Revolutionary War Research Articles

El círculo de los Gálvez: Formación, apogeo y ocaso de una elite de poder indiana

El círculo de los Gálvez: Formación, apogeo y ocaso de una elite de poder indiana

VAŞİNQTON İRVİNQİN “YUXULU DƏRƏ ƏFSANƏSİ” VƏ “RİP VAN VİNKL” ƏSƏRLƏRİNDƏ AMERİKA GERÇƏKLİYİ

This article analyzes Washington Irving's two most popular novels in American literature, "Sleepy Hollow" and "Rip Van Winkle." The main issue is the issue of identity in this period of history. The author of these short stories answers everyone who asks about the American people's quest for freedom and what it means to be an American. These novels are a source of inspiration for Americans to build their own culture. Key words: novella, Revolutionary war, colonialism, spirit, personality

Staging Imperial Identity: Music Theatre, the Holy Roman Empire, and the French Revolutionary Wars

The Holy Roman Empire’s final decades were plagued with conflict. While the war of the Bavarian Succession (1778–79) destabilized from within, the Revolutionary Wars (1792–1802) posed a threat from abroad. Scholars have long considered the Empire’s kaleidoscopic constitution among its greatest weaknesses, for it could not possess the perceived power of a centralized nation-state and thus (allegedly) made its dissolution in 1806 all but inevitable. But by examining such works as Günther von Schwarzburg (1777), Heinrich der Löwe (1792), Der Retter Deutschlands (1797), and Achille (1801), I posit that there was nothing inevitable about the Empire’s fate in times of conflict leading up to and throughout the Coalition Wars against Revolutionary and Republican France. This paper ultimately argues that, despite claims to the contrary, the Empire understood itself as a complex nation that placed its collective past and present centre stage so as to help ensure its future.

Music and Movement in Britain, 1793–1815

AbstractThe frequent references to the actors and events of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars in the titles of the dance tunes of the period raise the question of how we should understand their significance. This article argues that the practice is one of a number of examples of music and song shaping people's lived experience and behavior in ways that were rarely fully conscious. Drawing on a range of music collections, diaries, and journals, the article argues that we need to recognize how significant aural dimensions were in shaping people's predisposition to favor the status quo in this period of heightened political controversy.

«Война на полуострове»: англо-французское противостояние на Пиренеях в ходе Второй Столетней войны (1689–1815)

The article shows the Anglo-French confrontation on the Iberian Peninsula as an important stage of the Second Hundred years’ War. The example of remote action of the British expeditionary force demonstrates the «English style» of war: the operation of army troops with the active support of the Royal Navy. The author comes to the conclusion that the Pyrenean wars of the beginning of the XIX century have a certain significance in the system of Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars.

Campuses, Colonialism, and Land Grabs before Morrill

Campuses, Colonialism, and Land Grabs before Morrill Alyssa MT. Pleasant (bio) and Stephen Kantrowitz (bio) readers of the articles and materials included in the Land-Grab Universities (LGU) project learn about the financial machinations and land expropriation at the heart of the Morrill Act's financing of land-grant universities across the United States. Robert Lee and Tristan Ahtone's important investigative reporting illuminates a range of relationships and degrees of reliance on Indigenous dispossession at fifty-two educational institutions across the United States. Their work explores a critical moment of settler-colonial exploitation, adding another layer to the history of Indigenous peoples and formal schooling. Critically, this research facilitates readers' understanding of the foundational role Indigenous dispossession has played in the establishment, expansion, and maintenance of major educational institutions. LGU is both a powerful testament and a tool that can be utilized by those invested in transforming relationships between Indigenous peoples and higher-education institutions. This work should also serve as a springboard, prompting readers to investigate, question, and reflect on how every campus has shaped and been shaped by its relationship to the land and to Indigenous peoples. Until recently, campus processes of investigation, interrogation, and reflection have focused primarily on their roles and responsibilities with respect to slavery and the slave trade, resulting in a wide and impressive array of campus-based research projects.1 It is equally essential that colleges and universities understand and address the place of settler colonialism in the past, present, and future of their institutions. As conveners of an upcoming symposium titled "Campuses and Colonialism," we take inspiration as well from decades of work by scholars in Native American and Indigenous studies and allied disciplines who have investigated the histories of settler colonialism at their institutions as part of their "service" to NAIS initiatives, programs, and departments.2 "Campuses and Colonialism" will amplify the research of scholars investigating experiences of Indigenous peoples at campuses across the United States and beyond. Our call for contributors acknowledged the diversity of research questions and methodologies shaping this work and yielded dozens of proposals, ranging from reconsiderations of the "founding" stories of early American colleges, to [End Page 151] universities' troubled history of collecting Native material culture, to the contemporary struggles of Native students to transform institutions into places where they can belong. As conveners, we take particular inspiration from ongoing work at two of the campuses with which we are affiliated: the University at Buffalo and the University of Wisconsin–Madison. These local stories suggest the power and the potential of LGU for reckoning with the history of land-taking, even where that project's focus does not capture the central features of colonization on particular campuses. As we grapple with institutions' involvement with settler colonialism in New York State and Wisconsin we must look to periods and policies prior to the 1862 Morrill Act. In the territories currently known as western New York and Wisconsin, land cessions occurred much earlier than in the western regions of the continent where public lands acquired through negotiation or theft are connected to the Morrill Act. Following the Revolutionary War at the close of the eighteenth century, land speculators, including war financier Robert Morris and principals of the Holland Land Company, used every trick in the book to expropriate Haudenosaunee territory, the homelands of the Six Nations. By 1797 they had succeeded in their goal. According to the terms of the Treaty of Big Tree, the Seneca Nation ceded 3.3 million acres in exchange for $100,000. Through this agreement the Seneca Nation retained eleven reservation territories: six along the Genesee River and five farther west.3 Joseph Ellicott, working on behalf of the Holland Land Company, supervised teams of surveyors establishing towns and ranges that were later incorporated into a map of the region used to promote land sales, American settlement, and the transformation of Haudenosaunee territory into "settler sovereign landscapes" during the early nineteenth century.4 Ellicott, who became resident-agent for the company shortly after he concluded the survey, played a key role in this transformation. Working from 1800 through 1826, he developed and implemented the company's plan to sell land acquired through...

Brothers in Arms: American Independence and the Men of France and Spain Who Saved It

Brothers in Arms: American Independence and the Men of France and Spain Who Saved It

Washington's Revolutionary War Generals

Washington's Revolutionary War Generals

The Wealth of Knowledge: Land-Grab Universities in a British Imperial and Global Context

The Wealth of Knowledge:Land-Grab Universities in a British Imperial and Global Context Caitlin P. A. Harvey (bio) the colonial legacy of the American land-grant university traced by the Land-Grab Universities (LGU) project, of public universities "built not just on Indigenous land, but with Indigenous land," reveals a far-reaching pattern of institutional development that relied on the leasing and selling of enormous tracts of expropriated Indigenous lands to raise universities' endowment capital.1 The mechanism effecting this tremendous land redistribution was the Morrill Act (1862). Yet while it was the largest, the Morrill Act was not the only legislative grant of Indigenous land made to fund higher education in the United States or among settler societies worldwide. Contextualizing the LGU findings within the larger history of land-grant universities in British settlement societies makes clear that the American land-grant phenomenon was just one episode in the expanding territoriality of settler-colonial universities. Particularly in Canada and New Zealand but also in Australia and South Africa, fledgling public universities received substantial blocks of unceded Indigenous territory as financing from their governments. The development of America's educational institutions, therefore, did not unfold in isolation from the trends established in other Anglo-dominant settler societies. When we consider the land-grant university in British imperial and global perspective, the full territoriality of land-grant universities comprises over 15 million acres spread over three continents (table 1). Settlers' provincial and federal governments sponsored land-grant institutions with the aim of applying scientific methods to agriculture, fostering technological innovation, and creating an internationally competitive yet civic-minded workforce.2 In New Zealand (Aotearoa) in 1869, for instance, the Province of Otago's legislators issued deeds of 100,000 acres for the University of Otago, followed by another 100,000 acres on the South Island (Te Waipounamu) in the 1870s.3 The Ngāi Tahu disputed this reallocation. But with the New Zealand Wars ongoing and swayed by the complaints of Otago University's largest land lessee, Robert Campbell, the colonial state evicted the Māori landholders.4 [End Page 97] Click for larger view View full resolution Table 1. Aggregate Totals of University Land by Grant and Location In England, the universities of Oxford and Cambridge had long relied on the rental income generated by landholding. Even today, the Oxbridge colleges "are among the largest institutional landowners" in land-scarce England.5 Settler societies carried on this European custom on a larger and more devastating scale. Particularly where capital was lacking from benefactions, fees, or government subsidies, the resort to land-granting was continuous. As early as 1619, the British government assigned 10,000 acres to a "Henrico College" in Virginia. Warfare with the Powhatan Confederacy and chronic underpopulation ensured that this institution was short-lived.6 Reaching forward to the nineteenth century and prior to the Morrill Act, The Constitutional History of New York indicates that in 1846 the U.S. [End Page 98] government released to "Tennessee 1,300,000 acres of public land in that state for the endowment of a college."7 This land, nearly the size of Delaware, lay to the "south and west of the Congressional reservation line." Supposedly "vacant and unappropriated Lands" existed there after the violent removal of the Cherokee.8 In nearly the same moment, one of the earliest educational land grants in British North America went to King's College, a precursor to the University of Toronto, in 1828. An Anglican bishop, John Strachan, secured 225,944 acres of valuable Crown Reserves for the new college.9 It is likely that much of this property once supported the Mississaugas of New Credit (Mississauga Ojibwa). Under the strain of recurring Indigenous-settler skirmishes, the Mississaugas ceded 250,808 acres of their land—covering most of what is now the city of Toronto and region of York—first to the British Crown in 1787 and then to the Upper Canadian government in 1805. The Toronto Purchase, as these agreements became known, followed the influx of Loyalists into Upper Canada after the American Revolutionary War.10 Following Canadian Confederation in 1867, institutions of higher learning repeated Toronto's (and, by then, also...

Study on the Changing Connotation of the American Dream in Death of a Salesman

Arthur Miller is considered one of the greatest American playwrights of the twentieth century. His masterpiece—Death of a Salesman—tells a tragic story about an ordinary American and chronicles the changing connotation of the American dream. The American dream originates from the puritan spirit, develops in the Revolutionary war and distorts as society changed. The essay attempts to reveal the changing connotation of the American dream reflected in this play by analyzing the representative character portrayed by Miller. On the basis of a better understanding of the play, the great influence of values in different time, such as the American dream, on ordinary people are expected to be learned.

The New Development of the Party’s United Front Theory Based on Big Data Analysis

United front has always been an important line of work of the Party and an important magic weapon for the Party to unite the people and lead them to victory in the revolutionary war and advance the construction, reform and development of new China. With the development of different historical periods, the party’s united front theory has been constantly enriched and perfected. Big data analysis shows that entering a new era, the realization of the “two centenary goals” and the Chinese Dream requires further consolidation and development of the united front, and the Party Central Committee with Xi Jinping as its core has also made a series of new strategic arrangements for the united front work, and the Party’s united front theory has gained new development in the new era. United front work has always been an important work of the party. Consolidating and developing the broadest united front have always been an important line of the party’s policy. The united front theory of the Party, based on the basic principles of Marxism, was founded in the Second Sino-Japanese War period in combination with China’s revolutionary practice. It’s gradually enriched and developed in combination with the different practices and tasks of each historical period. It has become an important ideological guide for the Party to lead the people to win revolutionary victory, speed up the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics, unite the people of all ethnic groups and lead them to realize the Chinese dream of great rejuvenation[1-2].

“Known To Be Equal to the Management”

Abstract Enslaved overseers have largely been neglected in the extant historiography of plantation slavery. At best they have been pushed to the margins of the literature, their numbers and their significance downplayed. Yet, as large plantations diversified over the latter years of the eighteenth century, and as relations between established planters and independently minded and aspirational white overseers became prone to mistrust and friction, many prominent modernizing planters, including both Washington and Jefferson, began to experiment with unfree managers. They often proved to be skilled, dependable and, even under the pressure of the Revolutionary War, resilient. Yet their presence raised serious questions within plantation society too; they challenged white racial hegemony, and their ‘loyalty’ was a conditional and contingent quality. They occupy a unique place in the story of plantation management, one that challenges orthodox conceptions of race and power in the slave South.

Artillery Supported by Infantry: The Royal Artillery at the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse

This paper analyzes three questions concerning the Royal Artillery at the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse: how many artillery pieces were used during the battle, which units were employed, and what role the Royal Artillery played in relationship to its parent organizations, the British Army and the British Board of Ordnance. Each of these topics have been seldom discussed, especially in connection to the narrative of the Battle of Monmouth. It is hoped that these inquiries can provide some clarity on the Royal Artillery’s part in the battle, and might spark new efforts of research by future scholars of the American Revolutionary War. In examining these points, careful attention was made in discussing the overall structure of the Royal Artillery and offering a comparison/contrast with its opponent: the Continental Artillery. The main primary source consulted in this discussion was the official Papers of Brigadier-General James Pattison, commander of Royal Artillery forces in North America. These research endeavors resulted in a concrete number of guns used during the Monmouth campaign, some strong indications for the particular units employed, as well as some new insights concerning the traditional interpretation of the battle that may require future analysis.

Important NJ African American Resources from the Revolutionary War Era

TBD

Jeannine Cavender-Bares.

Jeannine Cavender-Bares.

Other amputee officers in Nelson’s navy

ABSTRACT Throughout the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, the Royal Navy had a peculiar problem: it had too many talented and ambitious officers, all competing for a limited number of command positions. Given this surplus, we might expect that contracting a major physical impairment would automatically disqualify an officer from consideration. Instead, losing a limb in battle became a mark of honor, one that a hero and his friends could use to increase his chances of winning the privilege of additional employment at sea. After the loss of a limb, at least twenty-six such officers reached the rank of Commander or higher through continued service. In addition to discussing the most famous of them all, Admiral Lord Horatio Nelson, this article offers information about the lives and careers of several his lesser-known fellow amputee officers. Their stories will be of interest to scholars and students of 18th and 19th-century social history, disability studies, gender studies, art history, and naval history.

The setting up and adaptation of “democratic centralism” in the Chinese workers’ and peasants’ Red Army: the Jiangxi Fourth Red Army led by Mao Zedong

ABSTRACT Democratic centralism was a way of organizing political parties that was introduced by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from Soviet Russia in the twentieth century. Its introduction and adaptation underwent a convoluted process, in which the early years of the Agrarian Revolutionary War (1927–1937) served as a pivot. This happened because the Jiangxi Fourth Red Army (Jiangxi hongsijun), the CCP’s most important main force at that time, experienced a complex transformation in its leadership body and this sparked intense controversies within the Party. The present article reconstructs the process in which the Fourth Red Army gradually established and recognized the Front Committee (Qiandi weiyuanhui) appointed by the Central Committee of the CCP to hold centralized leadership over the army and its regional party organization in the revolutionary base areas. The article probes the different forms and operational characteristics of democratic centralism in the CCP’s army and local Party organizations. It presents the intricate relationships between the main Red Army and the local Party organizations at all levels. During the Yan’an period, the CCP more fully absorbed the Fourth Red Army’s historical experiences, and therefore facilitated the maturation of the practice of democratic centralism within the Party.

Diplomatic Maneuvering in the Yoruba Revolutionary Wars of the 19th Century: An Examination of the Owú & Lásinmí Wars

War in the context of this study is a basic aspect of human development. It visualizes the bourgeois nature of human relationship and national interest. It requires the use of clever and tact in getting a desired need; a skillful plan, action or movement aimed at giving extra advantage in a struggle or arrangement. Just like the wars fought in Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries, there were revolutionary wars fought among the Yoruba people to ascertain political dominance over one another in their geographical space. The revolutionary wars of the 19th century had a pile of diplomatic moves which either gave advantages during the war or paved way for a subtly skillful negotiation during the war. This paper examines the role of diplomacy and manoeuvring played during the selected revolutionary wars; despite the low level of literacy as at this point in time. Primary and secondary sources are employed in this research as well as thorough descriptive and analytic methods of report writing.

"ГЕРМАНСКИЙ ОКТЯБРЬ" 1923 Г. В РОССИЙСКОЙ ИСТОРИОГРАФИИ

The article analyzes the failed revolution of 1923 in Germany in the works of modern Russian historians. Expanding access to archives and the introduction of a large number of documents on this topic into scientific discussion, allows researchers to turn to problems that were not previously raised in Soviet historiography: «German October» and the foreign policy of the USSR, peaceful coexistence or revolutionary war, the influence of the Bolshevik leadership on strategy and the tactics of the German Communist Party, the struggle in the Comintern and in the RCP (b) on the issues of the German revolution. All these topics are the core of the proposed work. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite all the significance of the German revolution for strengthening the geopolitical positions of the Bolsheviks, the national interests of Soviet Russia turned out to be more important for the RCP (b). The revolutionary uprising in Germany never took place, since it could trigger a new European war, which both the great powers and the USSR wanted to avoid at that time.

"Let us unanimously lay aside foreign Superfluities": Textile Production and British Colonial Identity in the 1760s

T. H. Breen's The Marketplace of Revolution reshaped Revolutionary War scholarship by arguing that protesting British taxes on material goods both galvanized and united colonists from multiple backgrounds. Essays published in Rhode Island's Newport Mercury demonstrate, however, that arguments in favor of home textile production in the British North American colonies were not confined solely to protesting colonists. The months leading up to the Stamp Act crisis in 1765 saw twenty such articles by colonists who would identify as Loyalists during the Revolutionary War; the years following the Stamp Act crisis saw twenty-three articles by colonists who would identify as Patriots arguing in favor of home textile production in Rhode Island. The Second Calico Act in 1721 had stated that residents of the British Isles could only purchase British-made textiles, but that American colonists were to be encouraged to purchase imported fabrics from India. The break caused by the American Revolution would come in time, but for the moment, Rhode Island colonists were eager to claim their right to the privileges and protections of British subjecthood through their identities as textile-producing Britons.