Risk Factor For Violent Offending Research Articles

Examining traumatic brain injury as a risk factor for violent offending: testing for cognitive and affective mediation

Purpose While prior research has established that traumatic brain injury (TBI) is a risk factor for violent offending, there is little understanding of mechanisms that may underpin this relationship. This is problematic, as a better understanding of these mechanisms could facilitate more effective targeting of treatment. This study aims to address these gaps in the extant literature by examining TBI as a predictor of violent offending and test for mediation effects through cognitive constructs of dual systems imbalance and hostility among a sample of justice-involved youth (JIY). Design/methodology/approach The Pathways to Desistance data were analyzed. The first three waves of this data set comprising the responses of 1,354 JIY were analyzed. Generalized structural equation modeling was used to test for direct and indirect effects of interest. A bootstrap resampling process was used to compute unbiased standard errors for determining the statistical significance of mediation effects. Findings Lifetime experience of TBI was associated with increased violent offending frequency at follow-up. Hostility significantly mediated this relationship, but dual systems imbalance did not. This indicated that programming focused on reducing hostility among JIY who have experienced TBI could aid in reducing violent recidivism rates. Originality/value To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study was the first to identify significant mediation of the relationship between TBI and violent offending through hostility.

PTSD, subsequent violence, and increased focus on trauma-informed care

PTSD, subsequent violence, and increased focus on trauma-informed care

Alcohol use disorder as a risk factor for violent offending and reoffending in delinquent women with substance use disorders

Female gender is generally less associated with aggressive behavior and violent offending than male gender. Therefore, most studies on violence and (re-)offending include only men. However, it is crucial to better understand pathways to female offending in order to enable efficient psychological interventions and risk assessment in women. Well-established risk factors for aggressive behavior include alcohol use disorder (AUD) and other substance use disorders (SUDs). We retrospectively analyzed the association of AUD and other SUDs with violent offending and reoffending in a sample of female offenders (N = 334) in a forensic treatment facility. In total, 72% of the patients with an AUD had committed a violent crime leading to admission, whereas only 19% of those with other SUDs had. Over 70% of the participants with AUD had a family history of AUD, and over 83% had experienced physical violence in adulthood. Rates of AUD and other SUDs did not differ regarding aggressive behavior during inpatient treatment, while the risk of reoffending with a violent crime after discharge was nine times higher in patients with an AUD than in those with other SUDs. Our results indicate that AUD is a significant risk factor for violent offending and reoffending in women. A familial background of AUD and a history of physical abuse increase the probability for both AUD and offending, suggesting a possible interaction between (epi-)genetic and environmental factors. The comparable rates of aggression during inpatient treatment in patients with AUD and other SUDs indicate that abstinence is a protective factor for violence.

Alcohol use disorder as a risk factor for violent offending in a sample of female forensic-psychiatric inpatients

IntroductionFemale gender is associated with a lower risk for aggressive behaviour and violent offending. Well established risk factors for aggressive behaviour are alcohol and other substance use, but previous studies focused mainly on male offenders and the general population. However, for therapeutic and prognostic reasons it is important to understand pathways to female offending.ObjectivesTo examine a sample of female forensic-psychiatric inpatients regarding the association of alcohol (AUD) and other substance use disorders (SUD) with violent offending (homicide, assault, robbery).MethodsWe conducted a retrospective cohort study of 334 female patients discharged before 01.01.2019 from a secure psychiatric hospital in Germany.ResultsIn total, 72% of the patients with AUD committed a violent crime, leading to admission to secure psychiatric treatment. In comparison a statistically significant lower rate (19%) of the SUD group was convicted of violent offending. Over 70% of the participants with AUD had a family history of AUD, and over 83% experienced physical violence in adulthood. We found no group differences (AUD vs. SUD) regarding aggressive behaviour during inpatient treatment.ConclusionsAccording to our results, AUD compared to other SUD, is a significant risk factor for violent offending in women. A family background with AUD and a history of physical abuse might function as a risk factor for both: developing an AUD and violent offending. The comparable rates of aggression in both groups during inpatient treatment suggest that abstinence is a protective factor.DisclosureNo significant relationships.

Associations between significant head injury and persisting disability and violent crime in women in prison in Scotland, UK: a cross-sectional study

SummaryBackgroundThe prevalence of head injury is estimated to be as high as 55% in women in prison and might be a risk factor for violent offending, but evidence is equivocal. The extent of persisting disability is unknown, making decisions about service needs difficult. The UN recognises vulnerabilities in women in prison, but does not include head injury. This study aimed to investigate relationships among head injury, comorbidities, disability, and offending in women in prison.MethodsIn this cross-sectional study, women were recruited between Feb 2, 2018, and Sept 30, 2019, from four prisons across Scotland, UK: Her Majesty's Prison (HMP) Cornton Vale, Her Majesty's Young Offenders Institute Polmont, HMP Edinburgh, and HMP Greenock (detaining approximately 355 individuals at the time of recruitment). Women were included if they were aged older than 16 years, fluent in English, able to participate in face-to-face assessment and provide informed consent, and did not have a severe acute disorder of cognition or communication. Head injury, cognition, disability, mental health, and history of abuse and problematic substance use were assessed by interview. History of head injury was assessed with the Ohio State University Traumatic Brain Injury Identification method and disability was assessed with the Glasgow Outcome at Discharge Scale. Comparisons were made between women with and without a history of significant head injury.FindingsWe recruited 109 (31%) of the 355 women in these prisons. The sample was demographically representative of the approximately 400 individuals in women's prisons in Scotland. Significant head injury (SHI) was found in 85 (78%) of 109 women, of whom 34 (40%) had associated disability. Repeat head injury was reported in 71 (84%) of the 85 women with SHI and, in most cases, this resulted from domestic abuse that had occurred over many years. Women with a history of SHI were significantly more likely to have a history of violent offences than those without a history of SHI (66 [79%] of 85 women in the SHI group vs 13 [54%] of 24 women in the no-SHI group had committed a violent offence; odds ratio [OR] 3·1, 95% CI 1·2–8·1). This effect remained significant after adjusting for current factors (3·1, 1·1–9·0), including comorbidities associated with post-traumatic stress disorder, and was no longer statistically significant after adjusting for historical factors (3·3, 1·0–10·9), such as abuse as a child or adult. Women with SHI had spent longer in prison than women without SHI after adjustment for current (rate ratio 3·4, 1·3–8·4) or historical (3·5, 1·3–9·2) risk factors.InterpretationIt is recognised that women in prison are vulnerable because of histories of abuse and problematic substance use; however, history of SHI needs to be included when developing criminal justice policy, interventions to reduce mental health morbidity, and assessment and management of risk of violent offending.FundingThe Scottish Government.

The Effect of Polyvictimization on the Development of Moral Disengagement and Effects on Violent offending in Adulthood: Emotional and Cognitive Mediation Effects

ABSTRACT Polyvictimization, moral disengagement, impulse control, and hostility are all risk factors for violent offending. The present study tested a multiple mediation model to identify pathways leading from polyvictimization early in life to violent offending risk in adulthood. The Pathways to Desistance data were used in analyses. Group-based trajectory modeling was utilized to identify developmental heterogeneity in moral disengagement during adolescence. Generalized structural equation modeling was used to estimate multiple mediation pathways. Results indicated that a two-group moral disengagement model best fit the data. Increased polyvictimization scores at baseline predicted increased risk for violent offending in adulthood. This relationship was mediated by differential development of moral disengagement, hostility in adulthood, and impulse control in adulthood. The full path running from polyvictimization to differential development of moral disengagement to impulse control to violent offending was found to be significant. These findings indicate that polyvictimization may lead to high and chronic levels of moral disengagement, which may then lead to diminished impulse control, and that this entire sequence may increase violent offending risk.

PTSD as a Risk Factor for the Development of Violence Among Juvenile Offenders: A Group-Based Trajectory Modeling Approach.

Violent offending is a public health problem disproportionately perpetrated by adolescents. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) has been identified as a risk factor that increases an individual's odds of engaging in violent behavior. Juvenile offenders are a population indicated to be at high risk of the development and perpetuation of violent behavior across the life course. Despite the fact that PTSD also has a high prevalence among juvenile offenders, there has yet to be any research examining PTSD as a risk factor for violent offending among juvenile offenders. Furthermore, very little research has examined the development specifically of violent offending across adolescence among juvenile offenders. Using group-based trajectory modeling (GBTM), this research found four distinct violence trajectories that juvenile offenders followed through adolescence (Abstaining, Moderate Stable, Desisting, High Chronic). Using multinomial logistic regression, PTSD was found to more than double the risk of assignment to all three trajectory groups that demonstrated violent behavior at some point in adolescence relative to the Abstaining reference group. This research adds to the limited research conducted on the development of violent behavior through adolescence among juvenile offenders using the GBTM method. Furthermore, results indicate that PTSD is a risk factor for the perpetration of violent behavior. These results suggest that juvenile offenders may desist from violence even after high rates of violence have already been achieved and that screening of trauma victims may be important for providing juvenile offenders suffering from PTSD with proper treatment to mitigate risk of violent behavior.

Differences in executive functioning between violent and non-violent offenders.

A growing body of neuropsychological and neurobiological research shows a relationship between functioning of the prefrontal cortex and criminal and violent behaviour. The prefrontal cortex is crucial for executive functions such as inhibition, attention, working memory, set-shifting and planning. A deficit in these functions - a prefrontal deficit - may result in antisocial, impulsive or even aggressive behaviour. While several meta-analyses show large effect sizes for the relationship between a prefrontal deficit, executive dysfunction and criminality, there are few studies investigating differences in executive functions between violent and non-violent offenders. Considering the relevance of identifying risk factors for violent offending, the current study explores whether a distinction between violent and non-violent offenders can be made using an extensive neuropsychological test battery. Male remand prisoners (N = 130) in Penitentiary Institution Amsterdam Over-Amstel were administered an extensive neuropsychological test battery (Cambridge Automated Neuropsychological Test Battery; CANTAB) measuring response inhibition, planning, attention, set-shifting, working memory and impulsivity/reward sensitivity. Violent offenders performed significantly worse on the stop-signal task (partial correlation r = 0.205, p = 0.024), a task measuring response inhibition. No further differences were found between violent and non-violent offenders. Explorative analyses revealed a significant relationship between recidivism and planning (partial correlation r = -0.209, p = 0.016). Violent offenders show worse response inhibition compared to non-violent offenders, suggesting a more pronounced prefrontal deficit in violent offenders than in non-violent offenders.

Relationship between Alcohol Consumption and Violent Offending: Personality as a Contributing Factor

IntroductionNumerous studies have identified alcohol consumption as a risk factor for violent offending. McMurran and Cusens [1] found that nearly three-quarters of 126 British prisoners convicted for violent offences reported they were drunk at the time. Studies in Australia suggest that 23-73% of all assaults are committed when the attacker is drunk [2,3]. A large-scale national study in that country found that in 2007, half of all offenders detained by police for disorder and violent offences had consumed alcohol in the 48 hours prior to arrest [4]. In the US, 35% of victims of violent attacks who were able to assess whether their attacker had been using alcohol, believed the offender had been drinking at the time of the attack. Half of victims of interpersonal violence in England and Wales reported the perpetrator to be under the influence of alcohol at the time of assault [5].Several models have been offered to explain the well-documented relationship between alcohol and violence, with most models proposing a link. Some of these direct models include the psychopharmacological effects of alcohol as potential mediators of violent offences, such as impairment of cognitive processes that affect judgment, behavior inhibition and interpersonal communication [6]. In contrast to these widely accepted link models, models propose that alcohol consumption and violent offending are related indirectly via risk factors that they have in common [7, 8]. These shared risk factors include some dimensions of personality, with psychoticism (P), extraversion (E), and neuroticism (N) invoked most often. These three dimensions are included in Eysencks' theory of personality [9], which provides a useful scheme for exploring personality antecedents of divergent antisocial behavior. In Eysencks' theory, P is anchored at one end by aggressiveness and divergent thinking and at the other end by empathy and caution. This trait is so named because individuals with a high P level are significantly more vulnerable to psychotic disorders than those with a low P level. E is represented on a bipolar scale anchored at one end by sociability and stimulation-seeking, and at the other end by social reticence and stimulation avoidance. N is anchored at one end by emotional instability and spontaneity, and at the other end by reflection and deliberateness. This trait is so named because individuals with a high N level are more vulnerable to anxiety-based problems.Individuals with a high P level are predisposed to developing antisocial behavior [9], and those with high levels of both P and E are predisposed to developing antisocial behavior involving aggression. If such an individual also has a high N level, their behavior may exhibit emotional, irrational characteristics under some circumstances [10]. Higher P levels are strongly related to alcohol consumption [11], and several studies have shown a link between higher E levels and alcohol consumption in non-alcoholics and alcoholics alike [12-14]. N appears to correlate positively with alcohol consumption specifically among those with clinically significant alcohol problems [15-17]. Individuals who consume alcohol heavily may develop high levels of N and anxiety to buffer the negative affect associated with alcohol dependence [18].Numerous studies in Anglo-Saxon countries showed that personality dimensions contribute to the explanation of alcohol consumption and violent offending. However, most of these studies explored these relationships separately, that is, only few of them explored relationship between all three variables at the same time. In addition, there is a knowledge gap in the literature regarding some postulates of common cause model that explains relationship between alcohol consumption and violent offending. Common cause model clearly states that personality is a risk factor for both alcohol consumption and violent offending. In this line, it seems reasonable to assume that alcohol consumption mediates the association between personality and violent offending. …

Risk of Recidivism Among Justice-Involved Veterans

Empirical research on recidivism risk among justice-involved veterans (JIVs) is limited. Using the risk-need-responsivity model, we conducted a systematic review of research on risk factors for recidivism among JIVs to identify the gaps in this literature and provide recommendations for future research. Substance abuse and indicators of antisociality were consistently linked to justice involvement in veterans; however, the evidence for negative family/marital circumstances and lack of positive school/work involvement was mixed. Several known risk factors for reoffending among civilian offenders (i.e., antisocial cognitions and associates; lack of prosocial activities) were marked by little to no empirical studies among veterans. Posttraumatic stress and traumatic brain injury, particularly when combined with anger and irritability issues, may be veteran-specific risk factors for violent offending. The implications of these findings for policy and practice and challenges to implementing risk assessments with JIVs are discussed.

From trauma to incarceration: exploring the trajectory in a qualitative study in male prison inmates from north Queensland, Australia.

BackgroundThere were approximately 34,000 prisoners incarcerated in Australian correctional centres as of 2014. The most common offence type for these prisoners was ‘acts intended to cause injury’, comprising 18 % of the total offences. Of the various risk factors for violent offending and incarceration identified in international research, trauma - either single events or ongoing; and substance abuse - which is commonly associated with violent behaviour across many cultures, are major contributors.MethodThis paper analyses qualitative data from 11 in-depth interviews with inmates from a high security male correctional centre in QLD, Australia. The aim of the study was to explore risk factors for violence and incarceration for men from far north Queensland.ResultsA common trajectory to violent offending and incarceration was identified for these prisoners, including: childhood/adolescent trauma; a lack of support or treatment for trauma experiences; substance abuse to mask the pain; and a ‘brain snap’ precipitating a violent offence.ConclusionFurther research is required into factors leading to violent offending and incarceration generally. In particular early detection and intervention for trauma victims is imperative in order to reduce exposure to such a harmful trajectory from trauma to incarceration.

The role of symptoms of psychopathy in persistent violence over the criminal career into full adulthood

PurposeThe extant criminal career literature supports the assertion that risk factors for violent offending are the same as those for non-violent offending. However, such studies have not examined the role of psychopathic personality disturbance (PPD) in the development of persistent violence across the life course. A situational action theory perspective was used to help illustrate the utility of PPD in explaining persistent violent offending. MethodsConvictions for violent and non-violent offenses were measured for Canadian male (n=262) and female (n=64) offenders at each year between ages 12 and 28. Semi-parametric group-based modeling was used to identify joint trajectories of violent and non-violent offending. Symptoms of adolescent PPD and other criminogenic risk factors were also measured. ResultsThrough the joint trajectory model, five violent and five non-violent trajectories were identified. PPD emerged as a strong predictor of membership in the trajectory associated with chronic violent offending but lower levels of non-violent offending. ConclusionsContrary to earlier criminal career research, the most persistent violent offenders were not also the most frequent general offenders. Theories that help explain why individuals are involved in persistent violence are needed. Incorporating PPD into such a theoretical framework appears necessary.

Violent offending severity among injecting drug users: Examining risk factors and issues around classification

ObjectiveThere is a paucity of research as to how injecting drug users (IDU) might be differentiated in the severity of their violent offending. This paper reported on the risks associated with severity, as well as issues around severity classification and the impact on observed relationships with known major risk factors. MethodA cross-sectional survey administered to 300 IDU, who had injected drugs weekly or more in the past 12months. A structured questionnaire addresses potential substance use and early-life risk factors for violent offending. ResultsFour severity groups were identified: non-violent (24%), low (34%), moderate (22%) and high (20%) level offenders. Higher severity groups had more prevalent and more severe histories of childhood maltreatment, child psychopathology and dysfunctional trait personalities, as well as more severe substance use problems than low-level and non-violent IDU. Regression analyses found that only two of 15 risk factors remained uniformly associated with violent offending across the four classification schemes tested: (1) having committed violence under the influence and (2) having more impulsive trait personalities. ConclusionsDisaggregating IDU into distinct subgroups showed that the extent and severity of predispositional and substance use risk exposure corresponded to the severity of violent offending. There is a need to establish a systematic method for classifying severity given that there were clinically meaningful differences between groups which require further exploration and replication, and because there was extensive variation in the risks associated with severity across schemes.

Alcohol abuse as the strongest risk factor for violent offending in patients with paranoid schizophrenia.

AimTo determine predictive risk factors for violent offending in patients with paranoid schizophrenia in Croatia.MethodThe cross-sectional study including male in-patients with paranoid schizophrenia with (N = 104) and without (N = 102) history of physical violence and violent offending was conducted simultaneously in several hospitals in Croatia during one-year period (2010-2011). Data on their sociodemographic characteristics, duration of untreated illness phase (DUP), alcohol abuse, suicidal behavior, personality features, and insight into illness were collected and compared between the groups. Binary logistic regression model was used to determine the predictors of violent offending.ResultsPredictors of violent offending were older age, DUP before first contact with psychiatric services, and alcohol abuse. Regression model showed that the strongest positive predictive factor was harmful alcohol use, as determined by AUDIT test (odds ratio 37.01; 95% confidence interval 5.20-263.24). Psychopathy, emotional stability, and conscientiousness were significant positive predictive factors, while extroversion, pleasantness, and intellect were significant negative predictive factors for violent offending.ConclusionThis study found an association between alcohol abuse and the risk for violent offending in paranoid schizophrenia. We hope that this finding will help improve public and mental health prevention strategies in this vulnerable patient group.

An 11-Year-Old Boy With Asperger’s Disorder Presenting With Aggression

“Alan” is an 11-year-old boy who was first seen in our clinic 3 years ago. His parents’ chief complaint at admission was Alan’s physically aggressive behavior at home, in particular toward his mother, as well as fights with children and teachers at school. Alan reportedly met his early developmental motor and cognitive milestones, but he showed difficulties with temper control and frustration tolerance as a toddler, having “significant fits” and biting other children. In preschool, Alan’s behavior was generally without significant aggression exceptwhen hismother was there to volunteer. In kindergarten, his parents reported, his behavior was managed with the help of a teacher who was very consistent with discipline and structure, but the followingyear,hisfirst-grade teacher providedmuch less structure, and Alan started getting into fights again with other children. His behavior also worsened at home; for instance, he would fight a neighbor boy and “the kids would scratch each other bloody.” The parents started family counseling at that time, which did not reduce the problem behaviors. In second grade, at the end of the first trimester, Alan reportedly “lost it.” After a family session, he “cleared the entire desk of the therapist” and “threatened to hurt the therapist.” At home, he would take knives from kitchen drawers and threaten family members. He would “shut down” and not talk about his feelings or thoughts. He was referred by the outpatient psychotherapist to the emergencydepartment and was subsequently treated in a day hospital program, which did reduce his outbursts. He was not put on medication. Discharge diagnoses were mood disorder not otherwise specified, rule out depressive disorder, and rule out anxiety disorder. After discharge, Alan was referred to our clinic. He continued to struggle with aggressive outbursts. When he was told to do minor chores or homework, he “would never do it.” Sometimes he would be “good” in themorning, but hismoodwasusually irritable, and little things would set off explosive outbursts, with yelling, throwing things, and punching people around him, resulting inbruises;his parentshad someconcern about the safety of Alan’s sibling, as well as their own safety. He had such outbursts approximately four times per week, each lasting 30 to 45 minutes. His parents also reported an apparent “female authority problem”; Alan responded much better to male authority figures than to women. During a review of Alan’s developmental history, his parents reported that their son had poor eye contact since early age and that he would “suppress” emotions and had a flat affect. They also noted that Alan did well approaching adults but did not attach emotionally to other children and struggled with making same-age friends. His own perception, however, was that he had many friends. Alan was always very much interested in science and was an expert in dinosaurs and rocks. “While other kids look at things in museums and move on,” he would read all the information he could get. Alan excelled in memorizing other people’s names and faces and after years would recognize someone he had seen only once. He was also noted to struggle with change in routines and to fidget with his hands. There was no history of abuse, contact with drugs or alcohol, mania, anxiety, ormajormedical illness. The family environmentwas reported as stable. Alan has one sibling, and no psychiatric family history was reported. Alan had never been hospitalized; he had been seen by three outpatient family therapists in the past, and, as noted, he had been in day hospital treatment. Alan himself reported that at times he did “not feel good,” but he denied depression or anxiety. He acknowledged having fights with other children but did not elaborate on circumstances. He reported hearing “animal voices” fromunder his bed or from the closet, but he could not really make them out. He felt there were ghosts and monsters in his room, and he was afraid of somebody pulling him down under his bed. When he looked, he reported seeing a lot of “stuff under his bed,” but denied seeing monsters. On further questioning, Alan said he thought those voices could be from the wind or his parents, but he was not certain about the absence of monsters. He had these experiencesmostly in thedarkness, atnight.Hedenied paranoia or ideas of reference.

P02-179 - Acquired brain injury and violent offending: prevalence and risk factors

IntroductionAcquired brain injury has been reported to be associated with violence.ObjectivesTo determine whether an association exists between acquired brain injury and violent offendingAimsStudy an association between brain injury and crime and identify associated risk factors.MethodsSystematic search of Medline, Embase, PsychInfo, CINAHL, TRIP, using terms, Acquired brain injury, traumatic brain injury (TBI), head injury, frontal lobe, crime, offending, violent offending, sexual offending, prison.ResultsA:Multiple studies reported higher life time history of head injury in prison or offender populations in comparison to control groups. Sampling bias and case definition problems have influenced reported prevalence of head injury in offender population ranging from 3.3% to 82%. Reports from secure psychiatric services identify that patients with history of head injury may be more difficult to discharge. Community based studies report cognitive damage as significant risk factor for domestic violence.B:Large scale population and military cohorts have reported a higher relative risk for criminal conviction in mild traumatic brain injury (TBI) group. TBI increases the risk of mental disorder by two-folds but also that TBI is significantly related to mental disorder with co-existing criminality.C:Childhood conduct problems, loss of a parent, substance misuse, maternal drug use in pregnancy, impaired executive cognitive functioning, structural damage to orbito-frontal and ventromedial areas, amygdala, and hippocampus are reported as risk factors for violent offending in this population group.ConclusionsThe review provides evidence for an association between brain injury and violent offending and also identifies associated risk factors.

Similarities and Differences in Risk Factors for Violent Offending and Gang Membership

Prior research has established that there is a cumulative effect of risk factors on both youth violence and gang membership and that risk factors in multiple domains increase the probability of youth violence and gang involvement. In this article we expand upon this risk factor approach to the study of youth violence by addressing two questions concerning youth violence: (1) What are the effects of cumulative risk, including risk in multiple domains, on youth violence and gang membership and to what extent are the patterns similar or different for youth violence and gang membership? (2) To what extent do risk factors exert independent effects when other factors are controlled in multivariate analyses, and are the risk factors for youth violence similar to or different from those for gang membership? We utilise survey data from a sample of 5,395 8th grade students in 11 cities across the United States to examine these issues.

Risk Factors for Violent Offending in Autism Spectrum Disorder

Little is known about risk factors for violence among individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD). This study uses data from Swedish longitudinal registers for all 422 individuals hospitalized with autistic disorder or Asperger syndrome during 1988-2000 and compares those committing violent or sexual offenses with those who did not. Thirty-one individuals with ASD (7%) were convicted of violent nonsexual crimes and two of sexual offenses. Violent individuals with ASD are more often male and diagnosed with Asperger syndrome rather than autistic disorder. Furthermore, comorbid psychotic and substance use disorders are associated with violent offending. We conclude that violent offending in ASD is related to similar co-occurring psychopathology as previously found among violent individuals without ASD. Although this study does not answer whether ASDs are associated with increased risk of violent offending compared with the general population, careful risk assessment and management may be indicated for some individuals with Asperger syndrome.

Violent Lives: A Lifestyle Model Linking Exposure to Violence to Juvenile Violent Offending

Studies examining the consequences of juvenile exposure to violence focus largely on psychological outcomes and often ignore the ways in which exposure is associated with deviant peers and juvenile offending. Using data from the National Survey of Adolescents (NSA), a nationally representative sample of juveniles between the ages of 12 and 17, we examine the relationship between various types of exposure to violence and violent offending. Based on Hindelang, Gottfredson, and Garofalo’s Lifestyle model of victimization (1978), the authors argue that exposure to violence is indicative of a lifestyle of violence. Such a lifestyle makes juveniles susceptible to victimization, witnessing violence, and association with violent peers. The findings demonstrate that these indicators of violent lifestyles in turn act as a risk factor for violent offending.