Rights Of Sexual Minorities Research Articles

Buddhism, gender, and sexualities: queer spiritualities in Thailand

PurposeThe article aims to present a new aspect of “the emergent identities” in Thailand with a correlation between morality and religiosity. The research deals with the perception of 65 Thai male-to-female transgender sex workers who are currently working in sex tourism in Pattaya and Bangkok. This article explores the role religion plays, the linkages between sexualities, and the potential for Thai Theravada Buddhist individuals to understand the way that they cope with life and interpret its meaning among these sexual minorities. Finally, the article shows how Thai marginalized Theravada Buddhists are negotiating their gendered religious spaces in Thailand.Design/methodology/approachThe study investigates perceptions of religion and its role in the lives of Thai Buddhist male-to-female transgender sex workers. Almost all the qualitative data was collected sequentially through (1) focus group discussions, (2) small group discussions, and (3) in-depth interviews. All interview sessions took place over six months in 2019. The researcher is a native Thai speaker and conducted the interviews in Thai with selected sex workers over 20 years old who have at least one year of experience engaging in sex work.FindingsThe research found three principal characteristics of “lived religion” in which emergent identities negotiate sexuality and morality: (1) Buddhist dequeering (the way Buddhism operates conservatively to reinforce heteronormativity), (2) queering Buddhism amidst multiple oppressions (how Buddhism operates to complement queer identity and empowerment), and (3) queering Buddhism as enlightenment (Buddhism with an emphasis on “practice” and “spiritual development”). The paper discusses how institutional Buddhism creates and recreates gendered identities in complex ways.Research limitations/implicationsThe article shows how Thai marginalized Theravada-Buddhism are negotiating their gendered religious spaces and “buy” the right to sexual and anatomy within their families and society by providing financial support, engaging in religion practices, donating in social charity projects base on their faith and capacity.Practical implicationsThe paper is supporting human right movements and dignity for sexual minorities gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender questioning, intersex (LGBTQI+) in Thailand. The paper also promotes equality to all human beings and shows a struggle for the basic human rights of sexual minorities in religion. The paper is raising awareness to religion's rights for all to look beyond distinctions of gender and class which may help to shape future history.Social implicationsThis article examines how Thai transgender sex workers utilize the non-essentialist philosophy of Theravada Buddhism. The paper finds that respondents are negotiating their religious spaces through the linkages among their gender, body, embodiment, identities, and sexualities. Despite most respondents believe that being born “a kathoey” as a result of bad karma, they use the Buddhist teachings of karma to explain their identities and even to lead a meaningful life to gain more merits for a better rebirth.Originality/valueThailand still lacks research on queer spiritualities and Buddhism. The article has seen challenges to the human rights of sexual minorities in religion. The solution is to increase awareness of the concepts of sex, gender, and sexualities and broaden the understanding of “endless performativity” and “gender diversification” (Butler, 1990) for gender sensitivity and gender responsiveness in creating “social equality” for all member societies in public campaigns, and media launched by the state and NGOs.

Intersex/Differences of sex development: Human rights at the intersection of cure and care.

Intersex people are viewed from the medicalised lens of having a "disorder" of sex development rather than a difference in sex development. This inherent indifference to diversity is also visible in LGBTQIA+ advocacy, as they were initially excluded from the Yogyakarta Principles promoting the human rights of sexual and gender minorities. This paper attempts to explore the issues of discrimination, social exclusion, and unnecessary medical treatments through the lens of the Human Rights in Patient Care framework to advance the human rights of the intersex community and highlight the need for the state to take responsibility. The discussion touches upon intersex people's right to bodily integrity; the right to freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment; the right to the highest attainable standard of health; and the right to legal and social recognition. The concept of human rights in patient care moves beyond the traditional philosophical principles of bioethics as it applies legal norms in a patient care context derived from judicial interpretations and international conventions upholding human rights at the intersection of cure and care. As socially accountable health professionals, it is our duty to defend the human rights of intersex people who are marginalised within the marginalised community.

Visibility or Impact? International Efforts to Defend LGBTQI+ Rights in Africa

Abstract Most struggles for LGBTQI+ rights play out at the national level. However, the question of sexual and gender minorities’ rights periodically appears as a point of friction in international relations as well. This article analyses the question of international efforts to defend LGBTQI+ rights in countries of the Global South, with a particular focus on Western countries’ endeavours in Africa. Combining policy analysis, critique and recommendations, it asks how and when international actors should and should not intervene. It recognizes that motives for intervening can be problematic and the means often counterproductive, especially when exhibiting neo-imperialist tendencies and constituting ad hoc reactions to events in the media. Countering essentialist arguments about ‘authentic’ African culture and values, influenced by religious beliefs, is also a significant challenge. I argue that more fruitful efforts should instead be centred on local rights defenders’ perspectives and supporting their priorities and initiatives, based on concerted, long-term, principled strategies. International actors, however, are reluctant to adopt such approaches because of a desire for short-term visible action, even if less effective or not effective at all. This conundrum is a fundamental problem in the area of foreign aid writ large, as greater impact often requires less visibility on the part of international actors, but donor countries want domestic and international recognition of their efforts. The article distils key lessons learnt and principles for action that have emerged over the past 15 to 20 years, brought together in one place for the first time. It aims to stimulate discussions among practitioners and academics. It should be of particular interest to human rights practitioners, especially those who are involved or contemplating getting involved in defending the rights of sexual and gender minorities internationally.

Protection for Marriage and the Family in a German Context: Focusing on the Implications on the Discussion of Same-sex Marriage in South Korea

There has been very little progress in guaranteeing the rights of sexual minorities in South Korea, and the general situation in terms of recognizing same-sex relations is much worse than in the EU or Germany in that the acceptance level is extremely low.
 The issue of same-sex relations, particularly same-sex marriage is a challenge in Korean society. When the political process does not work properly, complex political problems must be solved by means of the judiciary. The judgment of the court appeared as a form of civil discourse linking judicial activism, social movements, and the human rights movement. In this way, the civil discourse regarding law, rights, and justice no longer remains solely in the area of specialists. Judicial judgments initiate democratic communication between the people and the state, without being restricted to simply being the judgment about an individual’s limited interests.
 There is great diversity in modern family structure: heterosexual or same-sex couples who assume responsibility for children in marriages, registered partnerships, or de facto relationships; and children who are conceived naturally or by methods of assisted reproduction, and are related to both, only one or none of the two or more people they are raised by. In general, the concept of family that is protected under the Constitution is difficult to define as a specific family type because the concept of family is constantly changing amid the development of various family forms.
 From the perspective of the evolving concept of family in a German context, differences between Article 119 of the Weimar Constitution and Article 6 GG can be pointed out. Firstly, marriage is no longer seen as the foundation of a family under the concept of family stipulated in Article 6 GG. Equality of both sexes has served to promote equality not only within the institution of marriage but also in society in general, which actually provided steps toward equal marriage rights. Equal marriage rights grant the right to marry to couples in different-sex relationships as well as same-sex relationships.
 The Korean Constitution does not explicitly define the legal concept of marriage. The right to same-sex marriage should be protected as an individual life plan, and lifestyle including marriage or childbirth are respected. A democracy whose aim is to protect diversity should recognize a diversified form of the family. In respecting diversity, same-sex marriage should also be recognized as a minority protection of human rights.

Estimated likelihood of parenthood among sexual minority individuals associates with interpersonal vulnerability and traumatic outlook

ABSTRACT Background Lesbian women and gay men (LG) tend to report lower levels of parenthood aspiration than their heterosexual counterparts. While several variables have been suggested to explain this phenomenon, no study has investigated the potential mediating role of interpersonal vulnerability and subjective traumatic outlook in the association between sexual orientation and the estimated likelihood of parenthood. Objective To investigate whether interpersonal vulnerability and subjective traumatic outlook mediate the association between sexual orientation and a lower estimated likelihood of parenthood. Methods A sample of 435 childfree, cisgender Israeli participants, aged 18–49 years (M = 27.82, SD = 4.47), were recruited through convenience sampling. 192 participants self-reported as LG (64 lesbian women and 128 gay men). Participants completed online questionnaires assessing their estimated likelihood of parenthood, interpersonal vulnerability, and subjective traumatic outlook. Mediation analyses were performed using the PROCESS macro. Results LG individuals reported a lower estimated likelihood of parenthood than their heterosexual counterparts. Interpersonal vulnerability and subjective traumatic outlook significantly mediated the association between sexual orientation and a lower estimated likelihood of parenthood. Conclusions Despite improvement in the socio-political climate relating to sexual minority rights and access to fertility technologies, LG individuals are still more likely to report a lower estimated likelihood of parenthood in comparison to heterosexual individuals. Moreover, this gap appears to be partially mediated by interpersonal vulnerability and subjective traumatic outlook. The results contribute to the growing body of international research exploring family formation among sexual minority individuals and are relevant for researchers, clinicians, and policymakers.

‘Bending’ against straightening devices: queer lived experiences of sexuality and sexual health in Bangladesh

BackgroundDespite global data around increased health risks among sexual and gender diverse populations, lived experiences of young lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning, and others (LGBTQ+) people are often ignored in mainstream health research. This is particularly evident in countries such as Bangladesh where the rights of sexual minorities are not recognised. This article looks at queer lived experiences of sexuality and sexual health within such a context. We use the phenomenological framework of heteronormative ‘straightening devices’ – mechanisms working to direct people towards heterosexuality, gender conformity, and procreative marriage – to identify ‘invisible’ structures upholding normative sexual behaviours and see how young people in Bangladesh navigate these in their everyday lives.MethodsThis article is based on qualitative data collected in Dhaka, Bangladesh over nine months in 2019 as part of the first author’s doctoral research. Using thematic analysis, we draw on experiences of normative sexual expectations from biographical in-depth interviews with 14 purposively sampled LGBTQ + individuals aged 18 to 24.ResultsRespondents identified heteronormative expectations around gender norms of traditional behaviour and presentation for men and women as well as parental expectations of compulsory heterosexuality through marriage. These straightening devices existed at multiple levels, including individual, interpersonal, community, and societal. The four main themes around straightening devices include marriage norms for women; harassment of feminine-presenting bodies in public spaces; heteronormative healthcare; and consequences of not embodying heteronormativity.ConclusionOur study highlighted young people’s everyday experiences of having to ‘bend’ to – and against – heteronormative straightening devices at home, in public spaces, and within institutions such as healthcare in Bangladesh. The exploration of queer experiences provides new insights into context-specific ways in which sexual and gender diverse people understand themselves. Further research using the framework of straightening devices can help public health professionals to identify more ‘barriers’ confronted by sexual and gender diverse young people.

Boundaries of Transgender Access to Public Facilities in the United States

In modern society, people are always seeking equality and reducing differentiation, and the rights of sexual minorities are a part of today's society that cannot be ignored. The rights of sexual minorities are a part of today's society that cannot be ignored. This paper has its own specificity and cannot be simply thought of and addressed in a binary way. The ethical issues of society and public awareness and morality of the general public is not something that can be simply counted and regulated by data. This paper explores how public facilities can protect the physical and psychological needs of sexual minorities without providing them with additional power, while conforming to traditional social norms.

The Availability of Sexual and Gender Minority (SGM) Specific Substance Use Services

Background: In 2007, Cochran, Peavy, and Robohm conducted a study of treatment programs that indicated that they provided specialized services for gay and lesbian clients; however, phone calls to these agencies revealed that over 90% of these agencies actually did not provide services that were discernibly different from the agencies’ general services. Objectives: Given the progress and development since 2007 regarding awareness of SGM (sexual and gender minority) rights and an increased understanding of the impact of health disparities on SGM individuals, the current study aimed to gain a renewed understanding of the state of SGM-specific substance treatment using a similar methodology. Results: agencies reporting that they provide SGMTitle specific services since 2007, fewer than 1 in 5 agencies who indicated offering SGM-specific treatment on the National Survey of Substance Abuse Treatment Services (N-SSAT S) survey actually provided such services (17.4%) in 2021. Conclusions/Importance: The current study reinforces the already observed need for specialized substance treatment services for the SGM population. Despite having hundreds more SGM-specific substance treatment services in existence today compared to 2007, our findings point to a strong need to address the discrepancies between self-reported and existing availabilities of SGM-specific services in substance treatment. Actions that can potentially close this gap might be two-fold: standardizing the definition of and criteria for SGM-specific services and increasing funding and resources that could expand the availability of such services, particularly in rural regions.

3.O. Workshop: Structural stigma shapes LGBTQ+ mental health and well-being across countries

Abstract Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ+) people around the world have been shown to suffer from disparities in mental health and well-being relative to cisgender heterosexual people. Past research aiming to explain these gaps has referenced the added stress experienced by LGBTQ+ people in the form of, for example, interpersonal discrimination, rejection, and harassment (i.e., minority stress). While these phenomena exist at the interpersonal level, emerging evidence suggests that discriminatory structural-level factors, such as policies, norms and rules (i.e., structural stigma), may be just as influential in shaping LGBTQ+ mental health and well-being. Given the passage of a slate of bills limiting sexual and gender minority rights and banning open speech around these issues across many different countries, this is an extremely timely issue for sexual and gender minority health. This workshop will give examples of cutting-edge research on the ways in which structural stigma affects mental health and well-being for LGBTQ+ people. Dr. Dinah Gutermuth (University of Exeter, UK) will discuss findings from a global study (conducted in partnership with the BBC) including older and younger LGB individuals from 113 different countries, showing that structural stigma impairs social capital and creates disparities in loneliness between younger and older LGB individuals. Berk Can Ünsal (Eötvös Loránd University, Hungary) will present data from Europe highlighting structural stigma as a risk factor, and community participation as a protective factor, for depression in sexual and gender minority people. Dr. John Pachankis (Yale University, USA) will present results on how migration from countries of varying levels of structural stigma shapes depression and suicidality in sexual minority men. Finally, Dr. Richard Bränström (Karolinska Instituet, Sweden), will discuss how average life satisfaction improved from 2012-2019 for sexual minority people across Europe, with greater increases in countries with higher levels of structural stigma. Together, these presentations will demonstrate the far-reaching effects of structural stigma on LGBTQ+ mental health and well-being around the world. Key messages • Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ+) people around the world have been shown to suffer from disparities in mental health and well-being relative to cisgender heterosexual people. • Structural stigma is an important factor determining risk for poor mental health among LGBTQ+ individuals across countries.

Can or should schools in Norway exclude student teachers from the Christian university college NLA to protect the rights of sexual minorities?

Can or should schools in Norway exclude student teachers from the Christian university college NLA to protect the rights of sexual minorities?

Is the Transnational Female? Revisiting the Gender Metaphors of Global Connection

This essay takes up a rhetorical leitmotif in feminist studies of global political economy: theorizing the gender of geopolitical forms. Gender metaphors have revealed the systematic devaluation of scholarship deemed “too local” to constitute globalization theory, unveiled the bourgeois family romance animating modern nationalisms, and exposed the futility of depending on the modern state to adjudicate in women’s favor. Following in this tradition, I ask “Is the transnational female?” in order to illuminate both the sociological feminization of actors and institutions that move across national borders as well as the symbolic feminization of the qualities associated with transnationalism, namely flexibility, adaptability, and connectivity. These qualities make transnationalism subject to what Anna Tsing describes as the frictions of other trans-processes, notably translation, transgression, and transformation. Using an empirical case study from Uganda, I will argue that because the transnational circulation of women’s and sexual minority rights concepts depends on their translation by locally situated actors, they are fundamentally constrained by the national political contexts within which these actors work. In theorizing this case, this essay expands contemporary feminist analyses of the rise of the global Right to show how sexism and homophobia cross not only national borders but political ones as well, emerging, at times, under the very banner of women’s rights.

Moving beyond the politization of same-sex sexuality and leveraging right to health to counter inter-personal sexual violence and HIV in Malawi's prisons

Sexual minority rights in contemporary Africa is a contentious issue, where in some countries, same-sexuality is portrayed by media and politicians as “un-African” and a “white disease” imported from the West. Same-sex sexual activity is criminalised in 31 African countries. Political, legal and religious frameworks exacerbate homophobic attitudes, and related discrimination and hate crimes toward individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender (LGBT). We focus here on the rights of people in prison to protection from harm (same-sex sexual violence and sexually transmitted diseases), and who (in many African countries) are ignored in national HIV prevention programming. Prison conditions in Africa are harsh and congested, with inadequate basic needs provisions and this fuels exposure of the vulnerable to sexual violence and engagement in survival sex. HIV rates in prisons are also disproportionately higher than in the community. We present a socio-legal assessment on Malawi where same-sex sexual behaviours are criminalised. The assessment highlights how inmates’ exposure to sexual violence is invisible in political, legal, human rights and public health/HIV agendas in Malawi. Notwithstanding that the Malawi Penal Code and Prison Act prohibits same-sex sexual activity, there are enormous complications with victim disclosure, as claims of rape infer that sodomy has occurred, resulting in victim arrest. We focus here on tackling sexual violence and HIV, and advocate for broad based torture prevention initiatives in prisons to protect the vulnerable from inter-personal sexual violence, and consequent acquisition and onward transmission of HIV. The voices of people in prison in Malawi are regrettably still kept out of societal and public health discourses.

Navigating the complexities of (trans) gender equality rights within the parameters of reasonable accommodation and security tensions in South African prisons: The judgement of September v Subramoney

Within the heterogenous global prison population of about 11.7 million, transgender prisoners have unique vulnerabilities and are exposed to substantial risks and harm. Their situation has been viewed as a ‘‘double punishment’’ by encompassing the system lack of gender recognition and exposure to traumatic experiences of detention often tantamount to torture. In Africa, sexual minority rights remain a contentious issue, and there is little documented about the situation of incarcerated transgender people.South Africa is one of the most progressive African countries in terms of equality legislation and advancing the rights of sexual and gender minorities. A legal realist review was conducted of the 2019 South African Equality Court judgement of September v Subramoney, based on case decisions and by scrutinizing the international and regional human rights protections and rights assurance mechanisms which encompass the fundamental rights of detained transgender individuals. These are not limited to protection from custodial violence, prohibition of torture and discrimination but include conditions of accommodation, right to express their gender identity and access to gender affirming healthcare. The subsequent legal realist account critiques the impact of this judgement based on extant published literature (empirical, humanitarian, and UN Committee reporting) and jurisprudence in other jurisdictions cognisant of increasing strategic litigation in the field of transgender rights. The implications of this ground-breaking judgement are considered, with a particular lens focusing on the rights of trans-prisoners (particularly trans-women as most vulnerable) to equality, but also dignity, freedom of expression, dignified detention, and the prohibition of inhumane treatment or punishment. These rights are positioned within the boundaries of safe and reasonable accommodation, ability to gender express and prison system capacity to deal with security tensions in high risk cis-normative detention environments.

Applying the Dynamic Dual Pathway Model of Approach Coping to Collective Action Among Advantaged Group Allies and Disadvantaged Group Members.

We apply the dynamic dual pathway model of approach coping to understanding the predictors of future collective action among a sample of advantaged group allies and disadvantaged group members who were attending a protest. We propose that problem-focused approach coping (i.e., group efficacy beliefs) would be a stronger predictor of future collective action among disadvantaged compared to advantaged group members, and emotion-focused approach coping (i.e., group-based anger) would be a stronger predictor of future collective action among advantaged compared to disadvantaged group members. Data was collected from LGBTIQ+ and heterosexual people (N = 189) protesting as part of the 2019 Christopher Street Day Parade in Cologne, Germany. We found that increased group efficacy predicted intentions to engage in future collective action for the rights of sexual minorities among LGBTIQ+ but not heterosexual participants. Increased group-based anger was a predictor of future collective action intentions regardless of which group the participants belonged to. Our findings extend the dynamic dual pathway model by applying it to a sample of advantaged group allies and disadvantaged group members attending a protest using a multiple perspectives approach.

Impact of the policy environment on substance use among sexual minority women

BackgroundSexual minority women (SMW) are at greater risk for heavy episodic drinking, frequent marijuana use, and tobacco use than heterosexual women. Because past research has suggested the political and social environment may influence disparities in substance use by sexual orientation, this study examined associations of the U.S. state-level policy environment on substance use by SMW. MethodsA total of 732 SMW participants were recruited from two national online panels: a general population panel (n = 333) and a sexual minority-specific panel (n = 399). Past year substance use was defined by number of days of heavy episodic drinking (HED; 4+ drinks in a day), weekly tobacco use (once a week or more vs. less or none), and weekly marijuana use (once a week or more vs. less or none). Comprehensive state policy protection was defined by enactment of five policies protecting rights of sexual minorities. Regression models compared substance use outcomes for SMW living in states with comprehensive policy protections to SMW living in states with fewer or no protections. Models also assessed the impact of state policies related to alcohol (state monopoly on alcohol wholesale or retail sales), tobacco (state enactment of comprehensive smoke-free workplace laws) and marijuana (legalization of purchase, possession, or consumption of marijuana for recreational use). ResultsComprehensive policy protections were associated with fewer HED days. Recreational marijuana legalization was associated with higher odds of weekly use. ConclusionsFindings underscore the importance of policy protections for sexual minorities in reducing substance use, particularly HED, among SMW.

Domesticating the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights in Ghana: threat or promise to sexual minority rights?

ABSTRACT:
 For a long time, the denial in Africa of sexual minority rights on cultural and religious grounds was firmly rooted and unchallenged. This is no longer the case. Recent scholarship has challenged the narrative that homosexuality is un-African. Gradually courts and parliaments in Africa are beginning to decriminalise colonial-era sodomy laws. In addition to progressive global and regional developments on equal legal protection for sexual minorities, it would have been difficult to imagine that the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights could be used as a new pretext to deny sexual minority rights in a national constitution. Recently, however, the Constitution Review Commission of Ghana claimed that the African Charter and the Ghanaian Constitution abhor sexual minority rights. This argument ignores the pre-colonial past of many African countries, including Ghana, whose cultures embraced sexual minority rights. A consideration of the Ghanaian philosophical and theoretical thought, ‘Sankofa’, makes it imperative to turn to the past and learn from our pre-colonial cultures that embraced sexual minorities. Sankofa implores us to combine past functional cultures with current global and regional human rights law, to provide equal legal protection for every individual regardless of their sexual orientation. Therefore, domesticating the African Charter in Ghana should embrace sexual minority rights.
 
 TITRE ET RÉSUMÉ EN FRANCAIS:
 L’incorporation en droit interne de la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples au Ghana: menace ou opportunités pour les droits des minorités sexuelles?
 RÉSUMÉ:
 Le déni des droits des minorités sexuelles pour des motifs culturels et religieux a longtemps été enraciné et incontesté en Afrique. Ce n’est plus le cas. Des études récentes ont remis en question l’argument selon lequel l'homosexualité n’est pas africaine. Peu à peu, les tribunaux et les parlements africains commencent à dépénaliser les lois sur la sodomie héritées de la colonisation. En plus des progrès sur le plan mondial et régional en matière d’égale protection juridique des minorités sexuelles, il aurait été difficile d’imaginer que la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples puisse être utilisée comme un nouveau prétexte pour dénier les droits des minorités sexuelles dans une constitution nationale. Récemment, cependant, la Commission de révision constitutionnelle du Ghana a affirmé que la Charte africaine et la Constitution ghanéenne abhorraient les droits des minorités sexuelles. Cet argument ignore le passé précolonial de nombreux pays africains, dont le Ghana, où les cultures embrassaient les droits des minorités sexuelles. Un examen de la pensée philosophique et théorique ghanéenne, «Sankofa», impose de se tourner vers le passé et d'apprendre de nos cultures précoloniales qui incluaient les minorités sexuelles. Sankofa appelle à combiner les cultures fonctionnelles du passé avec le droit universel et régional actuel des droits de l'homme, afin de fournir une protection juridique égale à chaque individu quelle que soit son orientation sexuelle. Par conséquent, l’incorporation en droit interne de la Charte africaine au Ghana devrait inclure les droits des minorités sexuelles.

Who are the allies of queer Muslims?

ABSTRACT This article aims to locate the forces inspiring the emergence of pro-queer religious activism in contemporary Indonesia to elucidate how and why Islamic values are mobilised by a minority of Muslim actors for the defence of sexual minority rights. Based on ethnographic research conducted between 2017 and 2018, the article introduces a range of stakeholders, including religious leaders, activists and Islamic scholars supporting LGBTIQ+ rights, as ‘allies’ of sexual minorities. I begin by exploring discussions around Progressive Islam to subsequently focus on my interlocutors’ own definitions of the term. Drawing upon interviews and participant observations at events bringing together religion, gender and sexuality, this article identifies three key forces behind pro-queer religious activism. These include previous membership of the Indonesian Islamic Student Movement (Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia), inter-faith dialogue, and the Gusdurian Network (Jaringan Gusdurian). Participation in these three groups emerges as a force shaping the allies’ conceptualisation of progressive Islam making pro-queer activism possible but not unavoidable.

Minority Rights in Ukraine After the Maidan Revolution: Change or Continuity?

Abstract This paper explores the state of minority rights in Ukraine following the 2014 Maidan revolution. The Maidan revolution has been largely regarded as the most radical attempt at de-institutionalizing post-Soviet politics and order since 1991 and forging a new Ukrainian nation. Such an endeavor leads us to address a critical question of what the core implications are on minority rights in Ukraine, which encompass religious, ethnic, and sexual minority rights. This analysis places special emphasis on minority religious rights in post-Maidan Ukraine. Findings suggest that the Maidan revolution has not led to substantial policy reform as it pertains to minorities, thus leaving many of their problems unaddressed. While the Maidan aided Ukraine in becoming more “Ukrainian” and reinforced the national identification of the Ukrainian population, it marked a considerable shift in nationalism by ensuing adverse effects on the Russian-speaking population in Eastern Ukraine, as well as on other ethnic and religious minority groups. Moreover, the Ukrainian authorities’ efforts at gaining “spiritual independence” from the Russian Orthodox Church have been met with challenges for religious minority groups. Despite the legislative measures aimed at protecting the rights of LGBTI community, their effective implementation remains a significant and unresolved problem.

Contemporary American Drama: Socio-Political Aspect

The article deals with the topical issues of American drama based on the analysis of works by contemporary US playwrights, many of whom are representatives of groups classified as oppressed (in a white patriarchal society). The author examines popular topics and trends in cultural life in the context of public and political life in the United States over the past 70 years - from the Civil Rights Movement, "Women's Liberation" and Stonewall to "Black Lives Matter", "#MeToo" and LGBTQ prides. The author concludes that the current repertoire was directly influenced by the progressive agenda with its ambitious plan for large-scale social transformations that affected all cultural institutions, including theater. By highlighting the struggle for social equality and justice, the rights of blacks, women, ethnic and sexual minorities, diversity and inclusion, as well as condemnation of capitalism and American imperialism, progressivism has placed art at the service of ideology, once again turning cultural figures into 'engineers of human souls' - but also contributed to the expansion of opportunities for members of under-represented groups, integration, the development of intercultural dialogue and the emergence of new dramatic voices.

Sexual Orientation and the right to marry: a case study of ECtHR Oliari and others v. Italy

Same-sex marriage is one of the important issues that have not yet reached full European consensus among EU member states. In particular, in relation to same-sex marriage, ‘The Margin of Appreciation Doctrine’ applied by the European Court of Human Rights has a very important meaning in analyzing same-sex marriage cases. The European Court of Human Rights held that the ‘European Consensus’ or ‘Consensus Argument’ is particularly important when issues in question are morally or ethically sensitive or complex and relate to the choice of social strategy. Specifically, the Oliari case is considered as leading case that has paved the way for full legal recognition of same-sex relationships in Europe. Furthermore, it is the first case to regard legal recognition and protection for same-sex couples as a Positive State Obligation . The fact that the European Court of Human Rights did not respond to the claim of violation of Article 14 (the principle of non-discrimination) in conjunction with Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights has naturally been criticized. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that the Principle of Proportionality played an important role in the reasoning process of the Oliari decision. In addition, there are good lessons that Korea can learn from the Oliari decision particularly in the relation to Positive State Obligation to recognize same-sex relations as well as making progressive interpretation to sufficiently protect the rights of sexual minorities.