Role Of Animacy Research Articles

The role of animacy in language production: evidence from bare noun naming.

According to Levelt's language production model, to name an object, speakers must first conceptualise and lexicalise the object before its name can be articulated. Conceptualisation is conducted through the semantic network that exists at the conceptual level, with the highly activated concept(s) activating lexical items at the lemma level, that is, lexicalisation. So far, research focused mostly on semantic categories (i.e., semantic interference) but less so on animacy-a concept that is correlated with semantic categories. To investigate the role of this semantic feature in language production, we conducted a picture-word interference study in Mandarin Chinese, varying animacy congruency and controlling for classifier congruency while recording behavioural and electrophysiological responses. We observed an animacy interference effect together with a larger N400 component for animacy-incongruent versus congruent picture-word pairs, suggesting animacy-congruent concepts may be in closer proximity and hence lead to a stronger spreading of activation relative to animacy-incongruent concepts. Furthermore, a larger P600 component was observed for classifier-incongruent versus classifier-congruent picture-word pairs, suggesting syntactically driven processing of classifiers at the lemma level.

The Role of Animacy in Turkish Relative Clause Production and Distribution.

Relative clause (RC) production has been a major tool used for understanding language production mechanism in experimental linguistics. The present study analyzes language production mechanisms in Turkish by utilizing animacy effect on RC production. A picture description task was applied to two participant groups. The data were combined and analyzed to see how animacy influenced RC formation. The outcomes were also compared to the distributions of RC use in corpus data. Both participant and corpus data demonstrated significant level of passivization for RCs with animate heads, strongly affirming the grammatical function assignment proposal by Bock and Warren (Cognition 21(1):47-67, 1985) as well as the premise of Production-Distribution-Comprehension account (MacDonald in Front Psychol 4:226, 2013), emphasizing the relationship between language production mechanisms and typology. However, the corpus data were observed to have higher numbers of passivization with animate condition. Accordingly, a coarse comparison of the participant RC production proportions in the current study with some other crosslinguistic research suggests that some language-specific or discourse-related interventions can also compete with the animacy accessibility during the sentence planning procedure, which needs an extra inquiry especially in Turkish language.

The binding structure of event elements in episodic memory and the role of animacy.

Experienced events consist of several elements which need to be bound together in memory to represent the event in a coherent manner. Given such bindings, the retrieval of one event element should be related to the successful retrieval of another element of the same event, thus leading to a stochastic dependency of the retrieval of event elements. The way in which bindings are structured is not yet clearly established and only few moderators of the binding of event elements have been identified. We present results from three experiments aiming to distinguish between an integrated binding structure, in which event elements are bound into a unitary representation, and a hierarchical binding structure, in which event elements are preferentially bound to specific types of elements. Experiments 2 and 3 were additionally designed to identify animacy, an entity's property of being alive, as a potential moderator of the binding of event elements. We also offer a new approach for modelling dependencies of the retrieval of event elements which mitigates some limitations of previous approaches. Consistent with previous literature, we found dependencies of the retrieval of event elements if all of an event's constituent associations were shown. We found mixed evidence for integrated or hierarchical binding structures but found dependency of the retrieval of event elements to be sensitive to the presence of animacy in an event. The results suggest that binding structures may vary depending on moderators such as animacy or event structure awareness. Theoretical implications and directions for future research are discussed.

Microvariação na resolução de sujeitos pronominais: português europeu vs. italiano

The present study investigates the resolution of null and overt subject pronouns in intrasentential contexts, considering the role of animacy in antecedent assignment. Participants were 15 native speakers of EP and 14 of Italian. Each language group was administered two multiple choice tasks (speeded and untimed), which had a 2x2 design, crossing the following variables: animacy of the matrix object (animate vs. inanimate) and type of pronominal embedded subject (overt vs. null). Results indicate that there is microvariation in the resolution of overt pronominal subjects in EP and in Italian: the position of the antecedent is the most relevant factor in EP, whereas, in Italian, the animacy of the antecedent is the preponderant factor. Results also show that there is microvariation in the resolution of null subjects (contra previous claims in the literature): the bias for subject antecedents is weaker in Italian than in EP. Possible reasons for the observed microvariation are discussed in detail.

Animacy modulates gender agreement comprehension in Hindi: An ERP study

ABSTRACT The animate–inanimate distinction is of crucial importance cognitively, and animacy has been known to influence language comprehension. However, little is known about the role of animacy in verb agreement processing. The present study employed event-related brain potentials to examine whether the gender agreement of the verb with animate (natural gender) and inanimate (grammatical gender) subject nouns reveal similar or different processing mechanisms in Hindi. Critical stimuli were intransitive sentences of the form subject–verb–aux. Subject nouns were either animate or inanimate, and the verb either showed correct gender agreement or violated it. The violation of gender agreement with animate subjects evoked a P600 effect, whereas gender agreement violation with inanimate subjects revealed a long-latency N400-like effect. The result suggests that different underlying mechanisms are involved in the computation of gender agreement with animate and inanimate arguments in Hindi, illustrating the crucial role that animacy plays in verb agreement processing.

Animacy, Anaphora and Language Change in Swedish

This paper considers the role of animacy in the overt marking of indirect anaphors, i.e., noun phrases (NP), which introduce new discourse referents, that are grounded in the preceding discourse by means of a grounding element, an anchor. The indirect anaphors are considered in a diachronic perspective with reference to the emergent definite article and the variation between the article and other marking elements, in particular possessive pronouns. The study is based on an annotated corpus of Swedish prosaic texts from 1200–1550, which is a period of time when the definite article undergoes the process of grammaticalization in this language. The material was sorted according to the different combinations of the animacy of the anchor and the anaphor.The indirect anaphors which are anchored by means of expressions referring to animate entities show more variation of expression than those expressions referring to inanimate entities at the onset of definite article grammaticalization, but as the grammaticalization progresses, all indirect anaphors are by default expressed by the definite article. This is connected with the ongoing grammaticalization of the definite article and its extended use in new contexts. Keywords animacy; indirect anaphora; language change; definite article; Swedish

Of Beavers and Tables: The Role of Animacy in the Processing of Grammatical Gender Within a Picture-Word Interference Task.

Grammatical gender processing during language production has classically been studied using the so-called picture-word interference (PWI) task. In this procedure, participants are presented with pictures they must name using target nouns while ignoring superimposed written distractor nouns. Variations in response times are expected depending on the congruency between the gender values of targets and distractors. However, there have been disparate results in terms of the mandatory character of an agreement context to observe competitive gender effects and the interpretation of the direction of these effects in Romance languages, this probably due to uncontrolled variables such as animacy. In the present study, we conducted two PWI experiments with European Portuguese speakers who were asked to produce bare nouns. The percentage of animate targets within the list was manipulated: 0, 25, 50, and 100%. A gender congruency effect was found restricted to the 0% list (all targets were inanimate). Results support the selection of gender in transparent languages in the absence of an agreement context, as predicted by the Gender Acquisition and Processing (GAP) hypothesis (Sá-Leite et al., 2019), and are interpreted through the attentional mechanisms involved in the PWI paradigm, in which the processing of animate targets would be favored to the detriment of distractors due to biological relevance and semantic prioritization.

Word order in French: the role of animacy

A major goal of the quantitative study of syntax has been to identify factors that have predictive power on speaker choices in the face of word-order or valence alternations (e.g. Arnold et al. 2000; Bresnan et al. 2007; Bresnan & Ford 2010; Bader & Häussler 2010). In this paper, we study the role of animacy on the order of constituents in French. Animacy has been shown to affect sentence production in other languages, either directly (Feleki & Branigan 1999; Kempen & Harbusch 2004; Tanaka et al. 2011) or indirectly through grammatical role assignment (McDonald et al. 1993). Corpus studies however, have failed to find such an effect in French (Thuilier 2012a; Thuilier et al. 2014). Using a sentence recall task, we examined whether animacy has an impact on linear ordering or on grammatical function assignment. While we do find evidence for a role of animacy in the choice between active and passive voice, we do not find a preference to place animate arguments first with ditransitive verbs nor with nominal coordinations. While these findings tend to support the indirect hypothesis (McDonald et al. 1993; Kempen & Harbusch 2004), we also find what may look like an anti-animacy effect: inanimate direct objects tend to precede animate indirect objects. We propose that canonical mappings between syntactic function and semantic role play a role in putting (inanimate theme) direct objects before (animate recipient) indirect objects, thus overriding the animacy first tendency in French.

The effect of animacy on the elicited production of co-referential objects in brazilian portuguese

O objetivo desse estudo é verificar em que medida o traço de animacidade do antecedente é um fator que contribui na seleção de uma determinada forma para a realização do objeto direto correferencial no curso da aquisição do português brasileiro (PB). Adicionalmente, verifica-se em que medida restrições ao objeto nulo em contexto de ilha sintática, que se aplicam ao português europeu (PE), podem interferir nesse efeito, levando em conta a produção oral e escrita de adultos. Duas tarefas de produção eliciada foram utilizadas: resposta a perguntas-QU e cloze. Os resultados apontam para a relevância de animacidade, independentemente de idade, afetando não só o pronome tônico e o objeto nulo, como o DP completo. Restrições sintáticas ao objeto nulo não se impõem, no geral, no PB, embora possa haver resquícios dessas restrições em decorrência de escolarização.

Structural intervention effects in the acquisition of sluicing

ABSTRACT Experimental studies show that children have greater difficulty with wh-extraction from object position than subject position, arguably an intervention effect (e.g., Relativized Minimality). In this study we provide additional evidence of a S/O asymmetry in A’-dependencies from a novel source—sluicing. The results of our first comprehension study show that English-speaking 3–6-year-olds obey the “identity condition” on sluicing—that is, they disallow interpretations in which the elided verb or arguments are distinct from their antecedent. Importantly, our results also show a subject > object asymmetry and thereby support syntactic theories of sluicing that posit a fully articulated (but unpronounced) TP at the ellipsis site from which the wh-phrase has been extracted, e.g., Someone wrote this paper, but I don’t know who <_ wrote this paper>, as opposed to certain semantic/pragmatic theories that posit no such structure. Our second comprehension study investigates the role of animacy. We find that children’s comprehension of object sluices, but not subject sluices, improves significantly when there is a mismatch in animacy features. Our results are incompatible with models that are solely frequency based but rather provide evidence for structure-based intervention effects. We conclude that subject > object asymmetries can be found even in instances in which the intervener is not overt, such as sluicing, and that [animacy] may be a feature involved in the computation of intervention.

The role of animacy in metaphor processing of Mandarin Chinese: An Event-Related Potential (ERP) study

Abstract Many ERP studies have highlighted processing difficulty for animacy violation in language, more so than non-violated sentences. However, all of these findings were for non-figurative language, and studies have rarely looked at the figurative language, such as metaphors involving animacy violation, which could be integrated to make novel and acceptable meaning. The present study aimed at assessing the role of animacy in metaphorical comprehension of Mandarin Chinese. ERPs were recorded as healthy participants read metaphor or literal sentences with animate or inanimate actors as sentence-initial noun, while the target words were measured at the verb and the second argument (object) of the sentences with subject-verb-object (SVO) structure. As expected, the animacy violations elicited a significant N400 effect by the target verb in the metaphor with inanimate initial-nouns. At the objects, the N400 amplitudes associated with metaphors were not regulated by animacy. Subsequently, the analysis revealed a significant difference in the P600 amplitudes between inanimate and animate metaphorical conditions. The metaphors with inanimate actor elicited an attenuated P600 as compared with the animate counterparts and converged to the same level as literal sentences, reflecting the less effortful metaphor-relevant mapping process. These results suggest that animacy violation may facilitate the integration of the reanalysis stage for metaphorical comprehension, and the conflict strength (animacy violation vs. no animacy violation) modulates the time course of metaphor processing in Mandarin Chinese. The present study yields new insights into the role of animacy in the online linguistic comprehension.

The Role of Animacy in Children's Interpretation of Relative Clauses in English: Evidence From Sentence-Picture Matching and Eye Movements.

Subject relative clauses (SRCs) are typically processed more easily than object relative clauses (ORCs), but this difference is diminished by an inanimate head-noun in semantically non-reversible ORCs ("The book that the boy is reading"). In two eye-tracking experiments, we investigated the influence of animacy on online processing of semantically reversible SRCs and ORCs using lexically inanimate items that were perceptually animate due to motion (e.g., "Where is the tractor that the cow is chasing"). In Experiment 1, 48 children (aged 4;5-6;4) and 32 adults listened to sentences that varied in the lexical animacy of the NP1 head-noun (Animate/Inanimate) and relative clause (RC) type (SRC/ORC) with an animate NP2 while viewing two images depicting opposite actions. As expected, inanimate head-nouns facilitated the correct interpretation of ORCs in children; however, online data revealed children were more likely to anticipate an SRC as the RC unfolded when an inanimate head-noun was used, suggesting processing was sensitive to perceptual animacy. In Experiment 2, we repeated our design with inanimate (rather than animate) NP2s (e.g., "where is the tractor that the car is following") to investigate whether our online findings were due to increased visual surprisal at an inanimate as agent, or to similarity-based interference. We again found greater anticipation for an SRC in the inanimate condition, supporting our surprisal hypothesis. Across the experiments, offline measures show that lexical animacy influenced children's interpretation of ORCs, whereas online measures reveal that as RCs unfolded, children were sensitive to the perceptual animacy of lexically inanimate NPs, which was not reflected in the offline data. Overall measures of syntactic comprehension, inhibitory control, and verbal short-term memory and working memory were not predictive of children's accuracy in RC interpretation, with the exception of a positive correlation with a standardized measure of syntactic comprehension in Experiment 1.

The Role of Animacy and Structural Information in Relative Clause Attachment: Evidence From Chinese.

We report one production and one comprehension experiment investigating the effect of animacy in relative clause attachment in Chinese. Experiment 1 involved a fill-in-the-blank task that manipulated the order of an animate noun phrase in a complex NP construction. The results showed that while low attachment responses exceeded high attachment responses overall (cf. Shen, 2006), a tendency exists to attach a relative clause to an animate NP in Chinese (cf. Desmet et al., 2002). Experiment 2 used a rating task to examine the interplay between animacy and structural information by manipulating the order of the animate NP as well as the relative clause type (i.e., subject vs. object relative clauses). The results showed that the animate NP modification tendency found in Experiment 1 was limited to subject-relative clauses and that no animacy-related effect was found with object-relative clauses. These results are incompatible with purely structural parsing strategies such as Late Closure (Frazier, 1987) and the Predicate Proximity Principle (Gibson et al., 1996). Instead, the current results suggest that attachment ambiguity resolution in Chinese relative clauses is sensitive to animacy as well as structural information.

Asimetrías gramaticales asociadas a la animacidad en la lengua vasca: una perspectiva tipológica / Animacy-based grammatical asymmetries in Basque: a typological perspective

This study provides a typological analysis of two phenomena related to case-marking in Basque. In both of them, animacy —or the distinction between what is animate and what is not— turns out to be determinant: we discuss case assignment to direct objects, on the one hand, and marking of locative cases, on the other hand. We have compared the two phenomena with diverse typological parallels in order to account for the variety of possible morphological strategies and identify particular conditions and restrictions. Furthermore, we have argued that differential object marking in Basque is a recent phenomenon, induced by language contact, whereas differential locative marking has an intralinguistic nature. Finally, we have defended that the role of animacy in both types of differential marking is different: in the first example it conditions case assignment and in the second it operates as a grammatical gender.

The processing of animacy in noun-classifier combinations in reading Korean: An ERP study

A key issue in the area of language processing is the mechanism underlying the processing of animacy information during sentence comprehension. In this ERP study, we investigated the temporal dynamics of animacy processing in Korean noun-classifier combinations that do not involve verb-noun thematic processing. We manipulated semantic and animacy relationships between nouns and their following classifiers, and there were three conditions in our experiment: (a) correct, (b) semantic mismatch, or (c) animacy mismatch. The results showed that both noun-classifier mismatch conditions evoked a biphasic N400-P600 effect, but there was no P600 difference between the two mismatch conditions. However, further analyses indicated that the animacy mismatch condition evoked a less negative-going waveform than the semantic mismatch condition in the 400–500 ms time window. Our findings suggest that the brain processes animacy information differently from other semantic features in noun-classifier combinations in Korean, and additional animacy mismatch blocked further fine-grained semantic processing. The ERP evidence also suggests that the role of animacy in sentence comprehension varies according to language type and sentence structure. Whether animacy participates in the construction of verb-noun thematic relationships in sentences may be an important factor that influences the neural patterns of animacy processing in language comprehension.

The role of animacy and language proficiency in the comprehension of English restrictive relative clauses by Iranian EFL learners: an emergentist approach

Following an emergentist approach, the authors examined the comprehension of four different types of restrictive relative clauses (direct object/oblique vs. subject/indirect object) with animate/inanimate referents by Iranian EFL learners. To this end, an Oxford placement test and two sets of comprehension tests within a week’s interval were administered. Of the two comprehension tests, one was used to examine the comprehension of direct object/oblique RC’s with inanimate NP referents, and the other one investigated the understanding of subject/indirect object RC’s with animate referents. The results of the first comprehension test showed that there was no significant difference in the comprehension of direct/oblique RC’s with inanimate referents. But the result of the second comprehension test showed their better performance in the subject RC’s than indirect object RC’s with animate referents. The findings of the experiments showed that animacy influenced the processing difficulty of relative clauses which can be considered as a significant reasoning for these preferences or equalities. Current significant theories of relative clause processing can account for these results when additional assumptions are introduced showing that the possibility of semantically driven cues can be considered as a serious alternative.

The Role of Animacy in the Acquisition of Ergative Verbs by Japanese Learners of English

The Role of Animacy in the Acquisition of Ergative Verbs by Japanese Learners of English

Exploring interactions between semantic and syntactic processes: The role of animacy in syntactic priming

The current study addressed the relation between syntactic and semantic processes during language production in 5- and 6-year-old children. A priming paradigm was used to examine children’s production of passives in describing transitive scenes (target pictures) following exposure to the experimenter’s sentences (primes). The key question was whether the tendency to repeat the syntactic form of the prime was affected by the animacy features in the prime and the target picture. In Experiment 1, children heard either passive or active primes with varied animacy configurations (e.g., animate patient/inanimate agent vs. inanimate patient/animate agent). The animacy features of the prime matched those of the target. Similar to prior studies, results showed a greater use of passives following passive, as opposed to active, primes. Critically, the difference between the two priming conditions varied as a function of animacy; it was larger when the prime and the target included an animate patient/inanimate agent than with the reversed animacy. In Experiment 2, the animacy configuration of the prime either matched or did not match that of the target. Results showed a greater likelihood of producing a passive when the target picture contained an animate patient versus an inanimate patient, and this effect was stronger when the prime had the same animacy features. The findings indicating that syntactic priming is moderated by animacy are discussed in the broader context of understanding the role of semantics in guiding the choice of syntactic structure.

Genitive Variation in Old English Verse with Special Attention to Beowulf

Proper noun genitives and possessive pronouns occur more frequently in postnominal position than common noun genitives in Beowulf and in many Old English (OE) verse texts. This is the opposite of patterns seen in most OE prose texts; however, the word order variation in this text correlates with such linguistic factors as animacy and morphosyntactic weight. Postnominal position is most common for proper noun genitives and possessive pronouns when both the possessive element and the head noun are animate. With inanimate heads, prenominal proper noun genitives and possessive pronouns are preferred. These findings are consistent with predictions made by the animacy hierarchy that more animate nouns should precede less animate nouns, with more variation possible in the case that both nouns are animate. For noun phrases (NPs) with common noun genitives, both animate genitives and compound head nouns result in higher frequencies of postnominal genitive position. Metrical and alliterative considerations are further shown to have an impact on possessive position within NPs; however, these poetic factors alone do not account for all of the word order variation. Language change related to the role of animacy in adnominal genitive position is argued as a contributing factor in this variation, given the elevated levels of postnominal proper noun genitives and possessive pronouns relative to postnominal common noun genitives across OE verse, as well as higher levels of postnominal proper noun genitives in certain early OE prose texts, and finally similarities in adnominal genitive position in Beowulf and historical Germanic languages other than OE. As animacy of the possessor is widely held to correlate with prenominal genitive position from the OE period onward, these findings complicate that picture for the earliest OE.

The role of animacy in Chinese relative clause processing

Two experiments investigated Chinese relative clause processing by manipulating the animacy of the head noun phrases in the matrix clause (hereafter called head NPs) and in the embedded clause (hereafter called relative-clause-internal NPs) in a self-paced reading paradigm. Experiment 1 showed that subject-modifying object relative clauses (S-ORCs) were easier to process than subject-modifying subject relative clauses (S-SRCs) under animate–inanimate configuration (animate relative-clause-internal NPs and inanimate head NPs), but S-SRCs were easier to process than S-ORCs under inanimate–animate configuration (inanimate relative-clause-internal NPs and animate head NPs). Experiment 2 showed that object-modifying object relative clauses (O-ORCs) were easier to process than object-modifying subject relative clauses (O-SRCs) under both animacy configurations. These results suggest that animacy configuration of the relative-clause-internal NPs and the head NPs plays an important role in Chinese relative clause processing. These results can be explained by thematic fit accounts.