Role In Iraq Research Articles

Effect of Training on the Construction Project Performance Using System Dynamic

The sector of construction is important for the country's economic, community, and ecological agendas and therefore takes an important role in Iraq's future; managers of the project are in charge of activities planning and coordinating, and at the same time, obtaining the best charge, period, resources of the human and material so that objectives of the predetermined project are finally gotten. Hence, it is productivity can be increased if the skills of the managers of the projects are improved the paper aims to determine the effect of training on the project's performance in terms of both time and quality to obtain the causal effect on the projects. The paper's methodology consists of a questionnaire distributed to 140 experts in different sectors to obtain the problem that affects the time and quality of the projects and then analyze these problems using the system dynamic technique. Depending on the effort of the research, the subsequent assumptions can be utilized: The training system in Iraqi construction is very weak and very negligible and doesn't contain any supervision Most of the engineers are not multidiscipline, and even if they work on the other discipline, the luck the principle of it. The nature of the construction industry in Iraq tends to use traditional methods in construction and refuses to use modern techniques. There are a series of shortages in communication between different disciplines and that creates a gap that leads to becoming an obstacle in the front of project completion.

THE AMERICAN ROLE IN IRAQ AFTER THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP

American roles and policies in Iraq and the Middle East region differed according to historical stages. But the constants remain the same according to American foreign policy strategies in the Middle East region in general and Iraq in particular, as the United States of America looks at the Middle East region according to three main goals: 1- Maintaining the continuity of political systems and moderate and allied governments that preserve American interests in the region. 2- Ensuring the access of oil to it 3- Ensuring the security and survival of Israel. Accordingly, the American president has the right to exercise his role within these frameworks, even if his methods and tools differ from those of other presidents. Since every new American president adapts to the goals he seeks to achieve during his presidency, the American role after the administration of President Trump in Iraq has changed from that role and policy followed by US President Joe Biden after winning the 2020 elections. In order to learn about the most prominent features of the American role in Iraq after the administration of President Donald Trump, the topic of the study was chosen, which dealt

Oil Pipeline Leak Detection in Iraqi Oil Fields based on 1DCNN

The oil industry plays a crucial role in Iraq's economy. There's a growing need for technologies that can quickly detect leaks in oil pipelines because leaks can have serious ramifications, including monetary losses, endangerment to public safety, environmental degradation, and resource waste. Advances in technology and software have made it possible to detect leaks. Current approaches often require manual extraction of features, which can be slow and inefficient. This paper presents a new method that proposes using convolutional neural networks (CNNs) for automatic feature extraction. The Iraqi Ministry of Oil, specifically the Basra Oil Company, provided the dataset, such as total distance (km), pressure (bar), and flow rate (STB/d). We split the data into training (70%) and testing (30%) sets. then we calculate metrics such as confusion matrices, accuracy, precision, recall, and F-score to evaluate performance and calculate errors from the regression analysis (root mean square error, root mean absolute error, and relative error). Our contribution to this work is to use 1DCNN to identify leaks, pinpoint their location, and even predict the amount of spilled oil, unlike other research that only uses it to evaluate the presence or absence of a leak only. Additionally, we've created a user-friendly interface for the system. Finally, compare the proposed approach with conventional and alternative methods to show its efficiency. In the future, we plan to expand the system to assess pipeline corrosion and predict its remaining lifespan.

Iraqi National Energy Strategy for Oil and Gas Production: Analysis of Challenges

In this article, Authors try to analyze to limit the range of points that we will be exposed to within the limits of the possibility of implementing programs productivity and export. The effects of development associated with execution of Iraqi energy strategy. And it will be exposure, in this field, to explain Internal and External Challenges. Internal Challenges classified in two directions. A first one relates to the expected development of the Oil Infrastructure and its adequacy to implement the elements of the production/export strategy. A second one relates to the consequences of Energy policies and public policies in the possibility of achieving economic diversification or not. An External Challenge related to the ability or possibility of marketing the quantities of oil to be exported from Iraq in light of the balance Global supply and demand for energy and the role of Iraq in the Petroleum Exporting Countries Organization – OPEC.

The Role of the Gulf in Iraq after 2017

The commentary analyzes the role of the Gulf in Iraq after 2017 in light of the complex process of Gulf-Iraqi relations from 2003 to 2017. Furthermore, it examines the repercussions of the Gulf crisis, and analyzes the dimensions of the development of the relationship. The study presents a future vision for the relationship in light of a set of determinants related to the Iraqi political reality, Gulf foreign trends, and the impact of the variables affecting the Gulf's role in Iraq.

Reasoned Decision as a New Horizon of Good Administration in Iraq

The reasoned decision principle is a modern addition to the principles of natural justice. It gives individuals the right to know why particular decisions have been made against them. Generally, administrative authorities have no obligation in Iraq to issue reasoned decisions unless expressly required by legislation. The purpose of writing this article is to examine the implications of the broad discretionary powers exercised by Iraq’s administrative authorities, to what extent the reasoned decision principle can serve as a mechanism for controlling such powers and the role of Iraq’s administrative judiciary in this regard. This article uses a qualitative, analytic research method that engages with material from primary and secondary sources. The study results indicate that the expansive discretionary powers enjoyed by Iraq’s administrative authorities lead to abuses of individual rights and freedoms. Moreover, the embryonic state of Iraq’s administrative judiciary and the absence of appropriate legislation impedes effective judicial control over administrative arbitrariness. This study argues for legal transformations to limit the scope for discretion and abuses by requiring Iraq’s administrative authorities to provide reasoned decisions and to strengthen the administrative judiciary in curtailing their excesses. The novelty offered by the authors in this article is that it articulates the value of the reasoned decision principle as a tool for checking the arbitrary exercise of discretionary powers and enables the determination of the right balance between individual and public interests in Iraq.

Kurdish Participation in the Parliamentary Life and Their Stance Towards the Iraqi Constitution

The Kurds played a vital role in different fields of the Iraqi political life since the beginning due to their historical and cultural existence and role in Iraq. This can be seen clearly in their participation in the Iraqi political life and tableau since the establishment of that country and the inauguration of the first legislation council in 1924 which was called the “Constituent Assembly”. The Kurds were represented in that time by a group of great enlightened people in addition of the tribal chiefs. The political activity at that time concentrated on developing the process of education, public services, and improving the life status of the Kurdish people within the Iraqi state and its directions. But they had their special stances about the Kurdish liberation armed movements and in this respect, they focused upon the humanitarian cases and ways of respecting and treating them. Despite that, some of them did not believe in armed movements at all and they regarded such movements as rebellions against the government.  Some other members of the parliament, however, had strong and clever opinions that aimed at unifying the stance of the Kurds and they tried recurrently to put forward the Kurdish case during the parliament sessions. They even submitted memoranda to the prime minister and the League of Nations asking for the rights of the Kurds in southern Kurdistan. As a proof for their active role, the then King appointed twenty members for the House of Lords some of whom were Kurds.  &nbsp

Economic Dimension in Iran’s Foreign Policy Towards Iraq: 2003–2020

This study aims to explain the role of the economic dimension of Iran’s foreign policy toward Iraq between 2003 and 2020. The study shows that after the U.S. occupation of Iraq in 2003, there were fundamental shifts in the structure of Iraqi power and identity and a change in geopolitics in the Middle East. The structure of political actors in power has shifted from Arab Sunni-Shiite to Shiite-Kurdish, and this has led to the transformation of Iraqi identity from an Arab-Sunni political identity to Iranian Shiite identity, providing Iran with an opportunity for influence and strengthening its regional role in Iraq. The study has concluded that since 2003, Iran has been able to expand its dominance over the Iraqi regime and the country’s economy through its firm policy in Iraq by signing agreements and contracts in various productive sectors that guarantee a considerable share of Iraq’s sovereign wealth.

Khadija al-Hadithi and her scientific role in Iraq

عُرفت خديجة الحديثي بحبها لعلم اللغة العربية فكانت ظاهرة متميزة وجادة في العلم والثقافة العربية، ولدت في محافظة البصرة حاضرة من الحواضر العريقة والمهمة في تاريخ النحو العربي وواحدة من مراكز الحركة الفكرية والعلمية، ظهرت فيها مدرسة البصرة النحوية ، وبتشجيع من أسرتها التي ايقنت ان المرأة قادرة على المساهمة في الإبداع والبحث العلمي حالها حال الرجل ولَم تخلق للبيت فقط،أكملت خديجة الحديثي دراستها في جامعة بغداد، وحصلت على درجة الماجستير والدكتوراه من جامعة القاهرة. تأثرت خديجة اثناء دراستها بأجواء البصرة التاريخية، لذلك اختارت في دراستها العالم اللغوي سيبويه الذي عاش في البصرة ووضع أسس مدرستها النحوية.
 درَّست علوم النحو والصرف في الجامعات المحلية والعربية، كتبت اكثر من ثلاثة وعشرين بحثاً ، وناقشت وأشرفت على العديد من الرسائل والاطاريح الجامعية، حققت نخبة من اهم كتب التراث العربي واللغوي، فاصبحت حياتها حافلة بالمؤلفات والانجازات الاكاديمية والمعرفية في علوم اللغة العربية.
 تعد خديجة الحديثي مدرسة مهمة في النحو وهي بحق بنت امام النحاة سيبويه، درست وأفنت عمرها لتقدم لنا سيبـــــــــويه، وفتحت الأبواب لدخول محـــــــــرابه بعـــــــد ان كانت مؤصدة، فقدمت صورة واضحة للتعليل النحوي منذ نشأته إلى نضوجه واستقراره في أغلب المؤلفات النحوية لسيبويه فأصبحت عطاء حافز للابداعات العلمية ومسيرة من العمل الاكاديمي الدوؤب.

The Origins of the Syrian Conflicts

The Origins of the Syrian Conflicts

The Roots of the Sadrist Movement: Muhammad al-Sadr, Religious Authority, and Sociopolitical Practice

Based on Ba'th Party archival records, interviews, and secondary sources, this article aims to reconstruct and contextualize the story of Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, the Shi'i cleric who led a grassroots religious movement in the 1990s that still plays a major role in Iraq. The article argues that the Sadrist movement and its project of social Islamization were a result of Sadr's enlistment of grassroots support to challenge his rivals in the Shi'i religious field during a leadership vacuum amid the decline of the clerical establishment's influence.

Fragmentation and Grievances as Fuel for Violent Extremism: The Case of Abu Musa’ab Al-Zarqawi

Violent extremism naturally benefits from any state of fragmentation. This article focuses on Iraq in a period of a staggering rise in terrorist attacks that started with “operation Iraqi Freedom.” The rhetoric of Abu Musa’ab Al-Zarqawi is used as a case study. Analyzing his statements between 2003 and 2006 shows his weaponization of the concepts of out-groups and threat; it is shown to have a temporaneous association between the escalating violence and successful mobilization. This highlights the saliency of these concepts, the crucial role of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs’ grievances, and the resulting societal fragmentations, which all play in Zarqawi’s efforts to mobilize his in-group. The use of Social Identity Theory and Integrated Threat Theory outlines Zarqawi’s rhetorical strategies in portraying his enemies, and therefore, exposes the rhetorical justifications behind his violent extremism. Results show, temporally, prominent implementation of out-group/threat in the rhetoric, the different out-groups in question, and the types of threats portrayed. In addition, this article concretely shows the effect of the allied forces/Iraqi government’s policies in fortifying Zarqawi’s rhetoric by way of adopting hostile and discriminatory measures against Sunni Arabs. This article also shows an undeniable dialectical relationship between societal fragmentation/grievances and violent-extremist rhetoric and returns the question to policy makers.

Bahauddin Nouri Al-Shirawani his life and political role in Iraq 1897-1960

Addressing the studies of contemporary history of Iraq through the personalities that contributed in directing the course of its historical events politically and militarily, is one of the important faces to study the history of Iraq and in line with the "History from above" approach. Based on this, the research titled "Bahauddin Nouri al-Shirawani his life and political role in Iraq 1897-1960" is an attempt to establish this method by studying the figures, and draw a clear picture of one of the heroes of the Iraqi army and their political and military role. The research included an introduction, two axes or topics, conclusion as well as a list of sources.

Hitler's Policy Towards Iraq 1933-1945

This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.

Sheikh Mohan Al-Khair Allah: His Life and Political Impact in Iraq1890-1956

The Iraqi figures, especially the clan ones, who appeared on the political stage during the last Ottoman era (1869-1918) and the beginning of the British occupation and the royal era (1925-1958) received great attention from researchers. These researchers shed light on the role of these personalities in the events that Iraq witnessed, but there are other clan figures who did not receive the required attention. Among them is Sheikh Mohan Al-Khairallah, the sheikh of the Al-Shuwailat clan, who was described as a “bully” in the House of Representatives, as he was a member of it for more than two-thirds of the electoral cycles, and who also played a prominent role in Thawrat Aleishreen. The research entitled" Sheikh Mohan Al-Khairallah, his life and political role in Iraq (1890-1956)" includes an introduction and two sections. The first section deals with his personality and social formation, and the second section aims to know his political impact. The conclusion sums up the findings.

Iraq's alternatives in light of the challenges surrounding the security of the Arabian Gulf: the challenges of security of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz

The Arab Gulf region in particular, and with it the entire Arab region in general, is witnessing multiple challenges and conflicts, escalating, in a way that reflects the presence of overlapping in the dimensions: internal, regional and international, which imposes important effects on Iraq.
 Iraq is part of the Arab Gulf region, and it interferes with it: historically, geographically, ethnically, and politically. It cannot be overlooked that Iraq was in historical stages that was considered the dominant force in this region, especially in the stage of the civilization’s dominance before the role of Iraq and its place in civilization declines.
 Today, the region is witnessing multiple challenges, which began with the escalation of regional sectarian political events associated with the event of the occupation of Iraq, with a tendency to disturb the regional balance due to the dismantling of the capabilities of Iraq, and the matter came to the loosening of regional conflicts due to what the region is going through, and the perspective of the active forces in it, which has overcome the perspective The struggle for cooperation.
 The entry or presence of the international worker in the regional conflicts in the Arab Gulf region caused the intensity of the conflicts to multiply instead of settling them, and Iran has presented on more than one occasion that it has the capabilities to implement the option of closing the Strait of Hormuz or impeding the freedom and safety of maritime navigation in international waters in the Arabian Gulf, And the matter was not related to the US sanctions regime on Iran in the year 2018 and beyond, but it is before it.
 
 
 The Iranian threat to close the Strait of Hormuz at the very least, or any development in the regional conflict in the region, can damage the interests of Iraq and its security, for two reasons: First, most of Iraq’s trade passes through the waters of the Persian Gulf, and the second is that there is an overlap between Iraq and peoples and countries The region, and just as sectarianism moved from Iraq to the region after 2003, the Gulf conflict and tension can move into Iraq or affect Iraq’s policy.
 Iraq should search for political alternatives that help it in dealing with the developments of the conflict in the Arab Gulf region. Perhaps this research presents some of the options and alternatives that can help the Iraqi decision-maker, if there is an important development in the Gulf-Western conflict with Iran

Iraq and the European Union towards a Strategic Partnership

The Iraq's relations with the European Union countries of the oldest and surest Iraq's foreign relations, in spite of the damage to those relationships during certain time periods, and sometimes degradation several considerations, they quickly return to normal, the importance of Iraq's strategy for European countries on the one hand, and interest in Iraq, the European its relations On the other hand .
 The EU played an important role in Iraq in the era after 2003, through important political relations with the Iraqi government, and try to achieve a real partnership in the political, economic and cultural fields, and interested in EU areas of human rights, and civil society organizations, and strengthen the Iraqi security capacity and we will try in this Find the study of the positions of the European Union countries of Iraq, and then try the European Union and Iraq to establish a strategic partnership between them.

The Battle of Sha’iba, 1915: Ottomanism, British Imperialism and Shia Religious Activism during the Mesopotamian Campaign

ABSTRACTThis article analyses relations among the Ottoman Empire, British imperialism and Shia religious proto-nationalism in the period before and after the battle of Sha’iba of 1915, one of the pivotal engagements of the Mesopotamian campaign. It illustrates how the narrow victory of the British at the battle led them to draw a number of over-optimistic conclusions regarding their role in Iraq and their ability to co-opt the Arabs of the province against their ‘Turkish’ overlords. The victory at Sha’iba and in particular the ambivalent role played by a number of the Arab mujahidin volunteers led the British to conclude that there had never been any real enthusiasm for the jihad declared by the Ottomans against the British occupiers. However, this was based on the false perception that lack of commitment to Ottomanism could be equated with sympathy for British imperialism. In particular, the British failed to recognise that the Ottoman summons to jihad had strengthened the developing forms of Shia proto-nationalist consciousness led by various mujtahids influenced by the Iranian Constitutional Revolution.

The Iraq war in the context of global capitalism

Abstract The 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 occupation of Iraq were central to US global strategy to dominate global capitalism after the fall of the Soviet Union. The United States dealt with perceived challenges to its domination through conquest. The Middle East has been central to US global strategy to maintain control of Western Europe and in its rivalry with its two main competitors, the Russian Federation and China. Developing crises in global capitalism exposed the United States to instability in its global position, which it countered by invading and destabilizing Middle Eastern states. The following questions present themselves: What is the relationship between the crises of capitalist globalization and US global strategy? In what way is the Middle East central to US global strategy and instrumental in meeting the challenges posed by its rivals and competitors, the Russian Federation, China, the European Union and Iran? What role has Iraq played in this strategy? Attempting to answer these questions would go a significant way in assessing the US role in Iraq and the Middle East.

Changing Turkish foreign policy towards Iraq: new tools of engagement

This article proposes that Turkey's foreign policy towards Iraq changed radically after 2007, in response to external challenges and domestic developments. The article analyses how Turkey's role in Iraq has changed on two different levels: firstly, in terms of increased activism and diplomatic engagement, and secondly, in terms of its increased economic involvement, using trade and foreign direct investment as foreign policy tools. These two different modes of engagement have transformed Turkey into a visible player in Iraq.