Ritual Prayer Research Articles

The Grammatical Blunders of Qurʾān Reciters: Zallat al-qāriʾ by Abū Ḥafṣ al-Nasafī (d. 537/1142)

Jurists require Muslims to acquire a basic level of literacy in order to recite the Qurʾān during ritual prayers. For the educated elites, scholars, and in particular leaders of congregational prayers (imām), the expectation is the correct articulation of Arabic letters and adherence to grammatical rules. To that end, Ḥanafī jurists have developed some regulations, which attempt to identify the errors one may or may not commit during ritual prayers. These regulations are calledZallat al-qāriʾ, namely, the grammatical blunders of Qurʾān reciters.Zallat al-qāriʾidentifies these errors and distinguishes between those that would invalidate prayer and those that would not. In this article, I discuss whether a solecist (lāḥin/laḥḥān) was considered eligible to becomeimāmand lead congregational prayers. I then discuss the subject ofZallat al-qāriʾand its theological implications for understanding the nature of the Qurʾān and its composition (naẓm). Finally, I conclude with an edition of a treatise by Abū Ḥafṣ al-Nasafī (d. 537/1142) titledZallat al-qāriʾand a summary of its contents.

The Shema in the Second Temple Period

The precise historical moment when Deut 6 (Shema Israel) was transformed into a prayer ritual is uncertain and a matter of scholarly debate. It is generally assumed that by the time of the Mishnah’s redaction (ca. 200 C. E.), the recitation of the Shema was already a standardized ritual because the Mishnah refers to it as a well-known practice. Indeed, the Mishnah takes for granted that its audience is so familiar with the prayer that it does not define it at all, but rather delves immediately into detailed discussions of its timing and exceptions that might arise in everyday life. Other sources from the Second Temple period, however, challenge the idea of the antiquity and ubiquity of such a standard prayer ritual composed of biblical verses from Deuteronomy and Numbers. This paper examines a number of key texts from the Second Temple period that seemingly refer to the recitation of the Shema prayer and that have been used by scholars to reconstruct the origins of this liturgical ritual. Through a close reading of four of these sources (the Letter of Aristeas, Philo, the Community Rule, and Josephus), I argue that they might not refer to the practice of the Shema recitation that we know from later rabbinic literature. Rather, they provide us with a lens into the diversity of ways that Deut 6:6–7 – “take to heart these instructions… impress them on your children… recite them when you stay at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you get up” – was understood and fulfilled in the Second Temple period. The Letter of Aristeas describes an act of meditating on God’s works of creation; the Community Rule prescribes daily recitation of laws; Philo emphasizes the instruction of justice; and Josephus frames the obligation as a commandment to commemorate the deliverance out of Egypt twice daily. The particular framing of the Shema ritual that we come to know in the Mishnah might have appropriated and extended the practice of reciting the Shema in the temple (some evidence suggests that the Shema was recited in the temple), but this was only one of the ways in which Deut 6:7 was enacted and fulfilled in the pre-destruction period.

Working-Class Power and Spirituality

Working-Class Power and Spirituality

How Collective Participation Impacts Social Identity: A Longitudinal Study from India

A key issue for political psychology concerns the processes whereby people come to invest psychologically in socially and politically significant group identities. Since Durkheim, it has been assumed that participation in group‐relevant collective events increases one's investment in such group identities. However, little empirical research explicitly addresses this or the processes involved. We investigated these issues in a longitudinal questionnaire study conducted at one of the world's largest collective events—a month‐long Hindu festival in north India (the Magh Mela). Data gathered from pilgrims and comparable others who did not attend the event show that one month after the event, those who had participated (but not the controls) exhibited heightened social identification as a Hindu and increased frequency of prayer rituals. Data gathered from pilgrims during the festival predicted these outcomes. Specifically, perceptions of sharing a common identity with other pilgrims and of being able to enact one's social identity in this event helped predict changes in participants' identification and behavior. The wider significance of these data for political psychology is discussed.

Representing Horror through Ritual: José Revueltas’s Los motivos de Caín

Representing Horror through Ritual:José Revueltas’s Los motivos de Caín Rebecca Janzen José Revueltas’s Los motivos de Caín (1957) is about a US Army deserter, Jack Mendoza, who has fled the US for Tijuana.1 Religious themes, including the obvious allusion to the Biblical account of Cain, as well as modified religious rituals, figure prominently in the text. Los motivos de Caín, moreover, takes place in spaces set apart from everyday life: in Tijuana, in a Mexican barrio in Los Angeles, and in a war zone in Korea.2 In Los Angeles, the novel removes itself from linear time by anachronistically conflating distinct historical events. Then, in Korea, Jack and his fellow soldiers perform the rituals of Bible reading and prayer and allude to the liturgy; in each case, the rituals are explicitly tied to horrible situations even as they transport the characters to another level of existence or meaning. Los motivos de Caín’s distance from previously-held understandings of space and time in Mexico allows it to take place in a ritual space, which, in turn, is reinforced by the novel’s own presentation of religious rituals. This double representation of ritual plays a crucial role in the novel’s exploration of the horrors of war. My study participates in the recent re-evaluation of Los motivos de Caín within Revueltas’s work. Revueltas, an author and political essayist, whose life and work propagated social change and justice, criticized any aspect of Mexico or of Marxism that he found wanting.3 He was so critical of Mexican communism that he was asked to leave the Mexican Communist Party in 1943 (Escalante, “Introducción” xxii).4 The Party reinstated him in 1956, and when Los motivos de Caín was published one year later, it cemented his commitment to the Party (Escalante “Introducción” xxii). Because of the novel’s overt connection to communism, critics have ignored it for many years. Early critics, for instance, called the novel Revueltas’s least impressive, denigrating it as pamphleteering consistent with orthodox Marxism (Ramírez Garrido 43; Slick 60). Recently, however, other critics have analyzed this [End Page 293] explicitly Marxist text and come to more fruitful conclusions. Alejandra Herrera has linked its protagonist Jack Mendoza to the Biblical Cain, and Martín Camps has used theories of pain to illuminate torture scenes in the text. Both schools of thought on the novel agree that it possesses strong religious and Marxist connections. Los motivos de Caín, evokes the story of Cain and Abel. The novel further alludes to the Biblical text through its epigraph from Genesis 4:10-14.5 This outlines the story of Cain, who was condemned by God to walk the face of the earth after he murdered his brother Abel.6 Revueltas, a prominent intellectual familiar with a range of literary and religious texts, wrote for a limited audience already familiar with the account. Los motivos de Caín encourages these readers to identify themselves with Jack Mendoza, who possesses. La turbia conciencia de ser un Caín que ha perdido la memoria, pero que sabe con certeza absoluta que él es el asesino de su hermano aunque ignore cuándo, cómo, dónde, en qué remota edad, o si en este mismo instante, fue cuando cometió el crimen (38). These paratextual and textual clues ground the representation of ritual in the novel, particularly the religious rituals of Bible reading, prayer and liturgy. Rituals, according to Ronald Grimes, occur when characters are intentionally present in a time and space set apart from everyday life and consist of a series of actions, gestures and words that give meaning to awful situations. Rituals surpass both dialogue and language to confront the unspeakable. Victor Turner agrees, stating that rituals take place in border zones between one state and another (84). Catherine Bell adds that rituals evoke experiences of a greater, higher, or more universalized reality – “the group, the nation, humankind [or] the power of God” (158-9). In accordance with these observations, the first ritual, Bible reading in a field in a war zone, evokes the reader’s Midwestern roots; then...

Kenny Clarke and the Desire for More Inclusive “Black Music”

Kenny Clarke and the Desire for More Inclusive “Black Music” Rashida K. Braggs1 (bio) Kenny Clarke was a master drummer, who kept time for greats like Miles Davis. But few have heard of him. Clarke helped invent the bebop style of jazz in 1940s Minton’s Playhouse. Introducing distinctive “klook-mop” counter rhythms, he supported Charlie Parker and Thelonius Monk. But his contribution has faded in jazz histories. Despite this lack of recognition, however, Kenny Clarke was instrumental in disseminating jazz throughout Europe and teaching others to play in bebop and swing styles. In this essay, I explore the role Kenny Clarke played in migrating the music and thus prompting a shift in perceptions of jazz from an authentically black music to a more inclusive music. Throughout his career in the United States, France, and Germany, Kenny Clarke guided this transition as a teacher, mentor, and collaborator; still, his strides toward musical integration occurred alongside persistent racialized difference. Jazz and Racialized Difference “How did it happen that the white musician ended up with the black man’s music? Kenny felt the integration was the worst thing that could have happened. Segregation was a ‘blessing’ because black people had their own business.”2 In 1956, Kenny Clarke was done with the jazz business. He was bitter over how the jazz industry was always controlled by white people, and he was particularly frustrated by white appropriation of black music. At least with [End Page 155] segregated services, he saw a way to rise, but in the current power exchange black musicians were performing but not getting credit or money for their accomplishments.3 So Clarke quit. Rather than work in an industry that financially empowered whites, Clarke chose to stop playing, declining even the requests of Miles Davis.4 He was looking to escape not only a system that ignored black achievement but also a social environment where racism was rampant. This was not his first attempt to avoid limitations and dangers of racial prejudice. When Clarke was drafted into the army during World War II, his treatment in the Deep South led him to go AWOL (Away Without Leave) during his military service in Alabama.5 Later, believing that the Christian faith was not inclusive of blacks,6 Clarke converted to Islam and changed his name to Liaquat Ali Salaam at a time of popularity for groups like the Nation of Islam. However, while he identified in part with the political movements of Malcolm X and black Muslims, he did not promote a political agenda.7 Instead, Clarke’s conversion supported his view of life and he became devout in his daily prayer rituals. Conversion to Islam was also a way of resisting the hypocritical Christian world’s treatment of blacks.8 His decision to change his name to a Muslim name may have also helped him to further resist racial prejudice. Mike Zwerin writes that showing an identification card with a Muslim name could help African Americans negotiate a foreign status; with this code switching came greater cultural capital that was too often denied African Americans.9 All of these life events were signs that Kenny Clarke was frustrated with the racism that so strongly shaped his life and work, and saw escape from the United States as his only way of resisting racialized differences and seeking equality. The promise of a contract with Michel Legrand in France would lift Clarke from his musical funk.10 After his wartime tour in Europe, Clarke had been impressed by the European lifestyle, saying, “I promised myself that I would return as a civilian some day and spend some time there. In fact, the whole European way of life appealed to me. The tempo of life is slow and easy, and the people are not so superficial.”11 From 1956 until his death in 1985, the people would keep him in Europe just as he would bring people together through his music. For Clarke’s move to France was not escapism; rather, his move prompted more diverse, inclusive interactions. The Path to Authentic Jazz: Strengthening the French “Weak Link...

Reintegrative Shaming and a Prayer Ritual of Reintegration in Matthew 18:15–20

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Power of the Spoken Word

Power of the Spoken Word Gus Palmer (bio) According to Walter Ong, in the overwhelming number of spoken languages in the world, possibly tens of thousands, only around 106 have ever been committed to writing to a degree sufficient to have produced literature, and most have never been written at all.1 Of the some three thousand languages spoken that exist today in the world, as few as seventy-eight have a literature. There is yet no way to calculate how many languages have disappeared before writing occurred among those speakers. There are hundreds of languages spoken today that have no writing. Languages are essentially oral in nature worldwide and may perhaps remain that way always. Many language scholars believe the Greek alphabet was invented after the Phoenician alphabetic system around the eighth century bce.2 Before it was written, the Bible was itself an oral recitation.3 William Schniedewind, the Kershaw Chair of Ancient Eastern Mediterranean Studies at ucla, explores when and why the ancient Israelite accounts—once conveyed only orally—came to be written down and attain the status of scripture. There was a cultural shift that occurred in ancient Palestine that democratized the written word and allowed it to gain religious authority in the book we now call “the Bible.” The textualization of ancient Israelite society marked one of the great turning points in human history, namely, the movement from an oral culture toward a written culture.4 Even today, facets of the oral nature of the Bible, or Torah, occur in the sacred readings in religious services. This is in keeping with the reading being vocalized from the reading podium, or bima, to the congregation, who respond at appropriate times. The haftarah (prophetic writings) is read aloud by both bar mitzvah and bat mitzvah [End Page 512] young men and women as a public demonstration of having reached adulthood and joining the adult Jewish community. The vocalized renderings allow the congregation to hear the prophetic reading aloud. It is an engagement of vocalized scriptural readings and an important benchmark in the life of observant Jewish young men and women that is celebrated at two strategic levels: the sacred reading of the selected text aloud and the responsive nature of the congregation. The scriptural reading aloud is a mutual meeting between the reader and his or her listeners. It is a combination of orality and literacy in a dynamic and meaningful way based on historical practice to modern times. Another religious observance in which Jews invoke meaning is the retelling of the exodus of the Hebrew people from Egypt during Passover, when observant Jews reconnect themselves to their humanity, to God, and to the world at large. This occurs during the Passover seder meal when reading the story of the Exodus from the haggadah. The haggadah, meaning “order,” is the text participants at the seder employ to recount the events of the Exodus. The haggadah includes the Exodus story itself, ritual prayers, songs, and the blessings that accompany consumption of the leavened bread, or matzah. The story of the Exodus, in order to manifest itself securely in the minds of Jews, brings together the telling of the events surrounding Jewish history leading up to and after the Exodus. The ancient story attempts to transcend time and distance. The participatory nature within the seder and ritual readings assures the continuation of the people for all time. That is the main theme of the Passover observance. There are many similar religious observances by people the world over. The Passover seder is just one example of how the merging of the spoken word and texts brings about an interplay of the two in a meaningful way. There has always been a combination of speech and written texts not only in religious observances and rituals but also in other communicative situations and settings. It is, however, possible that when writing is applied to otherwise unwritten narratives, something is more or less lost of the original text.5 One obvious aspect is the absence of the participatory nature between speakers and the audience. Since oral production requires listeners, this naturally facilitates the active engagement between two important entities without which no communication...

Disclosure During Private Prayer as a Mediator Between Prayer Type and Mental Health in an Adult Christian Sample

According to Poloma and Pendleton's (J Psychol Theol 19:71-83, 1991) prayer model, there are four prayer types (colloquial, meditative, petitionary, and ritual), all of which have varying associations with mental health. However, few studies have examined what mechanisms explain these associations. The literature demonstrates that disclosing distressing information can improve mental health. Thus, the current study examined self-disclosure as a mediating variable between Poloma and Pendleton's (J Psychol Theol 19:71-83, 1991) prayer types and mental health. It was hypothesized that self-disclosure would mediate the association between prayer types involving meaningful communication with God (colloquial and meditative prayer types) and mental health and would not mediate associations between petitionary and ritual prayer types and mental health. This cross-sectional, online study analyzed data from praying Christian adults (N = 296) to test the hypotheses. As predicted, self-disclosure mediated the positive associations between colloquial and meditative prayer types and mental health. Self-disclosure was not associated with petitionary or ritual prayer and therefore did not mediate the relationships of these prayer types with mental health, as expected. Petitionary prayer had a negative relationship to mental health, while ritual prayer had a positive relationship to mental health. The results indicate that self-disclosure is an important mediator to consider when investigating the associations between private prayer and mental health.

Muslim Prayer and Public Spheres: An Interpretation of the Qurɔānic Verse 29:45

This essay examines the various meanings and efficacies attributed to the Muslim prayer ( ṣalāt) by its practitioners as well as by observers. The key questions that form the main concern of this article are: How is the ritual of prayer brought to life by its practitioners? What constitutes an efficacious prayer? What meanings do observers draw from the practice of prayer among Muslims in diverse localities as well as from their interpretive discourses? The essay brings together ethnographic studies on Muslim practices of prayer and exegetical discourses on what prayer should contribute to the ethical conduct of Muslims in public spheres.

Diabetes @ the Kumbh Mela

AbstractSpirituality is a globally acknowledged concept. It involves belief and obedience to an all powerful force or “God,” who controls the universe and the destiny of man. It involves the ways in which people fulfill what they hold to be the purpose of their lives, a search for the meaning of life and a sense of connectivity to the universe. Can this be better utilized for appreciation of and better management of chronic illnesses? Mahakumbh is a holy Hindu festival, which brings together up to 50 million devotees, every 12 years. The 2-month-long ritual of prayer and fasting occurs at the confluence of the Ganga, Yamuna, and Saraswati rivers, at Allahabad in Northern India. This mammoth festival exposes vulnerability to the diabetic devotees who visit it, while providing opportunity to manage the condition as well. This article discusses both vulnerability and opportunity related to diabetes at the Kumbh Mela.

Performing the nation in anti‐colonial protest in interwar Morocco

AbstractThis article applies a process approach to the study of nationalism, analysing anti‐colonial protest in interwar Morocco to address how and why elite‐constructed national identity resonates for larger audiences. Using Alexander's social performance model to study nationalist contention, it examines how a Muslim prayer ritual was re‐purposed by Moroccan nationalists to galvanise mass protest against a French divide‐and‐rule colonial policy towards Moroccan Berbers that they believed threatened Morocco's ethno‐religious national unity. By looking at how national identity was forged in the context of contentious performances and why certain religious (Islam) and ethnic (Arab) components were drawn on to define the Moroccan nation, this study offers a model for answering why national identity gets defined in specific ways and how the nation gains salience for broader publics as a category of collective identity.

Eysenck's model of personality and prayer: the utility of a multidimensional approach

Previous research has confirmed that psychoticism is the dimension of personality that is fundamental to individual differences in prayer. However, overwhelmingly researchers have employed a single-item prayer measure. It may be that different types of prayer relate to personality differentially. The present aim was to examine the relationship between a multidimensional prayer measure and Eysenck's model of personality to ascertain if personality can be differentially predicted by different types of prayer and to investigate if a multidimensional measure of prayer has utility over a single-item measure. A sample of 282 Irish respondents completed the measure of prayer type and the abbreviated form of the Revised Eysenck Personality Questionnaire. Hierarchical multiple regression showed that ritual prayer was the only significant independent predictor of personality, predicting psychoticism only. Results suggested that a multidimensional measure of prayer has limited utility over a single-item measure.

The Space Between Here and There: The Prophet's Night Journey as an Allegory of Islamic Ritual Prayer

This paper commences with an analysis of Qur'an 17:1, the Prophet's alleged night journey from Mecca to Jerusalem, which it interprets as an allegory of Islamic ritual prayer. By way of this interpretation, the paper subsequently reviews Islam as a particularly spatially oriented religion and proposes a spatial reading of the word ‘Islam’ itself.

Memory And Imagination: The Paschal Triduum Teaching How To Live And How To Die

Memory and imagination, complex activities of the brain, act as the cornerstone for ritual prayer. These brain functions ground us in hope and aid in our discovery of what it means to be human at a deep level. This article explores the ritual of the Paschal Triduum, the Roman Catholic Church's highest expression of faith. It interprets the Triduum as a ritual pilgrimage of memory and hope that reveals a cycle of deep human activity and religious imagination. Drawing insight from the work of Gabriel Moran, the article maintains that the Triduum discloses a profound rhythm of life, namely, showing participants how to live and how to die.

Glimpses of ancient hindu spirituality: areas for integrative therapeutic intervention

There is a paucity of scholarly work on Hindu spirituality in a social work context. For practitioners to be competent when working with Hindus, a deeper understanding of the beliefs and practices that underpin their faith and their use of ancient Indian healing practices when confronted with problems is critical. This paper journeys into Hindu sacred scriptures, prayer and worship rituals, astrology, ayurveda and meditation and explores their potential to create integrative synergies with conventional social work therapy. It also highlights the important role of the Guru in the fabric of Hindu healing and the importance of validating this together with the other realms of Hindu spirituality in practice.

How Women With Advanced Cancer Pray: A Report From Two Focus Groups

To explore the meaning, function, and focus of prayer for patients with advanced cancer, and to identify the effects of prayer on their coping. Qualitative, descriptive design using focus groups. Three cancer centers that are part of a university-affiliated comprehensive cancer network in the northeastern United States. 13 adult, female outpatients receiving active treatment for ovarian or lung cancer. Two semistructured, focus group interviews were conducted. Audiotapes were transcribed verbatim. Data were coded and analyzed using standard content analysis procedures. Prayer and coping. Four themes emerged: finding one's own way, renewed appreciation for life, provision of strength and courage, and gaining a stronger spiritual connection. In addition, praying for others, conversational prayer, petitionary prayer, ritual prayer, and thanksgiving prayer were used most often by participants to cope. The findings support prayer as a positive coping mechanism for women with advanced ovarian or lung cancer. The study provides knowledge about prayer as a source of spiritual and psychological support. Oncology nurses should consider the use of prayer for patients coping with advanced cancer.

Managing Dialectics to Make a Difference: Tension Management in a Community-Building Organization

This article is an ethnographic report of the dialectic tension management practices of a community-building organization called the Nehemiah Group.1 This group unites local churches to serve the community. This three-year participant-observation study documents how group members manage two primary and intertwined dialectic tensions: noncooperation-cooperation and unity-division. Members use multiple practices to manage these tensions and other intertwined tensions: They construct narratives to voice moral issues, to alternate between tension poles to address pragmatic obstacles, to frame tensions as complementary through segmentation, and rely on prayer rituals to reframe tensions. From this analysis, three implications follow: (a) moral narratives serve to construct framing options, (b) a larger discursive history is utilized to create counternarratives, and (c) metadiscursive practices rely on rituals to manage tensions.

Plato and the Talmud (review)

Reviewed by: Plato and the Talmud David Janssens Plato and the Talmud, by Jacob Howland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 282 pp. $68.00. The most important word in this book's title is in (or near) the middle. Indeed, many would argue that it should be "or" instead of "and," since there is an unbridgeable gulf between the theoretical life of free inquiry as exemplified by Plato's Socrates and the practical life of faithful obedience to divine authority as embodied by the Talmudic rabbis. Indeed, the notion of a fundamental incompatibility and even animosity between "Athens" and "Jerusalem" appears to find support in both traditions. Thus, the second-century philosopher Celsus rejects the tenets of both Judaism and Christianity as obscure fables, while asserting that "things are stated much better among the Greeks" (quoted in Origen, Against Celsus, VI.1). Conversely, according to the Babylonian Talmud's famous assertion, "Cursed be the individual who raises pigs, and cursed be the father who teaches his son Greek wisdom" (Tractate Sotah, 49a, quoted [End Page 152] on p. 8). Finally, even the apostle Paul points out the difference, albeit only to stress Christianity's own distinctiveness vis-à-vis the two opponents: "For the Jews require a sign, and the Greeks seek after wisdom: But we preach Christ crucified, unto the Jews a stumbling block, and unto the Greeks foolishness" (1 Corinthians 1:22-23). While the author of the book acknowledges the relative truth of this view, he makes a compelling and well-documented case for not resting satisfied with it. Generally speaking, his approach consists in calling into question the differences and exploring the affinities between the putative contenders. Thus, he argues that the religious faith of the Talmudic rabbis, far from precluding rational enquiry, actually requires and fosters it. And similarly, Socratic dialectic proves to be based on a specific piety that includes an acute awareness of the limits of human reason. In both cases, the critical application of the intellect to the relationship between the human and the divine is an indispensable ingredient to living the good life: "Plato and the rabbis, I maintain, regard thinking that is in the broadest sense theological—that reflects on our relationship to God or the gods, and to human beings in the light of this relationship—as an activity no less sacred than traditional rituals of prayer and sacrifice" (p. 19). And in both cases, what is at stake is promoting an ethos, a way of life that is exemplary, both theoretically and practically. In fact, the clear-cut distinction between the theoretical and the practical dissolves. As the book argues, Plato and the Talmud teach by example: they not only depict distinctive and exemplary figures—Socrates and the prophets—in action, but they also deploy a number of literary devices designed to puzzle and provoke their readers to carefully examine the text, as well as their own lives, in light of the examples. To make this point, the author, who is equally at home in the labyrinth of the Platonic dialogues and in the intricacies of the Gemara, develops a careful and fascinating comparative interpretation of Plato's Apology and Euthyphro and the stories of Honi HaMe'aggel and Elazar in Ta'anit 3. From the latter, it appears that the Talmud accords an important role to prophetic outsiders whose greater intimacy with the divine puts them at odds with the community as well as with the emerging rabbinical tradition. However, this intimacy also enables them both to test, challenge, and criticize divine power and authority and to save the community in times of emergency. In his reading of Plato, on the other hand, the author ably argues that Socrates's philosophizing cannot be properly understood without taking seriously his claim that it is a specific form of piety. His attempt to refute the Delphic oracle's famous assertion springs from a fundamental trust in the veracity of the god: "In brief, Socrates makes it clear that the Delphic oracle arouses, authorizes, and focuses his desire for wisdom, and that it is able to do so only because he [End Page 153] is prepared from the outset to acknowledge...

Why Do Humans Reason Sometimes and Avoid Doing It Other Times?: Kotodama in Japanese Culture

After reading Mercier and Sperber's article (2011), I have two questions in mind: Why do humans reason sometimes, and why do they avoid doing it other times? Let me critically examine Japanese culture as a case in point within two questions. Mercier and Sperber assume that humans reason, but I suspect that humans sometimes do reason and avoid doing it other times. To begin with, authors are right in their agreement with Dawkins and Krebs. Mercier and Sperber directly quote Dawkins and Krebs: Reasoning enables people to exchange arguments that, on whole, make communication more reliable and hence more advantageous .... For communication to be stable, it has to benefit both senders and receivers; otherwise they would stop sending or stop receiving, putting an end to communication itself. (as cited in Mercier & Sperber, 2011, p. 60) Following their own logic, where arguing is considered unbeneficial by senders and receivers, it might function to prevent us from producing reasonable beliefs based on critical reasoning. Given 2011 Greater East Japan Earthquake, I want to think about why Japanese sometimes reason and other times avoid doing so. Arguing or engaging in critical reasoning is a modern act, but old traditions die hard. One such example is kotodama: [A] belief, reflected in earliest Japanese sources, that a sacred power or spirit dwells in of traditional Japanese language. Particularly when expressed in certain forms, such as norito (ritual prayers) or waka poetry, it was believed that of Japanese language could exert a special influence on people, gods, and even course of world. Extreme care thus needed to be taken with to utilize their power properly, for good or for ill. Although notion is similar to beliefs in magical power of found in most traditional societies, it has been employed by some modern Japanese thinkers to explain what they believe are special characteristics of Japanese language and culture. (Campbell & Noble, 1993, p. 834) Although kotodama is a pre-modern concept, it still influences or even controls Japanese people. Izawa (1995) explains that in world where kotodama rules, there is no freedom to choose since they are divided into words inviting good and words inviting bad (p. 24). In such a world, to use a word is to realize what it means at same time. It is called kotoage, or realization of what mean. We are supposed to pray (or wish) for good results to come true not because everything will come true. Therefore, only good kotoage shall be permitted, and bad kotoage shall not be. I do not mean to argue that there are no English expressions against bad or fallacious reasoning. But phrases are rather caveats regarding uncritical reasoning or unsupported claims. For instance, wishy-washy means not having clear and firm ideas or beliefs. Crying wolf indicates frequent lying would decrease speaker's credibility. Whereas doomsayer is a pejorative against person whose perspective is overly pessimistic, self-fulfilling prophecy could have a positive connotation to make one's desire true. They do not serve a social role to discourage or hinder argumentation per se, and, thus, they are qualitatively different from kotodama notion. As a result, Japanese are not trained to argue and reason (Suzuki, 2008). For example, so-called power village, or genshiryoku mura, constructed safety myth of nuclear power plants. According to Daily Yomiuri, it is the nickname for a tight circle of government entities, utilities, manufacturers and others involved in promotion of nuclear power who believe nuclear plants are safe and reject out of hand any opposing views (Nuclear, 2011, p. 1). Thus, despite 1979 Three Mile Island accident in United States and 1986 Chernobyl accident in Soviet Union, nuclear power village maintained that Japanese power plants are fail-safe. …