Right-wing Populist Research Articles

Populism: reconceptualising a multifaceted concept

Abstract. Populism is an interdisciplinary ever-changing topic. It has generated endless controversies. Scholars are confused in their conceptualisation. We have varieties of populism with more or less radical versions. Nevertheless, I know that populism is not just a European phenomenon. It spread throughout the world. The rising of populism has produced an explosion of many conceptual studies. The populist political parties emerge whether on the right or the left wing. This paper examines the literature facets of populism, and in particular radical right wing populism, in Europe particularly in the United Kingdom. It shows that the left-behinds citizens tend to vote for populist parties. There is a rising support for radical populist political parties in Europe. Populist discourse asserts that the rich political elite govern by conspiracy against the people, and their governance is not for the common good. Moreover, they are ‘true representation of the people’. Based on academic, this article literature wants to explore populism as an ideology and new concepts of populism such as strategic and an identitybased populism tool to widen the populist electorate in Europe, in particular right-wing populism,. Mots-clés : populisme, radicalisme de droite, contre l’establishment, le peuple, pensé unique Keywords: populism, right wing radicalism, anti-establishment, people; single-mindedness

A left-right divide? Alternative news use and political trust, populist attitudes, and populist vote intentions in the case of Denmark

Many western democracies have witnessed an upsurge of partisan alternative media that explicitly challenge the legitimacy of mainstream media and politics alike and promote populist discourses. Accordingly, alternative media are often discussed in relation to lower levels of political trust and support for populist parties. Yet, only a limited number of studies have investigated these relationships empirically. Drawing on survey data representative of the Danish adult population ( n = 1,518) collected in January/February 2023, this study investigates how using alternative media is related to political trust, populist attitudes, and populist vote intentions. Unlike previous studies, it distinguishes between left-wing and right-wing alternative media users and finds notable differences: Users of right-wing alternative media have lower political trust, hold more populist attitudes, and have greater predicted probability of intending to vote for a right-wing populist party than non-users, but similar results were not found for users of left-wing alternative media. The study discusses potential explanations for this and how (different) alternative media might impact democracy.

From neoliberalism to authoritarianism in the perspective of socio-psychologial characterology

Today’s trend toward authoritarianism is not a rejection of neoliberalism, but rather a continuation of it through other means. This thesis can be supported by looking at the debate about changes in social character in social psychological characterology. Under neoliberalism, the authoritarian character (Fromm 1932) as a threat to democracy gave way to the marketing character (Fromm 1976). In the crisis of neoliberalism today, we are not observing a return to the authoritarian character, but rather the fusion of authoritarian and neoliberal character traits to form an affirmative character (Jäger 2020). The appearance of right-wing populist parties such as the AfD, which is both neoliberal and authoritarian, fits in with this.

From neoliberalism to authoritarianism in the perspective of socio-psychologial characterology

Today’s trend toward authoritarianism is not a rejection of neoliberalism, but rather a continuation of it through other means. This thesis can be supported by looking at the debate about changes in social character in social psychological characterology. Under neoliberalism, the authoritarian character (Fromm 1932) as a threat to democracy gave way to the marketing character (Fromm 1976). In the crisis of neoliberalism today, we are not observing a return to the authoritarian character, but rather the fusion of authoritarian and neoliberal character traits to form an affirmative character (Jäger 2020). The appearance of right-wing populist parties such as the AfD, which is both neoliberal and authoritarian, fits in with this.

Culture War: Exploring the Backing from the Portuguese Catholic Church and Christian Movements to Populist Party Chega

The endorsement from Christian circles in facilitating the rise of radical right-wing populism in Brazil and the United States, as well as the support and alliance of the Polish Catholic Church with the Law and Justice (PiS) government, are widely acknowledged. Embedded within the intricate fabric of multifaceted factors contributing to the surge of right-wing populism, the Culture War assumes a pivotal yet often underestimated role. Manifesting as a profound confrontation, the Culture War signifies an existential clash between contrasting perspectives concerning socio-cultural values grounded in religious scripture. The research employs a qualitative methodology and a singular case study focused on Portugal, owing to the nation’s enduring relationship with Catholicism. Portugal emerges as indisputably one of the most religious countries in the Western world, akin to Poland. The research question aims to understand the support or relationship from the Portuguese Catholic Church (PCC) and Christian (social) movements to the populist right-wing Chega (lit. ‘Enough!’), slightly departing from their traditional center-right support for PSD and CDS in the Culture War. The results show that the support extended to Chega by the PCC and the Portuguese Episcopal Conference is non-existent in a formal manner. Despite this fact and the lack of formal backing for Chega, some Christian social movements have shown their approval or support for Chega, as the party has some roots in the movement sector, but not as strongly as the Front Nationale. Further research is suggested in order to attain deeper conclusions from both the Portuguese Catholic Church and Christian social movements using other methods for a deeper understanding, such as semi-structured interviews and participant observation of events.

A Critical Analysis of Ümit Özdağ's X Posts within the Framework of the General Discourse of the Populist Radical Right

The aim of this study is to analyse the posts made by Zafer Party (ZP) leader Ümit Özdağ from his personal account on the X platform with reference to some of the concepts that populist radical right ideology produces discourse around. In this context, the analysis of Özdağ's X posts within the framework of the general discourse of the populist radical right is important for understanding how the populist radical right discourse is reproduced locally. In this study, the method of critical discourse analysis was applied to discuss the ideological meaning of the discourses formed around the concepts. In particular, the concepts of immigrants/refugees, Islam and nation have been selected with reference to the discourses put forward by the populist radical right-wing movements on the rise in Europe, and Özdağ's X posts have been analysed through these concepts. The analysis has been conducted on the concepts of immigrants/refugees, Islam and nation. Özdağ's discourses largely overlap with the populist radical right ideology on migrants and refugees. However, Özdağ's discourse differs from the general discourse of the populist radical right on Islam and the nation at certain points. On the issue of Islam, Özdağ, unlike Western right-wing populists, criticises the cultural practices of Muslims rather than categorically rejecting Islam. By highlighting Turkish nationalism, Özdağ reproduces anti-immigrant discourses within this framework. While the populist radical right has recently produced discourse through civic nationalism rather than discourse based on ethnicity, some of Özdağ's X posts evoke ethnic nationalism.

Political neglect and support for the radical right: The case of rural Portugal

Why are rural voters more likely to support radical right parties? This paper examines the mechanisms behind the relationship between living in a rural area and supporting the Portuguese radical-right party Chega. Portugal's radical right is an interesting case study, not only because of its belated but very fast electoral growth but also because Portugal represents an unusual case of economic convergence between urban and rural areas in the last decade, challenging one of the traditional explanations for rural populism — economic grievances. Using data from exit polls from the 2022 and 2024 elections, we start by showing that voters living in a rural area are characterized by disproportionally high levels of support for Chega. Then, using a 2023 face-to-face national survey, we use parallel mediation models to test different mechanisms that relate rurality with the vote for the radical right. We find no evidence that cultural and economic factors play a relevant role in the relationship between rurality and the radical right vote in Portugal. Instead, rural residents are more likely to perceive the areas where they live as politically neglected, and it is this perception that feeds, in turn, into support for the radical right. Political neglect emerges as the key mediating factor, shedding light on the dynamics of radical right-wing populism in rural regions.

Introduction: Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World: Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean

Introduction: Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World: Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean

The rise of populist radical right parties in Europe

After World War II, radical right parties in Europe experienced a decline, but over the last three decades, they have regained strength, becoming significant players in European politics. Since the early twenty-first century, they have secured representation at various levels, from local governments to national parliaments and the European Parliament. Nowadays, populist radical right parties rank among the top three most powerful political forces in one-third of European countries. In Austria, the FPÖ ( Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs) emerged as the leading party in the 2024 elections, winning 28.9% of the vote. In Italy, the Fratelli d’Italia coalition came to power with 25.99% of the vote in 2022. In Hungary, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party won its fourth consecutive election. In France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN – Rassemblement National) achieved major victories in both the European Parliament and national elections, becoming the country’s largest party. Though initially considered marginal, populist radical right parties have become a lasting and serious force in European politics. This special issue features six carefully selected articles, each offering empirical and theoretical insights into different aspects of the rise of radical right and right-wing populist parties in Europe, contributing to a broader understanding of this phenomenon.

Deliberative mini-publics as learning schools for democracy? Examining deliberation impact on dissatisfied and radical participants of a citizens’ assembly in Poland

ABSTRACT In a global context of democratic challenges such as dissatisfaction and social polarization, research on Western European democracies suggests that deliberative democracy instruments like deliberative mini-publics (DMPs) may provide a solution with their positive impact on participants’ attitudes towards politics and democracy. Despite the proliferation of citizens’ assemblies, especially locally, little is known about DMPs in newer democracies in Central and Eastern Europe, and it is uncertain whether the findings about the virtues of deliberation would hold. This study assesses the impact of a mini-public in Poland, focusing on the Citizens’ Assembly on Energy Poverty, the country's first national-level deliberative initiative. Poland has faced heightened political dissatisfaction due to eight years of right-wing populist governance and the rise of radical ideologies, raising questions about deliberation's impact on dissatisfied and radical participants. Our results confirm the positive impact of deliberation on participants, improving their percepetion of knowledge, political interest, efficacy, and support for mini-publics. However, we find no significant differences of deliberation between dissatisfied, radical participants, and other groups highlighting the universal benefits of deliberation. These inconclusive findings may be due to a common recruitment bias in DMPs, specifically enrolling politically engaged citizens, thus limiting the potential for a learning curve.

The Rise of Populism in America and Its Impact on Foreign Policy

Populism is a social trend sweeping across developed countries in Europe and America. Its emergence has divided society into two hostile groups. Trump marked the second stage of populism, which also became a mainstream political force. Whether it is the domestic economy, class policies, immigration policies, or foreign relations policies, extreme changes have been proposed. This paper explores the origins of populism from the 19th century. The purpose of writing is to analyze the starting point, outbreak process, and outbreak of left-wing and right-wing populism. The situation of American populism and its impact on foreign policy from different aspects are sorted out. This paper analyzes and presents that populism is divided into two basic forms of action: ideology and political discourse. Through the analysis of cases and research objects, it is found that the two have jointly promoted the transformation of diplomatic constitution. Based on the understanding of the nature of populism, three strong preferences of populism are analyzed.

Targeted for being women and reporting on the presidency: gendered-based violence against female journalists by populists in office

ABSTRACT This study examines the relationship between gender-based violence and the safety of journalists during the age of the populist zeitgeist. It includes an exploratory analysis of the discourses used by Jair Bolsonaro against Brazilian female journalists throughout his presidency. The findings provide evidence of the persistent misogynistic and patriarchal norms and attitudes of right-wing populists, who often target women based on their gender or perceived status to undermine them. The study concludes that Bolsonaro combined derogatory comments about gender and sexuality with attacks on the reputation and morals of female journalists. By leveraging ideologically motivated and culturally entrenched gender stereotypes, he constructed discursive strategies that shaped different identities for Brazilian women journalists. This approach aimed to damage their credibility and obstruct their ability to perform their journalistic duties effectively, especially in the politically complex reporting environment. Additionally, it served as a warning to all journalists—both female and male—who might consider publishing critical or negative coverage of his administration.

Negotiating national identity against right-wing nationalism: sonic (re)narrations in Poland

This article discusses a set of approaches to national identity that subverted dominant nationalist discourse in Poland during the rule of Law and Justice (2015–2023). Based on a sonic, lyrical, and visual analysis of three popular music case studies, it explores how the populist-enabled mainstreaming of “turbopatriotism” (Napiórkowski 2019) has been criticized and what alternative visions of Polishness have been put forward. I argue that cultural narrations of Polishness as [1] plural, diverse, and cosmopolitan, [2] peripheral, flawed, and complicated, and [3] bygone and mourned, all have unique affective strengths for the continued negotiations of collectivity in post-communist and populist contexts.

The relevance and resilience of the cordon sanitaire in Portugal: the March 2024 legislative elections

ABSTRACT On 10 March 2024, Portugal held a snap legislative election. Marked by a considerable increase in turnout, it inaugurated a new era in Portuguese politics, with the increased support for the populist radical right and a right-wing parliamentary majority. However, a cordon sanitaire strategy kept Chega out of the new cabinet. The election gave rise to a minority coalition government and a tripartite parliamentary landscape, with the mainstream right, the populist right, and the left parties forming three competing blocks. This article examines the 2024 election and a possible link between the rise of the radical right and increased voter turnout. We conclude that the fact that more citizens turned out in this election only partially explains Chega’s growth.

‘Neoliberalism, far-right politics, and the shrinking White middle class in Southern California’s Inland Empire’

ABSTRACT This article examines far-right, authoritarian politics among middle-class White communities of the Inland Empire region of Southern California. Grounded in a materialist theoretical framework and an analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews and the recent political-economic history of the region, I interrogate the political and social attitudes of study participants in relation to their experiences and perceptions of changing political-economic and sociocultural conditions in Southern California in the twenty-first century. Drawing upon Gramsci and the critical theoretical literature on authoritarian populism and neoliberalism, I consider how study participants’ authoritarian politics and ideologies reflect a reactionary political response to processes associated with the reorganization of racialized capital accumulation under neoliberalism. I argue that the appeal of these movements is, in part, how they provide commonsense (hegemonic) explanations for economic precarity, demographic shifts, and immigration, among other issues, while at the same time normalizing this increasingly exploitative and brutal regime of capital accumulation.

Digital Advocacy Journalism’s Push for the Narrative Tipping Point of Singapore’s Capital Punishment

A narrative tipping point leading to the abolition of capital punishment will come from specific events and broader trends that move public opinion and the accompanying legal systems away from the justification for death penalties. Through Singapore’s independent digital journalist Kirsten Han’s reflection on her reportage and advocacy for the abolition of capital punishment in the republic, this paper seeks to highlight the role of digital advocacy in pushing for the narrative tipping point on the death penalty online. Against global trends of abolition, retentionist cultures on capital punishment remain resilient, particularly in countries that claim strong domestic support for authoritarian populist narratives of being “tough on crime.” Institutionally sustained and discursively binarized as “Asian values” against rights-based Western individualism and continuously reiterated by national leaders, Singapore’s policy on capital punishment is termed muscular retentionism. Contending with this dominance in cyberspace is Han’s affective emphasis on death row inmates facing imminent execution, particularly those condemned to death for drug trafficking. Using a partially autobiographical approach as the second author of this paper, she illustrates her experiences as a woman activist in Singapore, journeying with these inmates and documenting their experiences as part of the broader effort to move toward the narrative tipping point. Positioned against the largely impersonalized and instrumental justification of the traditional retentionist position established in the pre-Internet decades is Han’s rights-based emphasis on the sanctity of life. Receiving little attention in the republic’s mainstream media, cyberspace has oxygenated this perspective. Aside from facing legal and police scrutiny for her involvement in abolitionist campaigns, Han has also been subjected to misogynist ad-hominem attacks online from supporters of retention. Kirsten Han’s digital advocacy journalism poignantly sharpens the existing feminist critique in Singapore of the carceral regime with a more intersectional approach toward expanding the scope of the discussion to that of predominately male death row inmates. Her emphasis comes from the notion of difference feminism in considering the structural inequalities and power dynamics that render the more socially disadvantaged vulnerable to the regimes of punishment. Aside from being openly singled out and chastised by the state, it may remain difficult to determine the public impact of Han’s journalistic work. Nonetheless, through amplifying the otherwise invisible emotional states and voices of death row inmates and their families as individuals, she exposes the human cost in the regime of capital punishment and in the process inches Singapore toward the narrative tipping point.

Self-Imagining

While Western Europe’s visual cultural resistance to populism is often highlighted in both the media and academic studies, resistance to populism through artistic and cultural production is very seldom addressed in the academic studies dedicated to East-Central Europe. This does not mean that the cultural producers from the former East do not confront the surge of neo-populism in the region. How do artists understand and figure out cultural alternatives and resist right-wing populist politics and its culture in East-Central Europe? What are their strategies to react against ‘culturally popular’ formats and ethnoreligious nationalist culture in an age of generalised anxiety? This article focuses on alternative archives of visual art against populism, within which it addresses self-portraits, double-self-portraits, and multi-self-portraits understood as visual cultural productions that resist the pre-existing depictions of ‘the people’ – employed by the right-wing populist entrepreneurs – to polarise societies into friends versus enemies.

Unmasking Authoritarian Constitutional Imaginary

Abstract This paper examines how the constitutional imaginary was transformed in Hungary after 2010, during the period of the right-wing populist government. While after the fall of the communist regime at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s there was a consensus that a Western-style democracy and the rule of law should be established in Hungary, and the democratic transition took place accordingly, 2010 was a turning point in the Hungarian constitutional development. The former right-wing opposition won a parliamentary supermajority in the general elections that year, which created an opportunity for the new government to unilaterally transform the country’s constitutional structure and at the same time introduce a new constitutional narrative. The paper analyzes this new kind of constitutional imaginary discussing its three main symbols, constitutional identity, the revival of the historical constitution, and the Christian culture. The study argues that these elements and other ideological features of the new constitutional order do not form a coherent system, nor did they create a new form of constitutionalism, but their primary goal has been to consolidate and strengthen the government’s power and make it exclusive. The Hungarian example shows how the constitutional imaginary has been instrumentalized during an authoritarian transition.

Religion in Right-Wing Ecological Discourse. A Critical Content Analysis of a Far Right Periodical

Abstract While the climate crisis was denied for many years in right-wing movements, shifts in discourse have become apparent recently. Right-wing populists and extremists are developing their own narratives, such as population growth in the Global South. Religious references also become relevant in these right-wing narratives but empirical studies on religion in right-wing environmental discourse have been rare for the German-speaking region so far. The paper examines religious motifs and arguments in the new-right periodical Die Kehre representing the line of thought of the new-right discourse on ecology. 15 issues of the journal are analysed with the help of the structuring qualitative content analysis. The analysis aims to develop a first descriptive assessment of the significance of religion in the right-wing ecological discourse. Therefore, this paper is also critical to the thesis that religion contributes substantially to global climate justice.

From Multiculturalism to Nativism: The Dynamics of Scientific Approaches

The article examines the changes in perceptions of the policy of multiculturalism and the reasons for its abandonment in a number of European countries and the transition to nativism. The author defines multiculturalism and nativism. The history of the emergence of these concepts is analyzed. The article provides an overview of the topics of modern research on multiculturalism and nativism by foreign and domestic scholars. Different views on these issues are analyzed. Not all scholars agree that multiculturalism is in crisis. Some believe that there is a change in the forms and methods of implementing this policy currently changing. The article shows the connection between the policy of multiculturalism and its criticism with the processes of migration in the era of globalization. It is noted that immigrants who become citizens of the European countries that receive them are mostly carriers of a different political culture from that which exists in countries with developed democracies. Attention is paid to the possibility of accelerating the process of integration of immigrants into Western society and their assimilation of its values. The article also discusses the question of whether the compulsory integration of immigrants affects the attitude of Europeans towards them. The article highlights the impact of the crisis of multiculturalism policy and the rise of nativism on the changing party landscape. These changes are associated with a shift in public sentiment, political preferences of voters, and a preference for right-wing populist parties, which are also called “anti-immigrant” parties. Even though they are not the majority in the representative bodies of European countries, right-wing populist parties have managed to change immigration policy in some of them to their satisfaction. The rejection of multiculturalism creates the preconditions for increased conflict in society, as well as the spread of xenophobia, crime, and unconventional protests. In the conditions of information war, hostile countries can use the existing contradictions in European countries to destabilize the situation. The study of these issues is relevant, as it allows for timely detection and prevention of conflicts, preservation of stability, and strengthening of democracy.