Rise Of Islamophobia Research Articles

The Rise of Islamophobia in India: Violation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom of Indian Muslims

This article examines Islamophobia in India and its impact on the human rights and basic liberties of Indian Muslims. Islamophobia is a new form of racism that has grown out of xenophobia, negative profiling, and stereotyping of Muslims. This article focuses upon the current state of Islamophobia, basic liberties, hate speech, discrimination, and violence against Muslims. These acts of prejudice, animosity, and violence against Muslim communities are major infringements on their human rights and a violation of their religious freedom. The BJP has been promoting a number of evil anti-Muslim policies, including discriminatory citizenship laws, the lynching of Muslims on suspicion of consuming or transporting beef and a ban on communal prayers. We conclude that the institutionalisation of Islamophobia through new laws and policies have a negative impact on Muslims’ human rights and religious freedom in India. Similarly, the media in India also promotes Islamophobia.

International Political Dynamics and Islamic Jurisprudence: Understanding the Roots of Terrorism

This paper critically examines the intricate challenges involved in defining terrorism, emphasizing the political instrumentalization of Islam as a perceived threat. It delves into the multifaceted nature of terrorism by exploring various definitions and the underlying political motivations. The study then transitions to an in-depth analysis of Islamic jurisprudence's unequivocal stance against violence and terrorism, highlighting the consistent and unanimous condemnation by Islamic scholars. By scrutinizing the ethical principles that govern warfare in Islam, including the protection of non-combatants and the conditions under which violence is permissible, the paper offers a nuanced and comprehensive perspective on how Islamic teachings fundamentally oppose terrorism. This analysis is supported by references to primary Islamic texts (Quran and Hadith) and classical jurisprudential sources, ensuring a thorough understanding of Islamic legal principles. Furthermore, the paper addresses the broader socio-political implications of framing Islam as synonymous with terrorism. It examines the impact of this narrative on public perceptions, policy-making, and the rise of Islamophobia. The study also considers the strategic motivations behind this framing, particularly in the context of post-9/11 geopolitical dynamics and the subsequent "War on Terror." This paper aims to explore Islamic teachings that prohibit violence and terrorism, the debates among Islamic scholars regarding the punishment for such acts, and the geopolitical motivations behind portraying Islam as a threat. By doing so, it seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of the impact of this framing on international relations, public perceptions, and counter-terrorism strategies. The paper concludes with a set of strategic recommendations aimed at promoting accurate representations of Islam. These recommendations emphasize the importance of nuanced and informed public discourse, the role of educational initiatives in dispelling myths and stereotypes, and the need for collaborative international efforts to enhance global counter-terrorism strategies. Additionally, the paper calls for fostering international cooperation to address the root causes of terrorism, such as political repression, socio-economic inequalities, and foreign interventions, thereby promoting a more just and peaceful global order.

Tracing the Roots of Islamophobia in Recent Indian Films

Abstract This article analyses the recent rise of Islamophobic films in India. While it may seem that social media has led to a rise in Hindu nationalism and Islamophobia in the recent past, it is crucial to recognize that this narrative is incomplete. The rise of Islamophobia in the country can be traced back to the 20th century freedom struggle where a counter-narrative to Gandhian concepts of communal harmony can be found in the writings of various leaders, artists and activists. Social media has allowed for a re-proliferation of those strands of thought in recent times through the platforms such as Youtube, which has led to the success of movies like The Kashmir Files or The Kerala Story.

Abstract 820: Decolonizing data: Diversifying cancer registries to include SWANA

Abstract Southwest Asian/North African communities (SWANA) make up over 3-4% of immigrants in the U.S. and yet their health status is largely unknown because these ethnic groups are misclassified within the U.S. racial schema as White, deeming them ‘invisible minorities’. Administrative forms specify that White includes Middle-Eastern but SWANA persons may also self-identify as Black, Asian, and Other. With the rise of Islamophobia and increased US intervention in the Middle Eastern region, SWANA Americans face unique challenges that require a deeper understanding of their health status.One methodology to obtain cancer statistics on SWANA is using naming algorithms. Similar to SWANA, the Latine population was invisible in administrative data prior to the 1970’s. Grassroots efforts and advocacy from the Latine community led to the development of validated Latine surname algorithms which have been implemented by the National Cancer Institute. Similarly, SWANA activists have advocated for the creation of a federal identification category for over 50 years arguing that SWANA communities are not perceived as White due, in large part, to a long-standing history of political racism in the United States.The purpose of this study was to develop a SWANA Surname Algorithm (SSA) to inclusively identify SWANA in cancer health data. We used surnames by country of descent to leverage interpretable decision trees to effectively distinguish SWANA from non-SWANA individuals by iteratively selecting the best surname roots at which to split the data to maximize the separation of SWANA individuals from others based on their surname. We integrated these patterns into our SSA so that when presented with a new surname, the algorithm simply follows the decision patterns down to the leaf nodes, otherwise known as the predicted class (SWANA vs non-SWANA).We developed a preliminary SWANA Surname List (SSL) using publicly available naming databases by country of origin (N=71,300). We cross-referenced the SSL against the VCU Massey Cancer Center data repository and found 4.9% of all cancer patients from 2016 to 2020 matched as SWANA. Notably, the prevalence of SWANA patients has been increasing over the last few decades, 3.8% in 1991-1995, to 4.2% in 2001-2005, and then most recently 4.9% in 2016-2020. We will use our SSA to validate these findings. These preliminary findings underscore the valuable insights that naming algorithms can provide in elucidating the true demographic composition of cancer patients. Lack of racial/ethnic disaggregation perpetuates existing inequities in access to essential health resources among SWANA communities. The inclusion of SWANA in cancer disparities research would allow researchers to better examine the cancer health status of this underrepresented but growing community while also aligning with the true racialization of SWANA in the United States. Citation Format: Guleer Shahab, Michael Preston. Decolonizing data: Diversifying cancer registries to include SWANA [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2024; Part 1 (Regular Abstracts); 2024 Apr 5-10; San Diego, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(6_Suppl):Abstract nr 820.

UNOFFICIAL CULTURAL AMBASSADORS: EXPLORING THE EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF MALAYSIAN STUDENT SCHOLARS IN AMERICA

International educational exchange programmes promote a person’s intellectual development and cultural understanding, which could also foster mutual cooperation and stronger diplomatic ties between countries. Through these programmes, students can socially interact and learn about others from diverse backgrounds. However, the rise of Islamophobia after the September 11 attacks has inculcated the fear of “the Other” and limited the number of Muslim students allowed to study in America, as Muslim culture and religious values are popularly perceived as incompatible with American values and thus viewed as a threat. This study contributes to the literature of diplomacy by highlighting the experiences of sixteen Malaysian scholars sponsored by the Malaysian government and the challenges they experienced during their educational exchange in America. The aim of this qualitative study is to understand the experiences of Malaysian student scholars by identifying: (1) how they initially perceived America; (2) their motivations for wanting to study in America; (3) the challenges they faced; and (4) how their experiences transformed them. The study found that many students faced initial struggles with racism, cultural challenges, and difficulty in achieving cultural assimilation. However, they were able to overcome misperceptions and negative stereotypes. The findings highlight the positive impact of their academic and cultural exchange, its success in reducing divisiveness, and the influence of soft power in strengthening relations between America and Malaysia.

Discrimination against Islam in America: A Comprehensive Analysis

This journal article examines the phenomenon of discrimination against Islam in the United States. The rise of Islamophobia and instances of bias against Muslims have garnered significant attention in recent years. This paper delves into the historical roots, manifestations, causes, and consequences of this form of discrimination. By exploring various case studies, legislative measures, and social attitudes, the article aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the challenges faced by the Muslim community in America and suggests potential avenues for addressing this issue.

A comparative study on the perceptions of Dutch and British Muslim leadership regarding social-political challenges

PurposeThis paper aims to analyze and compare attitudes and perceptions of Muslim leadership toward society and politics based on their personal experiences in England and the Netherlands.Design/methodology/approachThis study provides valuable insights into how Muslim leadership experiences socio-political realities from own perspectives. The comparative analysis of Muslim leadership in England and the Netherlands highlights the unique qualities of each community, while also demonstrating shared communal awareness regarding political participation and concerns regarding the rise of Islamophobia and populism.FindingsThe study reveals significant differences between Dutch and British Muslim leadership regarding attitudes toward politics. While the Dutch political system enables minorities to have political parties, British leaders prefer peaceful resistance, internal cooperation and voting power for influence. Muslim communities in both countries face similar challenges, such as access to politics, rising Islamophobia and populism. However, there are variations in leadership maturity and attitudes toward communal unification and political participation.Research limitations/implicationsEspecially Dutch Muslims were much more open toward cooperation once approached. The biggest challenge was to get into the Muslim communities in England. Even though British Muslims showed a much greater aptitude toward their civic duties, British Muslims were much more careful and wished that interviews were written down instead of being recorded. But once the author was part of the community, community leaders were more accepting and tolerant towards the author's presence. From that point on, to be recommended (snowballing) became easier.Practical implicationsThis research shows clearly how different ethnic Muslim communities differ across two different countries. Even though both countries have their own advantages and disadvantages, understanding how civic responsibilities and the progressive development of minority attitudes can be best approached is important to policymakers.Social implicationsOne major social implication is the way minorities perceive social and political equality and how these minority expectations can be met. Research shows that there is much fear and anxiety to growing sentiments of populism and right-wing appraisals. For a better integration and inclusion, a sound assessment of social and religious expectations is crucial.Originality/valueAs far as the author knows, there are no qualitative research studies that compare Muslim minority conditions in the Netherlands and England. This research makes this even more interesting for how to create policy that contributes to a European understanding of Muslim existence in Europe and a common European identity. This is crucial for a more stable and stronger European future.

Strategies of Indirect Da'wah in America of Post 9/11 Era: The Case of Yasir Qadhi

Da'wah (call to Islam) is a religious activity that is considered one of the essential activities in Islam. While da'wah was part of America for many decades, 9/11 attacks with the rise of Islamophobia, served as a catalyst that boosted da'wah activity to battle the negative image of Islam. In this paper, I argue that forms of indirect da'wah have been essential strategies among mainstream American imams since 9/11, who tried to present Islam positively, by “Americanizing” the religion using attitudes of social aspects. As an example of this methodology, I use the case of Sheikh Dr. Yasir Qadhi, a prominent American cleric, who has updated many of his harsh views since 9/11, and has been deeply involved with the American Muslim community. Qadhi's Islamic reformation symbolizes the post-9/11 impact on American clerics, who promoted indirect da'wah forms to bolster Muslims to become an integral part of American society.

The New “Other” the Endorsement of Islamophobia in American Political Discourse

This paper analyses the complexity of problems American Muslims face with Islamophobia by examining (i) how Islamophobic discourse has become an integral part of the American politics; (ii) how the American political discourse on Islam and Muslims has affected the increase of Islamophobia, especially after the 9/11 terrorist attacks; and (iii) how Islamophobia is wielded as a political tool to garner the support of Americans and justify American imperial ambitions including the U.S. invasions and military occupations. Although the 9/11 gave a fresh impetus to Islamophobia, and since then, it has been on the rise, its history is as old as the history of Orientalism in America. Thus, the paper investigates the continuities between received Orientalism and American political rhetoric on Muslims and Islam. After the 9/11, not only did American political discourse manifest Islamophobia but also regulations and laws signed by the presidents targeted Muslims; both are indications of the continuity of accepted Orientalism. Remarkably, the major tenets of Edward Said’s theory of Orientalism parallel the Islamophobic political discourse that emerged after the 9/11. Thus, The paper, thereby draws on Said's discourse analysis of Orientalism to indicate how the rise of Islamophobia among Americans and American political discourse (power) about Muslims and Islam post 9/11 are interconnected and inextricably linked. More specifically, political discourse, while reframing the discourse as “us” versus “them,” hasmoreover, have been categorized on the one hand as “good” Muslims (the exceptions that prove the rule) who serve American interests and imperial policies and “bad” Muslims who are reluctant to serve imperial interests. As this study analytically explains the relationship between Orientalism, an essential tool of the Western colonial mentality, and the American political discourse, which became harsher with anti-Islamic expressions after the 9/11, it shows how American political discourse of Muslims promotes Islamophobia.

People’s Party of Canada

This paper draws on the American context in relation to Trump’s electoral victory and his Islamophobic remarks in the media to highlight the normalization and re-emergence of white supremacy and the rise of Islamophobia in Canadian political discourse. Islamophobic rhetoric is alarmingly increasing in Canadian politics, often in conjunction with notions of ‘democracy’ and ‘Canadian identity’. This paper focuses on the policies against multiculturalism and censorship promoted by the People’s Party of Canada (PPC) in their attempt to legalize and promote anti-Islam sentiments. PPC party members have engaged in similar digital media tactics as Trump, with its party members promoting anti-Islam rhetoric in their attempt to maintain Canadian identity, upholding settler-colonialism, and subalternizing Muslims.
 Keywords: Islamophobia, white supremacy, settler colonialism, digital media, multiculturalism

Islamophobia Among Malaysian non-Muslim Indian Undergraduate Students: A Focus group Study

Malaysia is often regarded as a multi-ethnic nation that inherited a few ethnic groups who were taken as homogeneous unions. Still, the rise of Islamophobia in Western countries has increased the same sentiment among Malaysian non-Muslim Indians, with the HIND RAF protest in 2007 demonstrating their deep concern for religious freedom. This study aims to understand the formation of Islamophobia among Malaysian non-Muslim Indians and their perceptions of Islam. This study employed the focus group method to collect data, thematic analysis to analyze data and purposive sampling to recruit 16 non-Muslim Indian undergraduate students. Intergroup contact theory was used as a framework to understand the mechanism for the formation of Islamophobia. Results showed that although participants from public universities have more contact with Muslim classmates than those from private universities, their knowledge and perception of Islam, as well as the levels of their Islamophobia are quite the same. The results suggest that it is important not only to increase contact between Muslims and non-Muslims in Malaysia but also to increase knowledge of each other’s cultures and religions, because increasing contact without knowledge will only further strengthen the existing prejudice. Through increasing contact and knowledge of both Muslims and non-Muslims, it is believed that the Islamophobia among non-Muslims would be reduced, thus increasing harmony among different ethnic groups.

“Panislamism” as a political factor

This article is devoted to the history of "pan-Islamism", developed in the late XIX century by the Afghan politician Said Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, which emerged in the Middle East and became the ideology of groups operating under the guise of Islam in the XX-XXI centuries. An analysis of the views expressed in the research work of scholars engaged in the interpretation of the doctrine of "Pan-Islamism" in the last century and today. It is reflected in the article the brotherhood and unity of all Muslims, the history of the idea of ​​pan-Islamism, the emergence of two different tendencies towards the ideology of "pan-Islamism", the dominance of the idea of ​​"pan-Islamism" in the Middle East in the late twentieth century. The article also describes the methodological basis of the idea of ​​"pan-Islamism", its pros and cons, the modern image of what is now called "neopanislamism" and the factors that contribute to the rise of Islamophobia. In the last century, "pan-Islamism" emerged as a geopolitical force, considered an imperial ideology in the Ottoman Empire. The reasons for the leadership of the ideology of Islamism, the formation of religious political parties in the Middle East, the idea of ​​"pan-Islamism" and the fact that it has become a weapon of fanatical groups operating under the guise of Islam have been revealed on the basis of philosophical analysis.

Muslims’ Coherent Strategy Against the Rise of Islamophobia in France

Islamophobia is one of today’s most divisive terms. Some claim that there is no such thing as the “fear of Islam,” as it is literally translated. Islamophobia, or anti-Muslimism, is a visible fact, not an academic debate. Since the 9/11 attacks and the 2005 London bombings, Muslims in the West and wherever they live as a minority have been subjected to intense scrutiny. Islamophobia in France is not a new phenomenon and the recent murder of Samuel Paty in France is undoubtedly tragic, but the rise in Islamophobia needs to be discussed by the Muslim World. This article further analyzes the French President’s reaction towards Muslims, which has brought the attention of the world towards the realization that Muslims and religious security is of great concern and needs to be protected. The article aims to explain the strategy of Muslim World about the rise of Islamophobia in France and also discusses what Muslims need to do to take immediate measures against France and the rise of Islamophobia.

Protecting Buddhist Women from Muslim Men: “Love Jihad” and the Rise of Islamophobia in Myanmar

Buddhist protectionism in contemporary Myanmar revolves around fears of the decline of Buddhism and deracination of the amyo (group/“race”). Buddhist protectionists and Burmese nationalists have declared Islam and Muslims the greatest threat to race and religion, and Myanmar has witnessed widespread distribution of anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim content, as well as massive violence against Muslim minority communities, the Rohingya in particular. The Indian neologism “Love Jihad” has scarce reference in contemporary Burmese Buddhist discourses, but, importantly, the tropes of aggressive male Muslim sexuality and (forced) conversion through marriage (“love jihad”) have been one of the core issues in Buddhist protectionism in Myanmar. The article shows that such tropes of the threatening foreign male have strong historical legacies in Myanmar, going back to colonial Burma when Burmese concerns over Indian male immigrant workers resulted in both anti-Indian violence and anti-miscegenation laws. Importantly, however, compared to colonial Indophobia and military era xenophobic nationalism, contemporary constructions are informed by new political realities and global forces, which have changed Buddhist protectionist imaginaries of gender and sexuality in important ways. Building on Sara R. Farris’ concept of “femonationalism”, and Rogers Brubaker’s concept of civilizationism, the article shows how Global Islamophobia, as well as global discourses on women’s rights and religious freedom, have informed Buddhist protectionism beyond ethnonationalism in the traditional sense.

Reclaiming the narrative: gendered Islamophobia, its impacts and responses from Muslim women

ABSTRACT With the growing rise of Islamophobia in Canada, this study looks at Muslim women's experiences of Islamophobia, how they are impacted and how they respond to Islamophobia in the Canadian context. It also explores how Muslim women feel about being Muslim in Canada in relation to their identities. This study was conducted through individual semi-structured interviews with five Muslim women in the greater Toronto area. Findings from this study reveal how Muslim women experience a hypervisibility of their Muslim identity and how this shapes the way they regulate themselves in public. Muslim women in this study speak about how they are seen as Un-Canadian by others and share about the community-wide impacts of Islamophobia. Findings from this study demonstrate how Muslim women respond to Islamophobia in several different ways including activism, spreading awareness in the media and connecting more with the larger community. A key finding of this study includes how Muslim women describe their resilience and continue to persevere in the face of Islamophobia, thereby generating counter-narratives to dominant stereotypical tropes.

Historical Ethnic Conflicts and the Rise of Islamophobia in Modern China

In this paper, I show that narratives of historical conflicts between the Han Chinese and Muslims have been deployed to justify anti-Muslim sentiment and practices in modern and contemporary Northwest China. My study analyses Han Chinese narratives during and after the Northwest Muslim Rebellion—the largest ethnic conflict in nineteenth-century China. The historical narratives about the rebellion have been passed down inter-generationally and have been reiterated and reconstructed to fuel contemporary bias against Muslims in the twentieth century and beyond. My study contributes to the debate of Chinese Islamophobia by revealing how narratives of ethnic conflicts could help legitimize hostility against Muslims in modern-day China.

Australian Converts to Islam: Findings from a National Survey of Muslim Australians

While conversion to Islam in non-Muslim societies has a long and diverse history, the socio-political contexts of the post-9/11 period have led to Western converts being viewed with sharpened curiosity, suspicion and even hostility. Yet despite the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment during this period, it has been suggested that significant numbers of Westerners have converted to Islam. While there has been considerable growth in academic scholarship on Western converts over the past two decades, research on this phenomenon in the Australian context remains limited. This article seeks to address this gap by outlining key findings from the 2019 Islam in Australia Survey, which represents the first in-depth, quantitative research on Australian converts to Islam. These findings provide insight into converts' backgrounds, conversion motivations, religious identities and social connections.

Islamophobia in Spain: Inheritance of Reconquista and Hate Political Rhetoric

The article discusses the development of Islamophobia in Spain and the connection with the ruling of Islam in Andalus, including the impact of Reconquista (re-conquest) that was followed by inquisition; and the connection between Islamophobia and the changing orientalist tradition which impact social and political constellation in Andalus and the West in general up to Post 9/11. Employing a qualitative approach, this study shows that the rise of Islamophobia in Spain in the modern-contemporary era is enabled through the rise of populist politics in Europe in general. Populist rhetoric revives the memories of Islamic domination in Andalus and Reconquista to win votes. Islamophobia is also worsened by Islamophilia— uncritical admiration of the values of Islam, generally associated with an admiration of Islamic civilization and Maurophilia – the explicit romanticization of the Moors in Spanish literature and the complex, often silent presence of Moorish forms in Spanish material culture. This study also demonstrates that hate rhetoric towards Islam in contemporary era is highly influenced by the development of American Orientalism model motivated by war or revenge against terrorism.

Belonging to Quebec and English Canada as Muslims: The Perspectives of the Highly Educated Uyghur Immigrants

Following the rise of Islamophobia, Muslims in the West have been experiencing increasingly challenging identity dilemmas. Canada is not an exception. This article, at the intersection of Critical Race Theory and post-colonial perspectives, analyzes the narratives of 13 highly educated Uyghur Muslim immigrants living in Quebec and some English provinces of Canada. Their stories show that many of them have become subject to multiple identity dilemmas common to other Muslim diaspora groups, while also facing some challenges unique to their own background. This article further highlights the Uyghur’s experiences through a new angle: they all appear to have developed an us/Muslim immigrant vs. them/white Canadians’ dichotomy. In the province of Quebec, their narratives reveal “oppositional consciousness” against the dominant white Quebecers, which is quite political, while in English provinces they may see their Muslim identity more as “oppositional culture” against the white English Canadians, which is much less political.

Explaining the evolution of Turkey’s diaspora engagement policy: a holistic approach

ABSTRACT This article provides a comprehensive framework to explain why Turkey has adopted a pro-active diaspora agenda since the early 2000s. It shows that Turkey’s diaspora policy is the result of an amalgamation of domestic, transnational, and international factors: Domestically, the AKP’s rise to power resulted in drastic economic and political reforms and the promotion of a new identity based on neo-Ottomanism and Sunni-Muslim nationalism. These developments have transformed Turkey’s state-diaspora relations. The 2013 Gezi Park protests and the 2016 failed coup attempt also played a role. Transnationally, Turkish expatriates’ growing socio-economic and political clout in their host countries, as evidenced by the mushrooming of political parties founded by Turks in Europe, has urged Turkey to reconsider the efficacy of its diaspora as a source of influence abroad as well as a noteworthy electorate in national elections. Various international events have also shaped Turkey’s new diaspora agenda, including Turkey’s increasing bargaining power vis-à-vis the EU since the early 2000s, particularly after the European refugee crisis, and the rise of Islamophobia in the post-9/11 era. I suggest that domestic factors have played the most significant role in shaping Turkey’s diaspora agenda. I examine the domestic dimension both as an independent factor and also in relation to transnational and international factors. The configuration of a new political elite has changed the ways in which Turkey interacts with its transnational diaspora and perceives its international position vis-à-vis European countries. The findings of the article draw on official statements and documents, semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with Turkish officials, the Euro-Turks Barometer Survey, and news sources.