Reza Shah Research Articles

Supremasi Pemerintahan di bawah Agamawan: Menilik Strategi Diskursif Ruhulloh M. Khomeini dalam Revolusi Islam Iran

Abstract: Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini was a multifaceted revolutionary figure. His engagement with various scholarly discourses, prophetic historicity, and the political realities of his era profoundly influenced him. The synthesis of these influences eventually formed the new Khomeini, characterized by a pragmatic socio-political outlook. This outlook was manifested in his mission to oppose the secular regime of Reza Shah and establish an Islamic government. Based on this phenomenon, this research aims to discuss academic questions regarding Khomeini’s strategy in founding an Islamic government. It concludes that Khomeini’s political involvement in Iran was closely linked to the political realities he faced and the horizontality of Shia theology. His primary strategy was non-military, involving the integration and reinterpretation of various ideas, including monotheism, Shia theological doctrines, ‘irfani (mystical knowledge), Islamic law, and the texts of the Qur’an and the Prophet’s hadiths. This religio-political strategy effectively toppled the Pahlavi regime, leading to the establishment of an Islamic government

Oil and the US Decision to Overthrow Mosaddeq

On August 19, 1953, Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddeq was removed from office by a coalition of Iranians, including Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1941–79) and members of the armed forces, supported by the United States and Great Britain. The US provided considerable financial, logistical, and organizational support to the coup, which was code-named Operation TPAJAX by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Although the British had been committed, in one form or another, to removing Mosaddeq since he first became prime minister and nationalized Iran's British-owned oil industry in May 1951, the US did not determine to overthrow Mosaddeq by coup d'etat until spring 1953, shortly after the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower came to office.

A socio-historical study of the emergence of celebrity culture in Iran: causes and roots

ABSTRACT This research provides a socio-historical analysis of the emergence of celebrity culture in Iran, covering the period from 1817 to 1961. The historical period is divided into four periods: During the first period (1817–1925), communication technologies were introduced to the country mainly through the Qajar kings’ intermediation. In the second period (1925–1941), Reza Shah improved the infrastructure of the country and initiated institutionalisation and legislation processes. In the third period (1941–1951), which coincided with Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reign, the first Iranian celebrities emerged. The fourth period (1951–1961) witnessed a significant increase in cultural intermediaries and certain social changes, leading to the emergence of Iranian celebrity culture in the mid-1950s. While Iranian celebrity culture was influenced by global trends such as population growth, urbanisation, economic growth, inequality, commodification, and consumerism, the impact of local patterns and perceptions cannot be ignored. In contrast to Western societies, the rise of celebrity culture in Iran was facilitated by an anti-democratic coup in 1953, and the secularisation process in this country was not the result of gradual changes in societal values, beliefs, or attitudes. Rather, it was a political project imposed from the top down by a military ruler.

Scouting in Iran Amid Changing Practices of Masculinity and Childhood

ABSTRACT This article examines the Boy Scout Movement in Iran, under Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1925–1941) and the role it played in the formation of a new elite boyhood. I argue that the movement’s emphasis on self-reliance, masculinity, and loyalty aimed to soothe adult anxieties that stemmed from changing attitudes toward and practices of modern Iranian masculinity and childhood. These adult anxieties also derived from the conflicting hopes and fears inspired by elite adolescence as a modern phenomenon. The gradual transition from child labour, as the expected constitutive experience of adolescence, to schooling as required and ubiquitous caused these mixed public sentiments on boyhood. Alongside the desire to see independent, educated, and self-reliant youth, fears of potential political activism among young Iranians drove the state to support scouting as fostering obedience and loyalty to the Shah. The article will demonstrate how scouting sought to inculcate loyalty and obedience, in order to answer the possible challenge posed by educated, strong, teenagers – namely that of political opposition to the ruler. In this manner, scouting was perceived as an antidote to the maladies of modern masculinity and childhood in Iran and solved the problem of legitimate activities of children in the outdoors.

Explanation and Analysis of Imam Khomeini's Stance on Pahlavi Policies Regarding Women, with an Emphasis on the Unveiling Policy

Addressing women's issues and providing innovative solutions has always been part of modernization in the contemporary world and Iran. In his authoritarian modernization, Reza Shah, with a quasi-modernist approach to the issue of women, adopted the policy of banning and unveiling the hijab. This policy, while maintaining its foundations, continued during the reign of the second Pahlavi with changes in method. This policy provoked widespread social reaction and resistance from segments of society and religious leaders. Among them, Imam Khomeini, in his speeches, repeatedly referred to this government action, criticizing these policies and condemning the Pahlavi regime's approach to the issue of women and the hijab. The present study, aiming to explain Imam Khomeini's stance toward these actions, adopts a descriptive-analytical method using library resources, seeking to answer the question: What was Imam Khomeini's position on Pahlavi's modernist policies regarding women, particularly on the issue of the hijab? The research findings indicate that on one hand, he defended women's hijab and explicitly opposed the unveiling policy of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. On the other hand, while raising awareness and warning the public about Pahlavi's negative propaganda against the hijab, he praised the fighters and leaders who stood against the unveiling policy. The influence of Imam's approach in society led to political challenges and increasing divergence between the people and the government, which also played a role in the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution.

“Woman , Life, Freedom”: The Emergence of an Inclusive Definition of Iranianness

Since the advent of the modern nation-state under Reza Shah, the Persian language has appeared as the most permanent foundation of nationalism and its drive to uniformity. Westernized nationalism intended to erase ethnic identities in favour of Persianity. Under the Islamic regime, Islamist/nationalism has intended to crush non-Shi’ite religious identities. Aspirations of religious/ethnic minorities to full citizenship rights have been shattered by all-out discrimination, securitization and Shi’itization that have impeded the completion of the nation-state building project. The ongoing revolution in Iran with women at its forefront that expanded to various social groups, ethnicities, genders and religions across the country, has challenged this model of power. The revolutionary practice has spread demands for the separation between religion and state, and is leading to the emergence of a new inclusive definition of Iranianness. It has also led to the rise of an intersectional consciousness according to which democracy, freedom and social justice are closely intertwined with gender, ethnic, religious, sexual and class equality. The most effective way to resist efforts that overlook potential collective action is to place the marginalized at the center.

Ahmed Adnan Saygun’s Opera “Őzsoy” — a Cultural-Political Project and an Artistic Event in 20th Century Turkish Music

In 1934 in Ankara the world premiere of Ahmed Adnan Saygun’s opera Őzsoy took place. The initiator of its creation was the first president of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal Atatűrk. He came forward as a peculiar curator who accompanied the project at various stages of its preparation: from the choice of the poetical source (the Persian epos Shahnameh by Ferdowsi) and the definitions of the chief ideas in his interpretation to assigning the librettist (Münir Hayri Egeli) and the composer, whom 27-year-old Ahmed Adnan Saygun was chosen to be. The idea of the creation of national opera fit organically into the context of Atatűrk’s reformist endeavors, however the project of Őzsoy was tinged not only with cultural, but also with political tones: the premiere of the opera, timed to the official visit of Iranian leader Reza Shah Pahlavi, was called to be conducive to the strengthening of Turkish-Iranian contacts. In the opera’s plotline, the theme of the mutual relations of the Turkish and the Iranian peoples is played out. Saygun, an adherent of Atatűrk’s reformative ideas, at that time a scholarship recipient of the Turkish Republic and a recent graduate of the Schola cantorum in Paris, turns in Őzsoy to the experience of European opera, but interprets it individually. This is testified by the formal structure and the dramaturgy (a free, at times montage connection of the musical and the talking episodes, a through type of intonational development and a conditional “number” structure), and the style; at the same time, Turkish national features show themselves through the Western European foundation, which is especially perceptible in the rhythmic and the timbral aspects. Such an intercrossing of the traditions of the East and the West has become one of the characteristic tendencies in 20th century Turkish music.

Economic Transformations in Iran During Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's Era: Development Plans and Their Consequences

This paper examines the economic transformations in Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, focusing on the development plans and their consequences. Shah's domestic and foreign economic policies were heavily influenced by his political objectives. From the late 1940s onwards, various development plans were implemented, significantly aiding infrastructure and industrial development. The first and second development plans focused on infrastructure and agriculture, while the third and fourth plans emphasized heavy industry and supporting infrastructure. These plans led to significant economic growth, but also brought issues such as inflation, corruption, and social dissatisfaction. The sudden increase in oil revenues in the 1970s, instead of strengthening the economy, caused structural problems. The inability to modernize the political system and suppress dissent also increased social dissatisfaction. Despite the ambitious goals of the fifth and sixth development plans, they failed to achieve their objectives due to a lack of human resources and necessary infrastructure. This study shows that the imbalance between economic development and political modernization, coupled with heavy reliance on oil revenues, led to economic and social instability. Ultimately, the failure to establish a stable and responsive political system was a key factor in the fall of the Pahlavi regime. This paper emphasizes the importance of the interaction between economic development and political modernization as key factors in the sustainability and success of governance systems.

SHAH MOHAMMED REZA PAHLAVI AND AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI: IN LIGHT OF SHI'I HISTORY

The Iranian Revolution talks about to happenings involving the rebellion of the Pahlavi dynasty under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, who was held up by the United States, and its subsequent removal with an Islamic Revolution of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who was helped by various leftist and Islamist organizations and Iranian student movements. The Iranian Revolution was a mainstream, nationalist and Shi’a Islamic revolution that ousted an autocratic kingdom with a theocracy built on “Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists” (or velayat-e faqih). This research goes to light the relationship between Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran, in the context of Shi'i history. This research paper hypothesizes three types of human relationships which are grounded on, the exchange system, the integrative system, and the threat system. Reza Khan (the father of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi) had established it through a military coup d'etat in 1921; the threat system looked to lead in Iran throughout the Pahlavi rule which was finished in December, 1979 by Ayatollah Khomeini. Under threat system, detachment and legality occur as major variables. Actions, events, writings, and vocalizations of main community figures are engaged to establish the inequality between intent and outcome of the Shah's policies, and between world views and consequent activities of the Shah and Khomeini. This paper also argues the nature of the rule of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, and into the role of Ayatollah Khomeini as voice of the opposition, charismatic leader, and as "prince" who legitimates his own threat system.

Cultural relationship between Afghanistan and Iran during the reign of Amir Amanullah Khan

After the end of the First World War, Amanullah Khan came to power with the contribution of the Afghan people and Reza Shah with the help of the British in the two countries of Afghanistan and Iran with a short distance from each other. Each of these kings in the early years of their reigns, trying to stabilize their position, preferred to postpone dealing with their fundamental differences in the borders, which were a legacy of the past, to another time and have good relations with each other. In this way, Amanullah Khan was a guest of Reza Shah on his return from his European trip and visited many cultural institutions and people of Iran, but due to his proximity to Turkey, Reza Shah meet him not closely when Amanullah Khan arrived in Kabul, his idea become change with Reza Shah that he was upset with Iran's government because of this, it caused the decline of Iran-Afghanistan political relations, also on the other hand Afghanistan and Iran are two countries with a common history in the period of Amanullah Khan (1919 – 1929 AD) had many fields to promote and expand of relations. There were still great global powers that always tried to prevent the expansion of political, economic, and cultural relations between the two countries, but the interest and desire of the two nations of Afghanistan and Iran led to the continuation and expansion of special cultural relations with the preservation and spread of the Persian language and literature. Despite many ups and downs of relations between the two countries, cultural relations have always been the area relied upon to improve the relations between the two neighboring countries. Because cultural relations have been expanded at this level, these relations have always been the basis and foundation for the expansion of relations for other sectors, or even the replacement of political relations, which have been the focus of attention.

Cultural relationship between Afghanistan and Iran during the reign of Amir Amanullah Khan

This study aims to examine the historical context, dynamics, and implications of the political and cultural relations between Afghanistan and Iran during the reign of Amanullah Khan (1919-1929 AD). The method employed involves analyzing historical records and narratives to understand the initial cordiality between Amanullah Khan and Reza Shah, their visits to each other's countries, and the subsequent deterioration of political relations. Despite external influences from global powers that sought to hinder the expansion of political, economic, and cultural ties between the two nations, the shared history and interests of Afghanistan and Iran fostered a strong cultural relationship. This study finds that cultural relations served as a reliable foundation for enhancing overall bilateral relations, often compensating for fluctuations in political interactions. The implications of this research highlight the significance of cultural relations as a means to strengthen and diversify ties between neighboring countries, suggesting that a focus on cultural exchange can yield positive outcomes even in the absence of strong political alliances.

The British and Soviet occupation of Iran (1941)

On 25 August, 1941 British and Soviet troops invaded Iran. At the time, and for many years afterward, the main reason for this was that German influence in Iran at start of the World War 2 was noticeable. Reza Shah Pahlavi’s reliance on German technology for his ambitious development plans worried the Allies, who feared the Germans might make Iran a base for operations against the Soviet Union. In addition, in the wake of the June 1941 German invasion of the USSR, the Allies needed Iran as a channel for supplies to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, London had the defense of India in mind, and it wanted to safeguard its oilfields and refineries in Iran. Reza Shah abdicated in favor of his twenty-two year old son Mohammad Reza. In January 1942, Iran, the Soviet Union, and Britain signed the Tripartite Treaty, guaranteeing Iran’s territorial sovereignty and political independence.

Эволюция внешнеполитической концепции Ирана в 1920-1930-е гг

The article highlights issues aimed at solving the problems of political and economic independence facing Iran, which affect the foreign policy concept of Iran. The development of Iranian society after the establishment of the Pahlavi monarchy took place in a complex and controversial international situation. The existence of the Soviet state near the northern borders of Iran, on the one hand, and the attempt to maintain and strengthen its control by Britain and other Western powers, on the other hand, influenced the features of economic and political development. Reflecting directly the interests of a certain circle of people, however, Iran’s foreign policy was subordinated to the tasks of restricting the economic and political positions of foreign capital in the country. Iranian diplomacy was called upon to provide favorable external conditions for ongoing internal measures to weaken economic dependence on the leading powers and strengthen the country’s international position. Solving the problem of overcoming economic backwardness, the monarchy in the process of changing the structure of the economy had to take into account three aspects: sectoral, territorial and socio-economic. As history has shown, the most difficult thing for Iran was to change the socio-economic structure due to the fact that the interests of the Shah and his inner circle were in the first place, and only then the interests of the country. The article did not set the task to consider the foreign policy of Iran in relation to all the leading powers of the West and the countries of the Persian Gulf. In view of these considerations, the main attention is focused on highlighting the key issues of Iran’s relations with the USSR and England. Accordingly, the main purpose of the work was to identify the most important moments in the evolution of the foreign policy of the Shah’s state in the 20-30s. XX century, and the reasons that influenced this process. The study of Iran in the system of international relations in the years under review is of considerable interest for understanding the evolution of the foreign policy concept, methods and techniques of Iranian diplomacy, which, despite changes in the socio-economic and political structure of Iran and the systems of international relations, maintained internal continuity. A significant role in the foreign policy of Reza Shah was played by dynastic interests, however, in matters relating to political relations with Germany, he tried to follow an independent national foreign policy

«Исламское пробуждение» имама Хомейни и «Белая революция» шахиншаха Мохаммада Реза-Пехлеви (к вопросу о взаимоотношениях с Западом)

The article attempts an analytical analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini on the need for an inevitable revision and rejection of the pro-Western policy of Shahinshah Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, carried out within the framework of the «White Revolution». The article is based on the analysis of Imam Khomeini’s public speeches, which appeared during his forced stay in France before the revolution itself, when he had the opportunity to directly address the Western audience, trying to explain the real state of affairs in pre-revolutionary Iran. It was after this that the figure of Khomeini began to be perceived in the Western media as the leader of the anti-Shah movement. The article draws on the works of the imam included in the official multi-volume collections of his works «Kawthar» and «Sahifeh-ye Imam». The ideas expressed by the imam criticizing the consequences of the Shah’s reforms formed the basis of his concept of «Islamic Awakening», designed to become an alternative to the official course of the Shah’s Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The article analyzes the imam’s statements about the figure and reforms of the Shah, his foreign policy dependence on the United States, the inevitable failure of economic and social transformations, the deadlock of the pro-Western course in the education system and propaganda cliches imposed from the outside about the advantages of Western culture and Western values. The sources involved made it possible to clarify and clarify the ideological and theoretical approaches of Imam Khomeini in the interpretation of crisis phenomena in the life of Iranian society, which was undergoing a radical transformation. As a result of the analysis, the conclusion is made about the inevitability of the events that have gone down in history under the name of the «Islamic Revolution».

IRANIAN NATIONALISM AND THE ISSUE OF AZERBAIJAN AND THE TURKISH LANGUAGE (EMPHASIZING ON PERIODICALS OF TRANSITION ERA FROM QAJAR TO PAHLAVI)

Modern İran Tarihinde bu ülkede yaşayan azınlık durumundaki çeşitli unsurların ulus devlet inşası sürecindeki durumları yaygın bir tartışma ve araştırma konusu olagelmiştir. Başta Türkler ve Araplar olmak üzere Kürt, Beluç ve Lor gibi çeşitli toplulukların yaşadığı İran coğrafyasında 20. yüzyılın başlarına kadar ‘’Memaliki Mahruse’’ şeklinde ifade edilen ve bir tür eyalet sistemi biçimine sahip olan bir idare sistemi hakimdi. Bu sistem içerisinde her topluluk kendi kültürel varlığını korumakta ve idame ettirmekteydi. Rıza Şah dönemiyle birlikte fikri temeli özellikle meşrutiyet sonrası dönemle birlikte atılmaya başlamış olan ulus inşası, tasarım sürecinden uygulama sürecine konulmuştur. Fikri arka planı önceki dönemlerde atılmaya başlanmış olsa da keskin bir geçiş dönemi olarak nitelendirilebilecek bu dönemde tasarlanan örnek kimlik karşısında ‘’öteki’’nin tanımlanması birçok tartışma ve sorunu da beraberinde getirmiştir. Çevirisini yaptığımız bu makalede, söz konusu ulus inşa sürecinde öne çıkan İran milliyetçiliğinin önemli fikri önderlerinden bazılarının kaleme aldığı yazılar çerçevesinde İran milliyetçilik düşüncesinde ‘’öteki’’ konumuna itilen Türklerin durumu mercek altına alınmaktadır. Bu dönemde ‘’Aryan Milliyetçiliği’’ ve ‘’Fars Dili’’ ekseninde inşa edilmek istenen İran ulusal kimliği, içerik olarak özellikle İslam öncesi İran tarihini sahiplenirken İslami dönem ise çeşitli açılardan sorgulamaya tabi tutulmuştur. Bu bağlamda özellikle İran’ın son bin yıllık tarihi döneminde idari ve askeri açıdan baskın konumda bulunan Türkler, ülkenin geri kalmışlığının da müsebbipleri olarak öne çıkarıldılar. İran milliyetçileri tarafından ideolojik kaygılarla ve indirgemeci bir anlayışla ele alınan bu mesele özellikle I. Dünya Savaşı ve sonrasında bölgede yaşanan çeşitli gelişmeler neticesinde varoluşsal bir sorun olarak telakki edildi. Bu açıdan Osmanlı’nın son dönemlerinde İttihat ve Terakki’nin bölgedeki faaliyetleri ve yine Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti’nin Rusya’dan bağımsızlığını kazanması gibi hadiseler İran milliyetçilerini endişelendirmekte ve onları bu iki siyasi yapı karşısında İran’ın bütünlüğünü koruma kaygısıyla yeni argümanlar üretmeye sevk etmekteydi. Bu çerçevede İran milliyetçilerinin konuya yaklaşımları görmezden gelme ve asimile etme yönünde bir anlayışa dayanmaktaydı. Onlara göre İran’daki Türklerin Türkiye ve Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti Türkleriyle bağları bulunmuyordu. Türk dili ise İran’a sonradan yağmacılar tarafından dayatılmıştı. Artık her şey aslına rücu etmeli ve Fars dili ve Aryan medeniyeti yeniden bu topraklarda yaygınlaştırılmalıydı. Bu ve buna benzer fikirler İran milliyetçileri tarafından ‘’Ayendeh’’, ‘’İranşehr’’, ‘’Kaveh’’ ve ‘’Name-i Ferengistan’’ gibi dergilerde sürekli bir biçimde işlenen konular arasındaydı. Nasır Sıdkî’nin sorumlu yazarlığında Tebriz Üniversitesi öğretim üyeleri tarafından kaleme alınan bu çalışma İran milliyetçisi aydınların Türk, Türklük ve Azerbaycan’da Türk dili gibi meselelere olan yaklaşımlarını ele almakta ve yine sahip oldukları yaklaşımın gerekçelerine dair tespitler ortaya konulmaktadır. Buna göre Osmanlı’nın bölgedeki faaliyetleri ve Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulması İran milliyetçilerinin İran Azerbaycan’ına karşı hassas bir yaklaşıma sahip olmalarına yol açmıştır.

Reconceptualising Women’s Activism in Iran and Turkey at the Turn of the 20th Century

Both Atatürk’s and Reza Shah’s reforms and policies regarding women and their rights and roles in the newly established nation states have been criticised for not altering patriarchal gender roles and practices and for eradicating the independent women’s movements which had been hitherto active for decades. However, I argue that there is still a need for a more accurate analysis and reconceptualization of the relationship between the state and the women’s movement in Iran and Turkey at the turn of the 20th century. I propose the concept of ‘reciprocal gain’ as an alternative reading of the relationship between the two in this critical period since it better describes the dynamics of this complex relationship with an emphasis on ‘reciprocity’ and does justice to the agency of the activist women by acknowledging their ‘gain.’ Based on a comparative analysis of the primary and secondary sources on the subject in both countries, this paper reinterprets women’s activism and their dynamic relations with the state and concludes that their activism in this period was pragmatically designed, took strategic forms in the fast-changing political contexts, and managed to insert a great influence on the policies of the nation states.

Two Faces of Urbanization in the Muslim East: Tehran in the Second Half of the 19th Сentury — 1930s.

In this study the authors examine the main stages of evolution and social characteristics of the capital cities in the Muslim East on the example of Tehran, which over the course of a century has made its way from the medieval Shah's residence to the capital of a modern country. This period in the history of Iran was marked by a gradual modernization of state and society, associated with the personalities of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar and the new ruler Reza Shah Pahlavi, who managed to offer a radical way to transform the country basing on a new ideological doctrine, the symbolic expression of which was his renovated capital. The image of Tehran is reconstructed on the basis of urban planning outlines of the 1920s — 1930s, a wide range of narrative sources, mainly diaries of the Iranian rulers themselves and European diplomats and travelers, and information from Persian literary works.

The Iranian Masses as a Source of Social Change: the Reign of Mohammad Mosaddegh

"The crowd has played and continues to play a very important role in Iranian politics at critical moments . This article looks at its role in the mid 20th century, especially during the times of rule of Reza Shah (1925-1941) and Mohammad Mosaddegh (1951-1953). The article reviews European thought about the masses, with special emphasis on the ideas of Bulgaria-born Nobel Laureate in Literature Elias Canetti. Canetti believed that the crowd was not always irrational, evil forces, but sometimes played a positive historical role: when it demanded and enacted social change. It is exactly what happened during the times of Mosaddegh. A look at these times is made through excerpts from the Iranian novel Neighbors by Ahmad Mahmoud, through a look at the press of that time and Ervand Abrahamian’s historical writing. Keywords: masses, Elias Canetti, Mohammad Mosaddeq, protests, neighbors, Ahmad Mahmoud."

The Last Shah: America, Iran, and the Fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty; The Fall of Reza Shah: The Abdication, Exile, and Death of Modern Iran’s Founder

The Last Shah: America, Iran, and the Fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty; The Fall of Reza Shah: The Abdication, Exile, and Death of Modern Iran’s Founder

The formation of the National Front in Iran

The grounds and manner of the emergence, ups and downs and collapse of the National Front (first period) between1949-1953 are considered to be one of the most controversial topics in the history of contemporary developments in Iran. The social and political conditions of Iran underwent a huge transformation between1941-1957. This development was caused by the arrival of the gravediggers and the fall of Reza Shah in September 1941. In this research, the fields of one of the most important political and social forces of Iran, i.e. "National Front" in the country's political scene after the fall of Reza Shah's dictatorship are investigated. The disintegration of Reza Shah's centralized system after his fall paved the way for the emergence of social forces that had been suppressed until then. The disintegration of Reza Shah's centralized system after his downfall paved the way for the emergence of social forces that had been suppressed until then. It was expected that by weakening the position of the court, the newly emerging parties would be able to eliminate the power vacuum that had arisen in the political arena. But it soon became clear that they not only could not do this, but they themselves had to submit once again to the restored power of the court. At the same time as the crisis dominates the society, the attempt to restore the desired dictatorship of court weakens the nationalists and the freedom seekers more and more. The actions of the court to create political restrictions and deprivation of civil liberties had coincided with the efforts of the British and Iranian Oil Company to stabilize its position in Iran. These two tyrannical and colonial actions were in conflict with what the nationalist and freedom fighters were pursuing. Alignment of those who called themselves "National Front", it was normal for the governing board and the oil company. The National Front was formed by those who were disillusioned with the political-social situation, ...............