Extreme Right-wing Research Articles

Mobilizing extremism: an examination of the travel patterns of right-wing extremists in the United States

ABSTRACT Extensive criminological research has documented a ‘distance-decay’ effect in criminal activity, with offenders less likely to commit crimes farther from their residences. While recent studies have identified similar patterns in ideologically motivated violence, variation in the travel behaviors of extremists remains underexplored. Using data on right-wing extremists who carried out a violent plot, between 2000 and 2020, alongside information on Capitol insurrectionist arrestees – and drawing on routine activity and rational-choice theories of offender decision-making – this study extends this literature along three dimensions: type, time, and ties. First, we distinguish between different types of offenders, showing that while both violent extremists and insurrectionists exhibit distance-decays, the latter tend to travel farther and exhibit a more irregular decay. Secondly, we identify a meaningful temporal shift in the right-wing extremist landscape, with offenders increasingly traveling longer distances to execute their plots. Finally, we highlight the role of social ties in shaping travel behaviors, where individuals affiliated with extremist groups tend to travel longer distances. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the spatial behavior of right-wing extremists, the factors influencing their mobility, and the evolving nature of right-wing extremism in the United States.

History education as prevention: the topic of right-wing extremism in German educational media

The rise of right-wing populism and extremism has challenged Western societies in recent years and raised fears of the destruction of liberal democracy. Against this backdrop, it seems reasonable to encourage students in history lessons to study the rise of National Socialism in order to prevent similar developments today. However, researchers and educators have emphasised that ‘learning from history’ does not take place in a straightforward way; moreover, it is questionable whether contemporary right-wing extremism can be best understood by studying the Nazi era. In order to understand how history education could contribute to citizenship education in this respect, this article asks how the topic of contemporary right-wing extremism is approached in German educational media, and how it is linked to the Nazi era. Based on an analysis of the pedagogical approaches towards the topic in 28 history textbook series, it investigates how the pedagogical approaches, the narrative about right-wing extremism and the subject position of the reader/player are intertwined in two selected textbooks and in one serious game. In conclusion, the article reflects on whether the innovative educational design of the serious game could inspire history education to find new approaches to the topic and thereby to contribute to citizenship education.

Discriminatory discourses against Morocco and Moroccan immigrants in the Spanish context. A corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis of ‘Jovenlandia/jovenlandés’ (Youthland/Youthlandian) on X

Media discourse has provided a breeding ground for the advent of new patterns of discrimination with the power of influencing the public narrative. This goal of this study is to analyze how the recently-created terms ‘Jovenlandia’ (Youthland) and ‘jovenlandés’ (Youthlandian) are employed mockingly on X in response to the use of generic ‘joven’ (youth, youngster) in news articles. With the use of these terms, X users imply a supposed cancel culture in mass media that withholds data of Muslim immigrant criminals. The theoretical approach adopted combines corpus tools with Critical Discourse Analysis to examine 3856 posts on X during the 2023 Spanish general election campaign (from May 29th to July 23rd 2023). The analysis is based on Wodak’s discourse-historical approach and examines referential and predication strategies to unveil the linguistic expressions to represent immigrants. The results show that the words serve to construct a racist discursive representation of Moroccan migrant identities on the platform X in Spain. Immigrants are portrayed as violent, criminals, and rapists, whereas Morocco is depicted as a land of criminals with homophobic and sexist traditions. The discursive strategies against migrants were commonly grounded in the Muslims’ perceived failure to assimilate into the Spanish culture. In this sense, pork meat is used as a symbolic cultural criterion for evaluating authentic Spanish adherence. Spaniards are self-portrayed as victims of the left-wing government decisions and X users appeal to the extreme-right wing party Vox to solve the problem.

The online exchange of conspiracy theories within an Irish extreme right wing Telegram group during the COVID-19 pandemic

ABSTRACT While the extreme right wing (ERW) has not gained a foothold in local or national Irish politics, the country has witnessed a growth in online activism and harassment, and physical protest and violence. This paper explores a case study based on 4876 unique posts from one Irish-based Telegram group active during six months of the COVID-19 pandemic. The main findings are that: (a) this group was heavily influenced by foreign content and influencers, in particular, American ERW content and conspiracies associated with QAnon; (b) conspiracy theories were not adopted wholesale but adapted for an Irish audience; (c) Irish actors were not passive receivers of US content, and multi-directional exchanges of ideas were witnessed. While generalising beyond the case study analysed in this paper would require further data, this may suggest that Irish influencers are part of a transnational online ecosystem in which ideas and theories are shared and adapted to local contexts. These findings offer insights into the ERW in Ireland and, more generally, how the ERW communicates and spread conspiracy theories across national borders.

Identity and influence - RE professional’s views on the inclusion of far-right extremism as a topic within Religious Education lessons

AbstractThis research addresses the concerning influence of far-right extremism on pupils in England, highlighting risks leading to potential radicalisation and violent extremism. Conducted through focus groups at the national RE conference ‘RExChange 2022’, the study explores whether and how far-right extremism should be integrated into the Religious Education (RE) curriculum. Findings suggest that RE can play a vital role in countering extremist narratives, particularly those with antisemitic and Islamophobic elements, by fostering tolerance, respect, and critical thinking. Despite RE’s potential, challenges arise due to its locally determined nature and inconsistent provision across schools. The study concludes with recommendations for including topics about far-right extremism in RE, aiming to build pupils’ resilience against radicalisation and support informed decision-making.

Inventing and Re-inventing Populism to Protect Europe: The Case of the Italian Partito Democratico, 2007-2022

ABSTRACT Populism has been used by its critics to support European integration. The case of the Italian Partito Democratico (PD) highlights that, as a relatively empty signifier, ‘populism’ affords parties scope to adapt to different circumstances, as evidenced by the evolving use of the term in relation to shifts in policymaking paradigms at the European level. In the period between the Eurozone crisis and the Covid pandemic, the PD changed the connotation of populism in relation to key debates at the European level. While initially the term was used mainly to contrast unproductive uses of spending by the Berlusconi government and then by the M5S-League coalition, the definition of populism narrowed as European support for austerity measures faded. More recently, the PD has started using the term almost exclusively as a synonym for right-wing extremism. The Italian case suggests that critics of populism continuously shift their understanding of the term in order to protect European integration.

Media framing of far-right extremism and online radicalization in esport and gaming

Gaming adjacent platforms have created an expanding ecosystem of online gaming, esport, and social media actors sharing online space, content, communication tools, and users. Esport, in particular, has grown beyond all expectations and is now a global leader in sport fandom and spectatorship. At the same time, the online infiltration and influence of far-right extremism have resulted in increased challenges of online radicalization. Gaming and esport form a foundational part of youth digital culture today, and this has provided a fertile ground for far-right extremist groups to communicate and connect with users globally. This paper uses framing theory and qualitative document analysis to examine how media articles frame the relationship between far-right extremism and esport. The findings enhance our understanding of how narratives of far-right extremist influence in esport and gaming are framed in the media and how this coverage shapes contemporary societal discussion. This is important because as far-right extremism continues to be propagated and performed in esport and gaming spaces, how this is framed to public audiences can have a critical influence on esport and gamer identities, victimization or criminalization of online spaces, and future activities or approaches to counter radicalization within the online environment.

Political narcissism of right-wing extremists: Understanding aggression of the proud boys.

Political narcissism of right-wing extremists: Understanding aggression of the proud boys.

Society-related Fears and Personal Mental Health

AbstractThis paper explores the relationship between society-related fears and personal mental health. Respondents of an online survey representing the German population (18 + years) answered how much they are worried about eight societal developments (armed conflicts, social inequality, rise of right-wing extremism, crime and terror, immigration, climate change, artificial intelligence, pandemics). The analysis demonstrate that the sum score of society-related fears is significantly associated with higher levels of anxiety and depression. Particularly concerns about poverty, digitalization and pandemics are associated with higher anxiety and depression scores. Further explorations show that specific fears are intermingled with political ideologies, i.e. people fear different societal developments according to their ideological standpoints. Politically left-leaning individuals regard climate change and rising right-wing extremism as more threatening, while politically right-leaning individuals’ fears relate more strongly to migrants, terror and crime. The fears with the largest negative effect on mental health are poverty and armed conflicts for individuals who identify as left and digitalization for individuals who identify as right. Overall, findings lend support to the general notion that the world’s current ‘polycrisis’ is highly relevant and generally detrimental for mental health and human wellbeing.

Hybridization or Salad Bar Ideology? Testing Ideological Convergence Within the American Violent Far Right

In September 2020, FBI Director Christopher Wray described far-right extremist motivations as “a mishmash” or “salad bar” of ideologies. Academics and practitioners have further promoted such ideas using case studies of inter-organizational collaboration. The current study tests the “Salad Bar” and Hybridization hypotheses by analyzing the online discourse of far-right extremist groups to identify similarities and differences in their designation of “adversaries,” topics of political discourse, support for violence, membership characteristics, and psychological dimensions. After computer-assisted analysis of ideological discourse samples, our findings indicate that there may be an initial overlap between far-right groups, but it is too early to assume hybridization across the far-right.

Teaching to Fear: How Islamophobia is Perpetuated in Criminology and Adjacent Disciplines

Throughout American law enforcement history, a persistent pattern has emerged, emphasizing marginalized groups. This emphasis extends to higher education, notably seen in the proliferation of Terrorism and Homeland Security courses post-9/11 in criminology and related fields. These courses predominantly focus on the ‘Islamic threat’ to America, reflecting broader biases in counter-terrorism policies. Such biases overlook other forms of terrorism, especially right-wing extremism. We analyzed 382 syllabi from American higher education institutions to assess this bias. Our analysis reveals a concerning prevalence of misinformation in these courses. Educators hold a pivotal role in rectifying this imbalance, shaping the perceptions of future criminologists. Addressing this bias is crucial to providing a comprehensive understanding of terrorism threats and acknowledging all forms of extremism equally. It underscores the urgency for educators to present accurate and inclusive portrayals of terrorism in their curriculum.

“Today I Die like Jesus Christ”: An Analysis of Ressentiment in Perceptions, Motivations and Justifications of Violent Extremist Manifestos

ABSTRACT Far-right extremists distribute digital manifestos alongside their violent attacks as a method of sensationalizing their acts, dispersing their ideology, and garnering followers. This study sheds light on the psychological characteristics of the perceptions, motivations, and justifications evident in their manifestos. We analyze their self-perceptions as martyrs, warriors, or saviors, their perceptions of world injustice, their motivations of grievance, humiliation, seeking revenge and defense and their justifications founded on absolutist thinking, moral disengagement and us vs. them divisions—mapping out how they deliver their message through the emotional mechanism of ressentiment. We show the complexity of the manifestos content, particularly in reference to the way extremists present themselves as martyrs, warriors, or saviors, the pervasive reference of grievances and frustrations, the shallow social bonds and outgroup dehumanization, their strong motivations to seek revenge and defend, and the morally disengaged justifications of their intentions and actions. This project addresses an important gap in extant literature and offers valuable insights to academics and practitioners on the discourses that promote mobilization and engagement with political violence.

The political spillover of workplace democratization: How democratic efficacy at the workplace contributes to countering right-wing extremist attitudes in Germany

The political spillover of workplace democratization: How democratic efficacy at the workplace contributes to countering right-wing extremist attitudes in Germany

Far-right European foreign fighters in the Yugoslav and Ukraine wars. Ideological and geopolitical implications between Westernist and Eurasianist radicalisms

ABSTRACT This study analyzes the positions taken by the European extreme right, in the French and Italian cases, with respect to the Yugoslav wars both in the political dimension and in that of foreign fighting. A clear rift between pro-Croatian and pro-Serbian right-wing extremists is emerging, anticipating the one that occurred recently after the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The study reconstructs the ideological and geopolitical motivations of both pro-Serbs and pro-Croats, placing them within the different souls of the European extreme right. It also analyzes the geopolitical context and how the different choices of radical right-wing groups are placed in relation to the action of macro-subjects such as states and their intelligence. What emerges is how since the Yugoslav wars a clear fracture has arisen between right-wing Westernist radicalism and right-wing anti-Western radicalism of Eurasian matrix that becomes the glue for the phenomenon of Red-Brownism, the convergence of the extreme right and the extreme left in a common geopolitical framework and against a common enemy, observable in the Ukrainian conflict with radicals of the right and left acting as comrades in pro-Russian militias.

Good stories well told? Former right-wing extremists’ self-narratives in German schools for preventing hate, radicalization, and violence

This paper concentrates on German school interventions with former right-wing extremists for preventive and educational purposes, in view of storytelling. The involvement of former extremists in schools is associated with well-intentioned aims and various assumptions about impacts and attributions. However, current research reveals that these projects feature more challenges than positive potentials. Thus, in this paper we take former right-wing extremists’ self-narratives during these school talk interventions as a starting point for an in-depth examination of potential risks and challenges. Considering the present state of the art, we attempt to provide preliminary answers to the questions of whom these projects target, why they are conducted, what are their contents, and how they transfer information. In sum, we are inclined to conclude that caution is advisable when contemplating such interventions for educational settings with young people.

Online Signals of Extremist Mobilization.

Psychological theories of mobilization tend to focus on explaining people's motivations for action, rather than mobilization ("activation") processes. To investigate the online behaviors associated with mobilization, we compared the online communications data of 26 people who subsequently mobilized to right-wing extremist action and 48 people who held similar extremist views but did not mobilize (N = 119,473 social media posts). In a three-part analysis, involving content analysis (Part 1), topic modeling (Part 2), and machine learning (Part 3), we showed that communicating ideological or hateful content was not related to mobilization, but rather mobilization was positively related to talking about violent action, operational planning, and logistics. Our findings imply that to explain mobilization to extremist action, rather than the motivations for action, theories of collective action should extend beyond how individuals express grievances and anger, to how they equip themselves with the "know-how" and capability to act.

Right-Wing Extremism and Terrorism with Roots In (Neo)Colonization

Many Western countries and their citizens react to right-wing extremism as if it were a coup against the democratic rule of law. This article explores the reasons for this. It does so as follows. First, by outlining what is meant by right-wing extremism. But also by addressing the theories that right-wing extremists use to support their ideology of destruction and subversion. Second, this article examines the numbers of right-wing extremists in Europe and in the European Parliament. In this European Parliament, right-wing extremists have become a party that cannot be ignored. In fact, even Hungary's far-right prime minister, Viktor Orbán, is now taking over the EU presidency for six months. Third, this article addresses the threat of right-wing extremist terrorism. This is done on the basis of a number of states that oppress citizens in their own and neighboring countries, invoking the adage: "one's own country and one's own people come first. Russia and Israel are the two countries most often mentioned. Attention is also paid to individual Western far-right terrorists who target Muslims, sub-Saharan Africans, and the "leftist" elite. Their far-right ideology is strongly discussed in this article. Fourth, we test the hypothesis that the ancestors of right-wing extremists had their first experiences with dismissing the other as inferior and inferior in the former Western colonies. In doing so, we do not close our eyes to neocolonial behavior. The elaboration of this hypothesis is that they treat immigrants, refugees and expatriates in the same way as their ancestors did in the former colonies on the African, Asian and American continents. Isolation, exploitation, enslavement, plundering, looting and torture, as well as genocidal wars, were the order of the day. Epigenetics shows that the distinction between genotype and phenotype is based on genotypic changes due to phenotypic conditions. In short, poor living conditions due to institutional racism, stress, pollution, overcrowding and deprivation lead to negative genetic changes. The victims of epigenetic transformation are mainly immigrants, refugees and expatriates in Western countries and the original populations in the former Western colonies. Finally, this article shows that it is a significant number of immigrants, refugees, and expatriates who are told by right-wing extremists that they are not welcome in their continent, country, province, neighborhood, and street. With God's evidence, this article shows that human beings were not created to fight each other with fire and sword.

How Far-Right Extremism Changed American Body Politic

Abstract Aggressive rhetoric was part and parcel of the rising Tea Party and the related anti-Obama conspiracy theories. The argument here is that Donald J. Trump, as the leading public promoter of Birther rumors, first-time presidential candidate, and U.S. president, played a starring role in bringing hate speech, violent threats, and political violence into the political mainstream. As a result, political violence increased significantly and several violent far-right extremist groups, domestic terrorist entities, were newly founded after Trump announced his presidential campaign in mid-2015. As ex-president and once again presidential candidate, Trump glorified the criminally convicted participants in the violent breach of the U.S. Capitol on 6 January 2021 and honored violent far-right fringe groups that were active in the late 20th century while threatening revenge against his political enemies. To assess, whether Trump, as 47th U.S. president, would be able to have his political foes investigated and jailed upon his return to the highest office, we looked for answers in the Heritage Foundation's “Project 2025,” the most detailed blueprint for the dismantling of the “deep state” and the best-laid plan for a takeover by Trump and vetted conservative “Make America Great Again” loyalists in January 2025.1 Although the sole focus here is on the rhetoric of far-right extremism and violence in the past 15 years, there were no similarly extreme far-left hate speech patterns and violent extremism related to the Democratic Party during the same time.

"Remove Kebab": The Appeal of Serbian Nationalist Ideology among the Global Far Right

This article examines the appeal of Serbian nationalist ideology among the contemporary far right. We argue that the discursive othering of Bosnian Muslims as “Turks” as well as the Serbian grand narrative presenting the Bosnian War as a civilizational struggle between Christian Europe and Islam are uniquely resonant with the popular anti-Muslim and xenophobic discourses that are mobilizing right-wing extremists across the globe. Through an analysis of Serbian and far-right discourses, we demonstrate how the patterns of representation that were used to incite and justify the violence committed against Bosnian Muslims in the 1990s are being exported to remote corners of the world via the internet, where they merge with extraneous Islamophobic and racist ideologies to inspire a new generation of extremism, hatred, and violence.

‘I’m not a martyr, I’m a terrorist’: the Cospito affair and the rejection of martyrdom in insurrectionary anarchism

ABSTRACT While self-sacrifice and martyrdom are considered an important component in several forms of violent extremism, including jihadism and even sectors of violent right-wing extremism, very few works have looked at the presence of these narratives and practices in today’s violent left-wing and anarchist extremism. This article aims to help fill this gap, paying attention to insurrectionary anarchism, an understudied violent extremist tendency within the diverse anarchist galaxy. In particular, the paper focuses on Alfredo Cospito, a well-known and influential exponent of this transnational clandestine movement, convicted of terrorism in Italy in 2013, and his widely publicized prison hunger strike in 2022–2023, drawing upon primary and secondary sources. During his long hunger strike to protest against detention conditions, Cospito knowingly risked his life for the cause but at the same time he explicitly rejected the idea of martyrdom with scorn. Building on this emblematic case, the paper explores the reasons why contemporary insurrectionary anarchists are reluctant to accept and promote the powerful social construct of martyrdom, with an emphasis on cultural and organizational constraints.