Right-wing Ones Research Articles

National standards or territorial autonomy? Public opinion and the politics of fiscal federalism for healthcare in Canada

Focusing on public opinion, this paper studies the politics of fiscal federalism by analysing support for the level and conditionality of intergovernmental transfers for healthcare. Leveraging a representative survey of the Canadian population conducted in 2022, we show that preferences for fiscal federalism reflect territorial identity and ideology. Left-wing respondents are more likely than right-wing ones to prefer higher, conditional transfers. However, Canadians with a predominant provincial identity prefer more decentralisation and therefore unconditional transfers, regardless of their ideology. Hence, the politics of fiscal federalism cannot be strictly understood as a reflection of a left-right cleavage; identity also matters.

Left- and Right-Wing Criticism of Orientalism and the Role of Representations of Cultures in Their Self-Interpretation and Development

Over the past decades orientalism as an approach adopted in Western studies of nonWestern cultures has been subject to major philosophical analysis. The critical impulse that was transmitted by Edward Said to the scientific community in 1978 was powerful enough to create a universal framework. This conceptual framework makes possible both a revisionist point of view toward the West and a Western offensive discourse toward the so-called internal colonization. When we decompose Orientalism into components, for example through hermeneutic analysis, this phenomenon turns out to be one of the justifiably commonplace problems of the representation of nonWestern cultures in Western academic studies. Orientalists and researchers of non-Western cultures are criticized for mechanistic constructivism applied to the Other, but at the same time, conservative ideologists (René Guénon, Oswald Spengler, etc.) tend to draw attention to the fundamental crisis of Western science, its epistemological dysfunction and unnecessitated plurality that does not bring us closer to understanding the essence. However, both approaches unfairly overlook the factor of already exerted constructive influence on non-Western cultures. Orientalism can be seen not only as a form of exploitation, but also as a form of providing a language of self-interpretation, which have had a visible effect on non-Western cultures' understanding of themselves. This article examines the evolution of perceptions of the possibility and necessity of representations of non-Western cultures, as interpreted by the authors who are commonly classified as equally leftand right-wing ones.

Primul mythos de stânga al literaturii române contemporane

Mihai Iovănel’s History of Contemporary Romanian Literature: 1990-2020 is the first leftist major narrative of Romanian literature – and the shockwaves it generated were due even more to this firm ideological option (the first such one in the history of major Romanian literary histories) than to its literary content proper. The present article aims at asserting the main three accomplishments and shortcomings generated by this ideological option – namely that: i) it succeeds in coalescing the first coherent narrative of the last three decades of Romanian literature; ii) it sometimes turns from an ideological option into an ideological bias – and modifies the factuality of Romanian literature, eliminating important writers, exaggerating the qualities of some other ones, searching to distribute merits (to leftist writers) and punishments (to right-wing ones) according with their political option, and not with their literary qualifications; iii) it is an impressive stylistic achievement in itself, even though quite ironically its author disregards the virtues of aestheticism.

Housing Prices and Government Approval: The Impact of Housing Booms on Left- and Right-Wing Governments in 16 Advanced Industrialized Countries

AbstractIn this article, we argue that rising housing prices increase voter approval of incumbent governments because such a rise increases personal wealth, which leads to greater voter satisfaction. This effect is strongest under right-wing governments because those who benefit from rising prices—homeowners—are more likely to be right-leaning. Non-homeowners, who are more likely to vote for left-leaning parties, will view rising housing prices as a disadvantage and therefore feel the government does not serve them well, which will mitigate the advantage to left-wing governments. We find support for our arguments using both macro-level data (housing prices and government approval ratings in 16 industrialized countries between 1960 and 2017) and micro-level data (housing prices and individuals’ vote choices in the United Kingdom using the British Household Panel Survey). The findings imply that housing booms benefit incumbent governments generally and right-wing ones in particular.

Where do hawks and doves fly when shots are fired?

This paper explores the diverging electoral impact of instigating high-hostility militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) on the votes shares of hawkish, right-wing and dovish, left-wing incumbents, respectively. More specifically, I propose that deploying troops electorally harms doves and benefits hawks. I test this hypothesis via two studies. Study-1 presents a macro-level analysis of an incumbent’s electoral performance in a dataset covering 389 elections in 27 democratic countries between 1950 and 2010. With the objective of capturing heterogeneity of individual voting behavior at the appropriate level, Study-2 scrutinizes cross-national survey results from Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) covering 19 elections in 6 democracies. Multilevel models across both studies concur that in times of conflict, voters become significantly less supportive of dovish, left-wing incumbents and slightly more so of hawkish, right-wing ones compared to times of peace. The results also suggest that doves lose particularly substantial support from their co-partisans and ideologically left leaners.

Hinterland: America's New Landscape of Class and Conflict by Phil A. Neel

Reviewed by: Hinterland: America's New Landscape of Class and Conflict by Phil A. Neel Andy Oler Phil A. Neel, Hinterland: America's New Landscape of Class and Conflict. London: Reaktion Books, 2018. 192 pp. $14.00 (paper). Phil A. Neel's Hinterland examines American economic life through a geographic lens, focusing specifically on areas located some distance away from the major cities that are perceived to be the center of the global economy. Neel explores life in multiple U.S. regions, including the Midwest, Northwest, and Southwest. To do so, he anchors his analysis in the growth of white nationalist groups in the Southwest as well as his experience of populist uprisings in Ferguson, Missouri, and Seattle, Washington. Hinterland is not primarily a book about the Midwest, but Neel's focus on the economic struggle of the American countryside will feel familiar to scholars of the region. This is not least because he addresses many of the same spaces that preoccupy the field of midwestern studies. But because it covers impoverished zones across the country—and even recounts some of his travels in China—Neel's "hinterland" is more diffuse than even the expansive boundaries of (and endless bar debates about) the Midwest. Despite the term's connotations, Neel argues that the new American hinterland is not entirely rural. Instead, he defines the hinterland based upon its economic function: "as a disavowed, distributed core, distinct from the array of services and FIRE industries of the central city but more integral to the 'immediate process of production,' in which labor meets capital and value is produced" (17). Within this analysis, Neel distinguishes the spaces and economic activities of what he terms the "far" and "near" hinterland. According to Neel, the near hinterland differs depending on the country and is composed of suburban logistics hubs as well as peri-urban apartment complexes and "slum cities" that have been intentionally separated from wealthier parts of the city. The far hinterland covers a broad swath of American geography, including areas of agricultural production, extractive industries, and even the declined inner cities of the Rust Belt. [End Page 213] Neel illustrates how global capitalism extends into the hinterland in a complex, interconnected fashion. For instance, in chapter 1, Neel's time working for the Bureau of Land Management in northern Nevada gives him a window into the Southwest's mining and natural gas industries. after the initial boom that occurs as these industries extract value from the land, property values diminish, causing a lower tax base and fewer services for new and old residents alike. Neel describes people who, like he himself, are oft en driven there by "the twin gravities of wages and debts" and who experience economic exploitation as a series of "rents;" Neel uses that term in the Marxist sense to mean taxes, land rent, and interest on debt (43). Drawing parallels between the residents and the land, Neel argues that this is a system in decline—that exploitation and crisis are not temporary, but enduring. Hinterland's purpose, however, is not doom-saying. Neel turns an encounter with a fox who made its den in a tangle of sagebrush into a metaphor for possible responses to the "Long Crisis" he describes: "In those eyes was a reminder that despite the mundane world-breaking driven by price and profit, worlds could still be born, linked together, made to bloom—that even when the economy seemed to have reached an unprecedented expanse, it was driven by a crisis that forced its very core constantly to decay, interstices opening within the cycles of accumulation and devastation" (51). In the Southwest, the communities blooming in these interstices are right-wing ones, whose members comprise the so-called Patriot Movement. In the Midwest, the long-term deindustrialization of St. Louis and the imposition of dehumanizing fines and fees on its poor residents—focused disproportionately on the area's black population—resulted in the protests following Michael Brown's murder by the Ferguson police. Neel traveled to Ferguson with a group of Occupy veterans to observe the formation of riots in the hinterland space. His observations there contribute to Hinterland's thesis that twenty-first-century...

Ideology or voters? A quasi-experimental test of why left-wing governments spend more

This paper analyzes and compares the explanatory powers of the two main theories describing the processes that lead left-wing governments to spend more than right-wing ones: (1) a demand-driven process whereby voters demand more expenditures and thus vote for the left; (2) a supply-driven process whereby governments in office follow their preferences/ideologies at the cost of deviating from constituents’ demands (party preference hypothesis). We provide a model that identifies the predictions associated with those hypotheses and show that they generate a problem of observational equivalence in empirical analysis. We solve the problem by applying two identification strategies, Regression Discontinuity Design and Propensity Score Matching. Using data from the French local public sector, our estimates provide mixed evidence of supply-side effects. Left-wing governments facing socioeconomic situations analogous to right-wing ones seem not to spend more on social services, but they do appear to spend more on other types of expenditure programs.

Синергетичний аспект побудови моделі мовної політики.

The interaction of individuals, groups, communities, politicians and authorities interacting on cultural, ideological, geopolitical and other issues from the point of view of synergetic is explored. levels. Their interaction is based on democratic values such as democracy, public opinion, law, freedom of speech and action, competence, responsibility, human dignity, non-interference with privacy, the ability to defend and defend their own interests. All this throughout the history of building a language policy model has integrated and systematically influenced its formation and development. Synergetic component is the constructive and destructive interaction of different carriers of political ideologies, representatives of political institutions, political views of the subjects of language policy, etc., which positively or negatively influence the formation of the model. In this sense, the synergistic aspect of constructing a model of language policy is analyzed, which is to be understood as a complete model in terms of content and substance, which is formed on the basis of both constructive and destructive methodologies that link its parts to a coherent body, which is in continuous interaction. in the conditions of periodic statelessness of the Ukrainian people. It has been found out that the constructive component of constructing a model of language policy is such concepts as state independence, the only state language that fulfills a unifying role in society, the national idea, national interests, democratic values, etc., without which an effective model of language policy is built. impossible. Lack of constructing a model of language policy lack of constructive interaction, desire to understand and find a compromise of different language policy subjects, as well as – anti-Ukrainian institutions that form in the Ukrainians pro-Russian identity, linguistic-political identity, Ukrainian non-acceptance, non-Ukrainian state languages, culture, history, heroes and more. It is noted that the lack of any interaction, manipulation of the socio-political consciousness and political behavior of the community for the sake of revenge and victory, hinders the construction of a model of language policy. Synergetic is defined as a phenomenon and construct that is characterized by the kinds of interactions that lead to both the constructive renewal that took place in legally independent Ukraine in the early 1990-s and the destructive change in the language policy model that took place in the mid-1990-s. with the coming into power of pro-Russian politicians. The constructive interaction of national democrats and former communists is negatively affected, on the one hand, by their culture, consciousness and ideology, on the other, by belonging to different vectors – western or eastern. In this context, there is a lack of hostilitywarring interaction between the characters that are expressed in language-political conflicts and linguistic-political separatism, which impede the constructive model of language policy. Such destructive relations between the left-wing political forces, which in the late 1980-s, and the right-wing ones that were revived, reflected in the development and adoption of laws of Ukraine, in particular, on languages in the Ukrainian SSR, which, on the one hand, declared Ukrainian as the state language, on the other hand, blocked its constructive development and spread in the South and East of the country. This law, like all others after it, essentially laid the foundations for the construction of a dual model of language policy, which is based on the lack of political interaction between the pro-Ukrainian and pro-Russian parts of Ukrainian politics.

Talking It Personally: Features of Successful Political Posts on Facebook

While the centrality of Facebook as a political arena has been widely acknowledged, only scant attention has been given to what makes some political posts more successful than others. Addressing this gap, we analyzed a corpus of political posts written by diverse political actors in Israel. We explored, in particular, two main groups of factors that have been associated with major attributes of Facebook usage: content engagement and self-presentation. The analysis yielded a model of six features that promote the success of a political post: implied emotions, humor, first person, self-exposure, personal stance, and anger-evoking cues. We also identified differences in successful posts written by right-wing and left-wing actors; while humor was found to be a significant predictor of success only in left-wing posts, references to an out-group are associated with success only in right-wing ones. Overall, the findings showed that attributes of self-presentation are strongly linked to the success of political posts.

On the political economy of national tax revenue forecasts: evidence from OECD countries

Sustainable budgets are important quality signals for the electorate. Politicians might thus have an incentive to influence tax revenue forecasts, which are widely regarded as a key element of national budget plans. Looking at the time period from 1996 to 2012, we systematically analyze whether national tax revenue forecasts in 18 OECD countries are biased due to political manipulation. Drawing on theories from the field of political economy, we test three hypotheses using panel estimation techniques. We find support for partisan politics. Left-wing governments seem to produce more optimistic, or less pessimistic, tax revenue forecasts than do right-wing ones. Contrary to the theoretical prediction based on the “common pool” problem, we find that more fragmented governments and parliaments tend to produce more pessimistic, or less optimistic, tax revenue forecasts. We find no empirical evidence that political business cycles play a role in tax revenue forecasts.

Is an ‘economic peace’ possible? Israel and globalization since the 1970s

This article argues that the tenure of left-wing governments in Israel in the past 40 years has been associated with faster socio-political globalization, while the tenure of right-wing ones has been associated with slower socio-political globalization. In contrast, the pace of Israel's economic globalization and the rise in its average income are found to have been unrelated to the government's political bias. Interestingly, income inequality is found to be unrelated to changes in average income or to government bias with regard to globalization. However, income inequality is found to have risen under governments with a hawkish military bias.

Feminist and Gender-Neutral Frames in Contemporary Child-Care and Anti-Violence Policy Debates in Canada

Pressure to make policy issues gender neutral, as in the cases of policy debates concerning child care and anti-violence against women, had initially been put onto public policy agendas by feminist advocates. The broader influence of neoliberalism and post-neoliberalism (also known as the social-investment perspective) in Canada has amplified this trend. Global trends toward neoliberalism encouraged less state involvement and reduced public spending on the welfare state from the 1980s into the 1990s, with detrimental effects on women's policy. Moreover, feminist women's groups and women's issues were increasingly labeled “special interests”; advocacy claims toward the state were routinely delegitimized by successive provincial and federal governments, although this trend was less pronounced under left-wing regimes than right-wing ones (Collier 2006; 2009). As Canada entered the new millennium, many social-policy researchers identified a renewed state interest in reinvestment in social programs to position the state better in a competitive global marketplace. This newer shift toward the “social-investment perspective” is alleged to have consciously erased gender from social policy debates, particularly in the child-care arena (see Jenson 2009).

Doparies

The failings of parties are one of the central problems of contemporary democracies. What can be done to revive citizen participation? In this article, we present a novel party participatory decision-making mechanism named “doparies”. They are procedures that are nationally or locally implemented within and by parties, and permit any voter who declares to be an elector of that party (open doparies) or party members (internal doparies) to vote regarding crucial and controversial decisions during the period between one election and another. Whereas primaries are done before elections for choosing party candidates, doparies are done after elections for making party choices on issues. Doparies represent a bidirectional communication system between voters and representatives, and would retain the advantages of primaries (party–voters relationship) and referenda (debate before the vote), but would limit the excessive personalization of politics focusing on issues and not on people. There are both propositional doparies, allowing citizens to raise problems that are absent from their party political agenda, and consultative ones, allowing parties to hear the true voice of their voters, who, differently from what happens in polls, are informed by debates in party circles. We suggest that doparies are a new combination of deliberative and aggregative processes, and hypothesize that they can counteract parties’ crisis and abstention. Procedures similar to doparies are now part of the Italian Democratic Party statute and prominent national leaders have gathered signatures to organize local consultations. The use of primaries by Italian left-wing parties has had a contagious effect on right-wing ones as well as European ones. The same could happen with doparies.

The Determinants of Local Government's Financial Transparency

This paper contributes to the scarce literature on government transparency by analysing the impact of political and socio-economic factors on municipal financial transparency. Our sample covers the 100 largest Spanish municipalities in 2008. Compulsory publicity and transparency are key to public management (rule-of-law theory). Our data show that Spanish municipalities are providing financial information beyond the legal requirements, thus exceeding the compulsory disclosures required by the rule-of-law theory. The more taxes and more transfers per capita, the more financial information is disclosed and, accordingly, the higher the transparency is. Therefore the municipalities are not taking advantage of fiscal illusion or principal–agent effects, since they are not concealing higher levels of taxes and transfers from citizens. Furthermore, left-wing parties are more transparent than right-wing ones. Finally, the population also has a positive effect on the achievement of financial transparency.

'Wende' und 'Einheit' im Spiegel der deutschsprachigen Literatur: Ein Handbuch by Frank Thomas Grub (review)

57? Reviews work, which occupies a space that combines fiction, non-fiction, and police report. She notes that this specific consideration highlights how 'the sheer magnitude of Stasi material, the intensity with which the Stasi planned and carried out its activities, the very real goals ofZersetzung and kaputmachen [...] constitute a reality that many West German readers finddifficultto comprehend, but one that East Germans experienced as an everyday reality' (p. 224). In this regard her essay makes an interesting study of the impact of surveillance material on life and literature in the GDR. One contribution that stands out is Paul Cooke's essay on Wolfgang Hilbig's Ich. Cooke raises questions about the limits on resisting the world-view offered by the state, and about the extent to which the 'unofficial informants' might also be de? scribed as victims. He draws out the relationship of this issue to Foucault's ideas, and presents a provocation that could have been productively pursued at other points in the book. The GDR, as it is depicted here, seems to have been something ofa laboratoryforexperimenting with policing its subjects. It was farless veiled in its application of power than the West and for this reason its mechanisms run parallel to those de? scribed not only by Foucault, but also by Althusser and Zizek. Some of the essays would have benefited by more directly pursuing these social and historical concerns. Undeniably, some readers will find that the volume's essays stay too close to indi? vidual texts rather than returning to the broader issues outlined in the introduction. However, the book contains many well-considered and thoughtful readings, and its close textual analyses will well serve those who would want to use the book to struc? ture courses on the GDR, or to reflecton the question of what it means for literature to be written beneath the watchful eye of a police state. University of Missouri, Columbia Brad Prager 'Wende'und 'Einheit'im Spiegel der deutschsprachigenLiteratur: Ein Handbuch. Vol. i: Untersuchungen; vol. ii: Bibliographie. By Frank Thomas Grub. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter. 2003. Vol. 1: x + 689 pp.; vol. 11:x + 349 pp. ?148; $178 (the set). ISBN 3-11-017775-7. Literary production in the years immediately following the 'Wende' was accompanied by complaints from literary critics such as Marcel Reich-Ranicki that few ofthe works being published sought to address the events of 1989 and 1990, or the implica? tions of these events fora reassessment of German and not least East German history. Gunter Grass's novel Ein weites Feld (1995) seemed to provide an answer to calls for a 'Wenderoman', and Rolf Hochhuth's Wessis in Weimar (1993) could certainly claim to be a significant 'Wendedrama'. But these works did not satisfy the critics; their aesthetic quality was disputed, and, perhaps more importantly,they had been written by West Germans sympathetic to East Germany, whereas the expectations of many West German literary critics had been that East Germans would write literary works critical ofthe GDR. What constitutes a 'Wenderoman' is, then, a matter of perspec? tive; this, surely, is the underlying satirical point of Jens Sparschuh's novel Eins zu Eins (2003), which sets the history of the 'Wenden' in relation to the 'Wende' and its aftermath. Any chosen perspective is of course itself informed by a set of political, historiographical, and ethical expectations that often have little to do with aesthetics. Some ofthe participants in the 'Literaturstreit' of 1990-92 sought to sever what was perceived as the Gordian knot connecting German literature with didactic, politicizing agendas. Politics, the argument ran, was bad for aesthetics. That Gunter Grass's Ein weites Feld and Hochhuth's Wessisin Weimar were pilloried by many literary cri? tics is evidence that the real goal ofthe 'Literaturstreit' had been to replace left-wing agendas with right-wing ones. The hoped-for totalitarianist deconstructions of the MLRy 100.2, 2005 571 GDR in literary form were clearly not regarded as bad for aesthetics?one reason, no doubt, for the overestimation in some sections of the German press of Monika Maron's 'family history' Pawels Briefe (1999), which spans the Third Reich and the German Democratic Republic...

Political Ideology and Endogenous Trade Policy: An Empirical Investigation

In this paper, we investigate empirically how government ideology affects trade policy. The prediction of a partisan, ideology-based model (within a two-sector, two-factor Heckscher-Ohlin framework) is that left-wing governments will adopt more protectionist trade policies in capital-rich countries, but adopt more pro-trade policies in labor-rich countries, than right-wing ones. The data strongly support this prediction in a very robust fashion. There is some evidence that this relationship may hold better in democracies than in dictatorships, though the magnitude of the partisan effect seems stronger in dictatorships.

Nationalizing the Gay Body: AIDS and Sentimental Pedagogy in Philadelphia

1Trinity College

Partisan Cycles and Pre-Electoral Uncertainty

Rational partisan theory of political business cycles suggests differences in inflation under left-wing and right-wing governments. It also suggests temporary post-electoral booms after election of left-wing governments and temporary recessions after election of right-wing ones. However, the core hypothesis that post-electoral booms and recessions depend upon the degree of pre-electoral uncertainty has rarely been tested. Using pre-electoral polling data, we provide empirical evidence in favor of the hypothesis of the existence of rational partisan cycles. We also show that - in line with most previous empirical studies - there is little evidence for partisan cycles under adaptive expectations.

The Middle East Studies Association of North America

The twenty-fourth annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Associationof North America (MESA) was held between November 10-13, 1990 in SanAntonio, Texas. Hosted by the Center for Middle Eastern Studies of theUniversity of Texas at Austin and supported by different academicorganizations, MESA featued a number of distinguished speakers, internationaland domestic, who spoke on a wide variety of topics.One topic was the Gulf crisis and the AmWIsraeli conflict. The plenarysession of MESA , entitled "The Current Crisis in the Gulf: Thoughts andReflections," featured three main speakers: Richard Murphy of the Councilon Foreign Relations, Rashid Khalidi of the University of Chicago, and Kennethstein of hmy University. Though this sessim did not discuss ways of solvingthe Gulf crisis, it was the general feeling of the audience that a linkage doesexist between the Gulf situation and the Arab/Israeli conflict, and that acomprehensive solution in which the U.S. should play a major part is urgentlyneeded.The Conference tackled another current complication in the Middle Eastduring its seminar entitled The Impact of the Possible Mass Immigrationof Soviet Jews to Israel d the occupied Terrieories." Walid Khalidi of HarvardUniversity expressed the feeling of perhaps millions of Palestinians whenhe said that this mass immigration of Soviet Jews is the second most dangeroussituation affecting the Palestinians after their expulsion from their land in1948. Israel has by now received 200,000 Soviet immigrants since the summerof 1990, and their number is expected to reach two million by the year 1995.Muhammad Hallaj of the Palestine Research and Educatimal Center, locatedin Fairfax, Virginia, discussed the impact of the Soviet Jews' mass immigrationon Palestinian demography and economy in the occupied territories, and showedhow Israeli politicians, especially the right-wing ones, are more agreeablethan before to transferring a large number of Palestinians to Arab countries,especially to Jordan. As is well known, since 1967 a number of influentialIsraeli politicians have called on successive Israeli governments to expelPalestinians en masse as a means of keeping the demographic balance infavor of the Jewish population. It should be noted, however, that transfer,albeit on a minor scale, has in effect taken place, especially since the startof the Palestinian intifada in December of 1987. More than 200 Palestinianleaders, many of whom belong to the Islamic movement HAMAS, have beendeported to Lebanon. This shows the resolve of the Israeli government ingetting rid of the vital elements of Palestinian society ...