Right-wing Populist Research Articles

CONJUNCTURES OF DEMOCRACY EROSION

The paper aims to examine and understand the recent developments in Brazilian democracy in a sociological perspective. It offers an analysis of the conjunctural preconditions for the recent rise of authoritarian populism, presenting ways in which Brazil can be viewed as paradigm of democratic erosion and/or resilience. The article describes the foundational premises that made the development of contemporary democracies possible, and it proceeds from this description to explain how features common to authoritarian populist movements in Brazil and elsewhere are detrimental to these premises. It is argued that democracies are likely to thrive when welfare provisions and access to human rights are open to increasing sectors of the population, generating an inclusionary citizenship effect. The political polarization regarding the Brazilian welfare system and the discourse against international human rights, culminated in the weakening of the Brazilian welfare net and setbacks in the recognition of human rights by courts. These processes preceded, and were aggravated by, the rise of authoritarian populism in Brazil, generating an exclusionary view of citizenship that tended to intensify social conflict, with increasing militarization at both governmental and social levels. Arguably, the absence of warfare or an imminent warfare threat in the most recent democratic transition in Brazil reduced the capacity of welfare and constitutional human rights provisions to limit the influence of the military on democracy. While the efforts to build up the welfare system and protect human rights are still ongoing, the militarization element remains latent, posing a constant threat to democratic consolidation in Brazil.

THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT OF A DEMOCRATIC STATE ON THE BACKGROUND OF CRISIS POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the form of government as a structural basis for the exercise of power, formed within the framework of constitutional law, under the condition of representation of the main socio-economic groups of society. The purpose of the study is to establish the peculiarities of the form of state government as a factor in the formation of democratic institutional design. Features of the form of government as a factor of institutionalization of relations between authorized centers of power are characterized. It was emphasized that the modernization of the form of government in the political agenda may indicate a lack of deep consensus regarding the development of the political system. The significance of changes for institutional design within the evolution of the form of state government, which depends on the level of satisfaction of the requirements and needs of key political players, is analyzed. The significance of the political experience of Ukraine, which during the last decades has shown that political expediency is a more significant principle than considerations of preserving constitutional stability, is revealed. It was found that the existence of the current form of government in Ukraine is the result of the evolution of certain institutions, first of all, the institution of the presidency. In the context of the experience of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the assessment of the crisis phenomena of 2008 and 2010 becomes important, in particular the pressure of the demands of socio-economic balancing, which caused the “internal national reading” of the functioning of the form of government. It is revealed that the use of the existing potential of the form of government to ensure advantages in political competition led to the authoritarianization of the institution of the prime minister in modern Hungary. It has been proven that the international community’s fixation on the deterioration of the state of human rights protection has become a clear evidence of the influence of the form of government on inter-institutional interactions, in particular, in increasing the pressure of public authorities on civil society. It was established that the contradictions between high standards and the demands of the consumer society caused the support of right-wing conservative populist political forces. It was found that the situation in modern Slovakia shows that the parliamentary republic as a form of government also ensured the transition to democracy and the observance of democratic procedures. It was established that the trends of “non-normative” use of the power potential of the form of state government may indicate the search for a national model of balance between branches of government and key officials. It was concluded that a high level of self-regulation in the political system corresponds to a high level of civil political activity, responsibility and consensus of political elites, professionalism of the political class as a whole.

Organizations, Neoconservativism, and New Chauvinism: Organizational receptivity to right-wing political strategies

The first quarter of the 21st century is witnessing an efflorescence of right-wing populism that is flourishing in a period of heightened precarity, global trauma, anxiety, and gross inequalities. One branch of right-wing populism, neoconservatism, aims to restore patriarchy; entry into organizations would help it achieve those ends. This article uses an extreme case study of a profession in which chauvinism flourishes to examine organizations’ receptivity, at “shop-floor” level, to neoconservative political ideologies and the restoration of patriarchy as an entry-route. Using Judith Butler’s work and psychoanalytical theory for theoretical inspiration we develop a theory of “chauvinizing”—that is, the performative constitution of chauvinism. This incorporates a contrast between “old” and “new” chauvinism and the conscious and unconscious allure of misogynistic practices to practitioners. We argue that chauvinizing practices may offer neoconservatism both a means of entry into organizations and opposition to its infiltration. This article contributes to political organization studies an understanding of how organizations may be permeated by unwelcome political activities, and a warning for organizations of the need for both wariness and strategies of resistance.

The affective economy of removal: ethnographic perspectives on deportation and (In)voluntary return

ABSTRACT The removal of undocumented migrants has become a widespread preoccupation of current European migration politics and one of the most emotionally contentious state practices of our times. Not only right-wing populists and their constituencies demand an increase in expulsions, but also mainstream society. Others accuse these positions of being racist or lacking humanism and instead promote solidarity to help people seeking protection in Europe. These divisive views and migrants’ often long-term experience of being ‘unwanted’ and deportable provoke strong and often irreconcilable emotions. The ethnographic explorations assembled here zoom in on the ‘affective economies’ inherent in the arbitrary processes and unpredictable experiences of removals of people from Europe to different parts of the world. This special issue puts forward a twofold argument: First, conceptually, we argue that a focus on affects is indispensable in order to fully unearth the complexities of removal processes. And second, methodologically, we contend that an ethnographic approach, with its deep and often long-term commitment of researchers to their respective field(s) including multiple actors, is essential to comprehensively grasp the affective economy of removal.

Bureaucratic militarization as a mode of democratic backsliding: lessons from Brazil

ABSTRACT This article analyses bureaucratic militarization in Brazil under the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro as illiberal transformation from within, constituting a specific modus of democratic backsliding. Quantitative data about the presence of military members in civil organizations over time and qualitative data from interviews with civil servants directed by “military men” show how military networks infiltrated the Brazilian civil service and how they increased their power over time, thus creating an illiberal alliance with the populist presidency. The article contributes to the debate about authoritarian populists in government and the perils of autocratization by identifying bureaucratic militarization as a particular mode of democratic backsliding to which young democracies appear especially vulnerable.

The Trump Effect? Right-Wing Populism and Distrust in Voting by Mail in Canada.

Do Donald Trump's attacks on voting by mail influence how some Canadians view mail-in ballots? The Trump effect on views and behaviors surrounding voting by mail has been well documented in the United States. North of the border, more Canadians than ever voted by mail in the last general election. In this study, we consider how right-wing populism is associated with trust in voting by mail among Canadians. Specifically, we seek to test two main hypotheses. First, we consider whether Canadians holding populist views-and, in particular, those holding right-wing populist views (would-be Trump supporters)-are less trusting of voting by mail. Second, we consider whether political media exposure amplifies this association. We analyze data from both the 2021 Canadian Election Study and Democracy Checkup Survey. We find that those who hold populist views clearly have less trust in voting by mail. This is especially true among right-leaning individuals. Furthermore, as in the United States, this effect is moderated by one's level of political media exposure, with higher levels of political media exposure amplifying the effect of populist views on trust in voting by mail. Our findings, therefore, suggest that the politicization of mail-in voting by President Trump has important implications for the legitimacy of the electoral system not only in the United States, but also in Canada and potentially in other parts of the world.

Do Different Types of Right-Wing Populism Reflect Different Types of Right-Wing Populist Voter Bases?

Abstract In this article, we compare the voter profile of Trump, Erdogan and Bolsonaro voters to decipher if the voter profile for any of the three leaders matches their type of right-wing populism. Through original survey research in the US, Brazil and Turkey conducted in October 2021 with 1000 participants in each country, we find support for this proposition; that is, the voter profile for any of the three presidents is distinct with the exception that voters of all three populists are morally conservative in terms of their views on homosexuality and abortion. Trump voters tend to be ethnically driven and reject minorities. For Bolsonaro voters, moral conservativism and their increased age are their main features. Finally, the Erdogan voter is culturally motivated rather than ethnically motivated and younger.

Trust in Governmental Health Communication on Covid-19

Trust in governmental communication is critical to the successful containment of public health crises. However, in highly politicised crises, trust varies as a function of partisanship. This research report examines the relationship between political preferences and trust in governmental health communication during the Covid-19 pandemic in Germany. We pay particular attention to the interaction between (a) different dimensions of vulnerability to the virus and (b) distrust rooted in partisan preferences. Using original data from a representative, four-wave online survey conducted in Germany in 2020 and 2021, we found moderate to low levels of trust in information from the government. Whereas belonging to a vulnerable age group (65+) and fear of infection were significantly associated with trust, identification as a member of a risk group was not. Voters of the right-wing populist AfD were less likely to trust government information. Finally, the association between fear of infection and trust was stronger among AfD voters than among voters of established parties. We conclude that public health campaigns should account for the fact that politicised individuals may not trust communicators in prolonged crises. Messages targeting members of risk groups and partisans of populist parties should make health risks relatable to them as individuals.

Embedded memory wars: Italy’s 2019 Armenian Genocide recognition

Scholars often associate the political instrumentalisation of memory with right-wing populists. But this focus somewhat obscures the fact that elected officials across the political spectrum instrumentalise memory in their efforts to shape perceptions and influence behaviours. In fact, the success of memory laws often depends on the fact that MPs from diverse political parties support the same projects not only to validate their own views but also to delegitimise those of others. I refer to the conflicts resulting from different political actors’ support of the same memory laws as embedded memory wars. Based on documentary analysis and fieldwork interviews, this article examines embedded memory wars through the illustrative case of the 2019 recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Italy's Chamber of Deputies. In supporting Armenian Genocide recognition, Italian MPs from both right and left-wing parties developed competing narratives to debate contemporary topics related to European integration, multiculturalism, and Turkey.

Discurso populista y “nueva derecha”: el Partido Republicano chileno

Objective/context: This study aims to evaluate the relevance of the category of populism when characterizing a party of the “new right,” such as the Republican Party of Chile. Methodology: A discourse analysis of a corpus of texts representative of the ideology of the Republicans was carried out, considering four analytical dimensions: ideological description schemes, collective identification terms, populist statements, and the populist discursive style as embodied in the rhetorical ethos of the enunciator. Conclusions: Even though the Republican Party has been typified as radical, right-wing, and populist, neither the ideological schemes, the vocabulary, the utterances, nor the discursive style evidence a marked populism. In sum, other ideological frameworks better characterize the discourse of this party—in particular, conservative, authoritarian, neo-liberal, and neo-patriotic motives, framed with the signifier of a certain republicanism. Originality: The research allows a divergent interpretation of the parties of the new right, usually characterized as radical populist right.

Income change and sympathy for right-wing populist parties in the Netherlands: The role of gender and income inequality within households.

The global rise of right-wing populist [RWP] parties presents a major political concern. RWP parties' voters tend to be citizens who have either experienced or fear economic deprivation. Income change constitutes a viable measure of this deprivation. However, previous contributions examining effects of income change on support for RWP parties have yielded diverging conclusions. This paper challenges previous findings by incorporating considerations of gender and within-household inequality. We hypothesise a negative relationship between, on the one hand, personal and household income change and, on the other hand, sympathy towards RWP parties. Furthermore, we expect to find a stronger association between personal income change and RWP sympathy among men. Moreover, we expect the relationship between household income change and RWP sympathy to differ between genders. Finally, we hypothesise that this gender disparity can be interpreted by considering who contributes most to the household income. All these hypotheses are grounded in gender socialisation and economic dominance theories. Analysing Dutch LISS longitudinal data spanning from 2007 to 2021 (N=7,801, n=43,954) through fixed-effects multilevel linear regression models enables us to address various competing explanations. It appears that only for men, personal income change is negatively linked with sympathies towards RWP parties. However, considering who is the highest earner within households reveals that women are also affected by their personal income change if they earn the highest income. For both men and women, household income change is negatively linked with sympathies towards RWP parties. These results lend partial support to both the socialisation and economic dominance theories. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Popular autocrats: why do voters support Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary? A quantitative analysis

AbstractAuthoritarian populism has become an increasingly prevalent subtype of hybrid regime and is characterized by weakened democratic institutions and a leader who relies on populist appeals. Authoritarian populist regimes limit citizens’ freedom, undermine accountability and the rule of law, and are likely to be more corrupt than democratic regimes. Nevertheless, certain authoritarian populist regimes appear to enjoy broad popular support. Based on the European Social Survey database and my calculations of respondents’ personal income tax rates, I investigate the factors that influenced voters’ support for Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary from 2010 to 2020, which may be considered an exemplary case of an autocratic populist regime. The analysis shows that voters’ support for the government was influenced by their perceptions of the economy and government performance, political beliefs (i.e., policy congruence and ideology), and basic human values (i.e., self-transcendence and conservation). By contrast, changes in voters’ individual economic conditions were not found to be associated with their support for the government. The findings indicate that, in addition to explanations of government support that specifically focus on hybrid regimes, economic voting theory, which originated from and has typically been applied in democratic contexts, also provides viable explanations for understanding support for authoritarian populist regimes. More broadly, the findings also lend support to the altruistic and expressive voter hypotheses.

Place-based resentment in an egalitarian welfare state

A divide between people in rural areas and in cities contributes to the current wave of populist backlash and the realignment of party systems across Western democracies. Does place-based resentment also exist and influence vote choice in an egalitarian welfare state, and if so, what is its basis? Building on the literature of place resentment and social identities, we examine place-based resentment in the Norwegian context. Employing original survey data, we measure rural-urban resentment by comparing the difference in an individual's in-group and out-group sentiment. We find that rural voters are more resentful of urbanites. Despite extensive redistributive public policies, a sense of unfair resource distribution spurs greater rural resentment than a cultural grievance. In response to current debates in the American and West European scholarship, our findings illustrate that rural resentment can develop in contexts where rural voters are not economically marginalized. Rural resentment also explains voting for the center-left agrarian party. Our work demonstrates the importance of place-based social identities in explaining rural political backlash in advanced democracies. Moreover, rural backlash does not always strengthen the populist right.

Resisting the ‘civilising mission’. Analysing Hungarian conspiracy theories through standpoint theory

ABSTRACT Hungarian right-wing populists have been applying decolonial rhetoric in their conspiracy theories over the past three decades. Understanding their resistance against the ‘civilising' mission of ‘the West' – or recently ‘Brussels' – needs specific tools. By applying standpoint theory, our interest is in the domestication of globally existing conspiracy theories. Instead of imposing an external rationale upon conspiracy theory thinking, we seek to understand the conspiracy thinking from its' own epistemological standpoint/positioning. Extending our analysis of the recently successful political party Mi Hazánk Mozgalom (Our Homeland Movement) we analyse their election program, titled Virradat (Dawn), and how an East-Central European, semi-peripheric standpoint can be revealed from the text through the conspiracy theories utilized by the party. Our claim is that the utilisation of conspiracy theories in East-Central Europe can be interpreted as discursive tools of the resistance of a well-planned colonisation. We show how decolonial rhetoric is present in their election program and how it is tied to conspiracy theories which may be globally known, yet having their own, specific Hungarian features, deeply embedded in the country’s history and its radical- and far-right, populist political culture.

Is the rule of law really a European concern? Mediatized rule of law conflicts and the contestation of the independence of the judiciary in France and Italy

ABSTRACT The rule of law is considered a foundational value of the EU, yet its validity and implementation remain heavily contested. The article investigates the Europeanisation of rule of law conflicts related to the independence of the Judiciary in Italy and France. Through a claims-making analysis of a representative sample of French and Italian legacy media and Facebook news coverage, the selective salience of the 2018–2023 conflicts over the independence of the judiciary in Poland and Hungary in relation to the application of EU sanctioning mechanisms can be established. Journalists reaffirm their traditional role as guardians of democracy, focusing on monitoring rule of law compliance and detecting violations. However, judicial independence remains primarily a domestic issue, with limited Europeanisation. Public contestation of the EU’s rule of law conflicts with Poland and Hungary is driven primarily by the populist right, not by centre and left parties or the French and Italian governments. There is thus a tendency to instrumentalise EU rule of law conflicts in order to reclaim sovereignty at the expense of debates on democratic control and the protection of the independence of the judiciary.

Beyond the cultural backlash: exploring diverse pathways to authoritarian populism in Europe

ABSTRACT This article critically examines the cultural backlash theory proposed by Norris and Inglehart [Cultural Backlash] to explain the rise of authoritarian populism in the US and Europe. While the theory emphasizes the conservative mobilization against progressive values, we argue that the success of authoritarian populism in Europe cannot be attributed solely to a cultural backlash. We contend that different European countries have unique historical contexts and older, unresolved conflicts are pivotal to understand the rise of authoritarian populist parties in the European context. By employing EVS-data from 2017–18, we analyse case studies from Hungary, Italy, Norway, and Poland. Challenging the “one-size-fits-all” approach, our study demonstrates that older cleavages are essential to understand the success of these parties and highlights the need to consider different variables and unresolved conflicts within specific national contexts when explaining the success of authoritarian populism in Europe.

Beyond negativity? A laboratory study on emotional responses to populist strategies on social media

This exploratory laboratory study analyzes emotional responses to two types of populist strategies on social media platforms. We focus on emotional responses to content expressing ordinariness (on Instagram) and victimhood (on TikTok), where the content creator is a right-wing populist leader who is unfavorably perceived by the respondents in the study. Thus, the study critically tests the effectiveness of de-demonization strategies used by populist leaders to diversify the electorate. The research employs a combination of facial expressions analysis and two self-report measures of emotions to investigate the emotional responses elicited by populist strategies in individuals belonging to an out-group. Additionally, we examine the interrelation between psychophysiological measures and self-reported emotions. In doing so, the study makes a methodological contribution by advancing our understanding of emotional response processes and the methodologies employed to measure emotional responses. The results reveal positive and negative emotional responses, challenging the prevailing emphasis on negative emotions in response to out-group communication. However, the facial expressions and the self-reported emotions do not correlate. Our interpretation underscores the role of cognitive reasoning processes in differentiating emotional responses to political out-group social media content.

“A normal nation in our land”: Reproductive righteousness, redemptive politics and LGBTQIA+ opposition in contemporary Israel

This article examines the political rhetoric and policy pursuits of a right-wing nationalist party in Israel (‘Noam’), showcasing how opposition to gender and sexual diversity is centered within an exclusionary vision of Jewish purity. Discursive analysis of political materials show how Noam frame gender and sexual diversity as potent proof of moral decline and as contaminating forces, which can only be saved by righteous (heterosexual) saviors. From billboards and election manifestos to policy, Noam's vision of a ‘Jewish state’ is underpinned by an idea of ‘normality’ that is ethno-nationalist, heteronormative and patriarchal. Their attempts to construct threats to the ‘normal’ Jewish nuclear family help to gain broader public support and forge alliances with hegemonic political parties. Situating this particular Jewish-Israeli exclusionary logic of reproductive righteousness is part of a broader feminist study of emerging alliances within right-wing movements in an increasingly globalized identity politics of opposition to gender and sexual diversity.

When Democracy Is on the Ballot

Abstract: Democratic self-rule is an unending argument about what democracy is. In normal times, democracy reproduces its legitimacy by its routine operation. In times of political crisis, however, the defining issue of an election can become the commitment of adversaries to the rules of the democratic game. At such times, polarization can become lethal to the very system that both sides say they are committed to maintaining. All democracies could use serious institutional reform, but we will not begin unless we abandon the illusion that democracy's problems would be solved if we could just defeat authoritarian populists at the ballot box. It is our institutions, not just the players, that need changing.

Populist Politics in Pakistan: Case Study of Pakistan Tehreek-I- Insaf Regime

The advent of right-wing populist parties in Europe and America has given populist politics in South Asia more clout. There has been a lot of discussion among political analysts about how the rise of populist governments around the world is likely to undermine established democracies and eventually impede democratic advancement in developing countries. The research paper gives deep insights of populist regime of PTI and shedding light on frequent democratic decline in the country owing to this style of politics and also exploring that democracy has been inflicted by the populist politics is critical discourse of contemporary times and particularly in the context of Pakistan. The paper finds out that owing to its populist politics, the PTI government subverted the process of democratic development in the country, stifled the dissenting voices and curtailed the freedom of media.