critical thinking is essential but it should be for the betterment of situation not to bring worst condition in the life of the people and country. In my observation, maturity is lacking in the contemporary Nepali newspaper. The situation will improve soon because young journalist is emerging and they are in learning process. Their learning certainly will teach to guide the betterment of the society and bring fruitful development in the nation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ttp.v5i0.1949 The Third Pole, Vol. 5-7, PP 1-27:2007

Locating ‘power’ in wind power planning processes: the (not so) influential role of local objectors

There have been conflicting accounts of the role and influence of local opposition within planning application outcomes for wind power developments. There is an expanding literature that considers public responses to proposed renewable energy developments and much of this suggests that public opposition is a key factor in the slow growth in renewable energy capacity. However, this paper will show that local opposition groups' power over such planning processes is very limited, and in fact extends only so far as delaying an outcome. Through a thematic content analysis of objection letters to one particular proposed wind power development, the key issues raised in connection with the development will be highlighted. Subsequently, these issues will be compared with those discussed in the official report of the planning appeals process, and it will be shown that the concerns of local objectors had little influence over the eventual verdict.

Small and Divided Parties in Multi-Level Settings: Opportunities for Regional Government Participation, the Case of Izquierda Unida in Spain

Izquierda Unida/United Left (IU) has recently moved from its traditional opposition role to a new governing status. Despite lacking governing experience, having a non-pivotal and non-central ideological position, and displaying high degrees of factionalism, IU managed to establish itself as a governing partner for an array of very different parties. This article examines how the opportunities offered by multi-level institutional systems (such as the Spanish state) allow the leaderships of small, radical and divided parties to overcome their governing inexperience, diversify party goals, counteract factionalism and develop a hinge-party profile.