Revolutionary Ideology Research Articles

Phénoménologie de la conscience religieuse

Jean-Louis Vieillard-Baron : Phenomenology of religious consciousness. The awakening of a religious consciousness in the last decades of the 18th C. can be seen in revolutionary ideology (Saint-Just, Danton, Robespierre) in which Revolution becomes Revelation. Fichte expresses this attitude in philosophy. In the aesthetic field we see a religious taste for the sublime. The intériorisation of religion is present in Hemsterhuis and Dutoit-Membriné. It takes new forms in Schleiermacher's Discourse on Religion (1799) and Chateaubriand's Génie du christianisme (1802), in which the exotic and sentimental are primordial. In 1807, Hegel demonstrated, in the Phenomenology of the Spirit, the significance of the religious revival ; art and religion are the means to attain Absolute Knowledge.

Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith

This book traces the origins of a faith--perhaps the faith of the century. Modern revolutionaries are believers, no less committed and intense than were Christians or Muslims of an earlier era. What is new is the belief that a perfect secular order will emerge from forcible overthrow of traditional authority. This inherently implausible idea energized Europe in the nineteenth century, and became the most pronounced ideological export of the West to the rest of the world in the twentieth century. Billington is interested in revolutionaries--the innovative creators of a new tradition. His historical frame extends from the waning of the French Revolution in the late eighteenth century to the beginnings of the Russian Revolution in the early twentieth century. The theater was Europe of the industrial era; the main stage was the journalistic offices within great cities such as Paris, Berlin, London, and St. Petersburg. Billington claims with considerable evidence that revolutionary ideologies were shaped as much by the occultism and proto-romanticism of Germany as the critical rationalism of the French Enlightenment. The conversion of social theory to political practice was essentially the work of three Russian revolutions: in 1905, March 1917, and November 1917. Events in the outer rim of the European world brought discussions about revolution out of the school rooms and press rooms of Paris and Berlin into the halls of power. Despite his hard realism about the adverse practical consequences of revolutionary dogma, Billington appreciates the identity of its best sponsors, people who preached social justice transcending traditional national, ethnic, and gender boundaries. When this book originally appeared The New Republic hailed it as remarkable, learned and lively, while The New Yorker noted that Billington pays great attention to the lives and emotions of individuals and this makes his book absorbing. It is an invaluable work of history and contribution to our understanding of political life.

The Causes of Terrorism

Terrorism occurs both in the context of violent resistance to the state as well as in the service of state interests. If we focus on terrorism directed against governments for purposes of political change, we are considering the premeditated use or threat of symbolic, low-level violence by conspiratorial organizations. Terrorist violence communicates a political message; its ends go beyond damaging an enemy's material resources.' The victims or objects of terrorist attack have little intrinsic value to the terrorist group but represent a larger human audience whose reaction the terrorists seek. Violence characterized by spontaneity, mass participation, or a primary intent of physical destruction can therefore be excluded from our investigation. The study of terrorism can be organized around three questions: why terrorism occurs, how the process of terrorism works, and what its social and political effects are. Here the objective is to outline an approach to the analysis of the causes of terrorism, based on comparison of different cases of terrorism, in order to distinguish a common pattern of causation from the historically unique. The subject of terrorism has inspired a voluminous literature in recent years. However, nowhere among the highly varied treatments does one find a general theoretical analysis of the causes of terrorism. This may be because terrorism has often been approached from historical perspectives, which, if we take Laqueur's work as an example, dismiss explanations that try to take into account more than a single case as exceedingly vague or altogether wrong. 2 Certainly existing general accounts are often based on assumptions that are neither explicit nor factually demonstrable. We find judgments centering on social factors such as the permissiveness and affluence in which Western youth are raised or the imitation of dramatic models encouraged by television. Alternatively, we encounter political explanations that blame revolutionary ideologies, Marxism-Leninism or nationalism, governmental weakness in giving in to terrorist demands, or conversely government oppres

Johann Sleidan and the Origins of History as a Profession

Johann Sleidan was not only father of Reformation history, he was one of the greatest of all modem historians.' A man of action, he was also trained in the best traditions of classical scholarship and was a pioneer in the use of European archives. A passionate Lutheran, he was at the same time an extraordinarily accurate, fairand international-minded observer of the upheavals of his time, the Thucydides as well as the Eusebius of early Protestantism. The period spanned by his life (1506-56) and book (1517-56) was one of the most revolutionary in European history. He was born into a world in the course of being illuminated by the humanist discovery of the classical and Christian past, his childhood coincided with the emergence of the national state and modern power politics, and his adult career with the Protestant Reformation, the first social and ideological revolution of modern times. Corresponding to these three transformations were three new perspectives on the European past: The first created by the humanist sense of associated with scholars like Leonardo Bruni, Flavio Biondo, and Lorenzo Valla; the second shaped by the new politics observed and interpreted by such actor-critics as Niccolo Machiavelli, Francesco Guicciardini, Philippe de Commines, and Claude de Seyssel (whose work Sleidan translated into Latin); and the third a kind of fundamentalist church history derived from Martin Luther and Phillip Melanchthon's radical reevaluation of the Christian tradition.2 Such was Sleidan's mixed heritage, and such the ingredients of his own contributions to modern historiography.

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance Under Mao.

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance Under Mao.

News for a Revolution: The Expose in America, 1768-1773

With the American Revolution taking shape about him, a Boston shopkeeper built a file of newspapers. Harbottle Dorr was a member of the Sons of Liberty, but he put more energy into his collection than into that radical organization. He numbered some 3,500 pages, bound them into four folios, constructed indexes, and then, through a complex code of numbers and letters, led the reader back and forth through a decade of Dorr scribbled praise of patriots and insults for crown officials in the margins. He hoped that all of this very GREAT Trouble would contribute to the political history of his country. Dorr saved pamphlets too, but their place-crushed beneath the thick layers of newsprint-is a reminder of how much more frequently newspapers first reached citizens with the issues of the day. The stories in the press that Dorr treasured do clarify how newspapers shaped the political culture of the Revolution and also how this political culture shaped the concept of news. 1 There are impressive demonstrations that general ideas of corruption and virtue took root in Anglo-American political life in the century before the Revolution. But it has been difficult to see exactly how such concepts entered the lives of Americans, especially when protest drifted. Newspaper exposes the dramatic revelations of hidden information-provide a fuller picture than we now have of how revolutionary ideology was translated into a language ordinary citizens could use to make sense of daily events. The drama of the Stamp Act crisis and the faster pace of resistance after the Tea Party has overshadowed the importance of an era of exposes.2 Most of Harbottle Dorr's collection is a record of the many months when British power seemed overwhelming, and all students of political language should be interested in these middle years.

The Great Victory of the Party's Leadership and the Extensive Mass Movement at the Anshan Iron and Steel Works

The basic reason for the tremendous achievement made by the Anshan Iron and Steel Works is its resolute implementation of the Party Center's and Comrade Mao Tse-tung's thought and line — adherence to exercising the Party's absolute leadership over the enterprise, launching extensive mass movements, and carrying out in depth the political and ideological revolution. In the last few years a struggle between two ideologies and two lines has been going on consistently in the course of development of the Anshan Iron and Steel Works. One line is the correct proletarian line of running enterprises — featuring an adherence to putting politics in command, exercising the Party's absolute leadership over the enterprise, and applying the work method of mass line so that the Party's concentrated leadership can be integrated with extensive mass movements and the system of factory director assuming responsibility under the Party committee's leadership can be earnestly carried out. Another is the mistaken capitalist line...

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao

Gender and Culture: Kibbutz Women Revisited

Based on a study of the Israeli kibbutz movement, Gender and Culture discusses the differences in male and female orientations to marriage, the family, and work. Spiro describes the counterrevolution in the kibbutz movement as it evolved over a quarter century period. The kibbutz Spiro first studied, Kiryat Yedidim, was thirty years old at the time, and he returned there twenty-five years later. Spiro initially found that the pioneers of the kibbutz movement, in their attempt to implement their vision of a society based on sexual equality, had created a revolution in the character of marriage, the structure of the family, patterns of child rearing, and the sexual division of labor. The counterrevolution he found twenty-five years later was no less fascinating: a return to certain important features of the prerevolutionary forms of these social institutions. This return to tradition has been the work primarily of the young women who, born and raised in the kibbutz, had been inculcated with the revolutionary ideology of the kibbutz pioneers. Studying the same community after a twenty-five-year interval enables readers to observe the children of the first study as adults in the follow-up study. This longitudinal dimension provides the most important basis for the interpretations offered in Gender and Culture. A new introduction discusses additional, even more radical changes that have occurred since the book's original publication in 1979, situating the kibbutz experience in the context of contemporary gender studies and feminist thought. The book will be of continuing importance for sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, and women's studies scholars.

Japanese religious movements: The semiology of revolutionary ideologies

(1980). Japanese religious movements: The semiology of revolutionary ideologies. Anthropological Forum: Vol. 4, No. 3-4, pp. 375-384.

The Revolution Is Now Begun: The Radical Committees of Philadelphia, 1765-1776

The success of the American Revolution is less likely to be understood through an examination of its ideological origins than through a close analysis of the political processes by which principles, beliefs, and anxieties were translated into revolutionary action. This book offers the first detailed profile of the several hundred obscure committeemen and propagandists who took up the new revolutionary ideology and carried it that one last step: out of the realm of rhetoric and into the domain of concrete change. And participatory democracy as a principle of American government owes its realization largely to these second-rank politicians and ordinary citizens, who provided the basic muscle of Revolutionary politics. In the 1760s and early 1770s Pennsylvania lacked nearly every ingredient for revolution found elsewhere in the colonies: a strong dissenting tradition, widely felt economic grievances, or a legislature intimately acquainted with royal government. Only the painstaking enlistment of a strong leadership core, the construction of new political institutions, and the rapid mobilization of the majority of the community could overcome these deficiencies. In Pennsylvania British authority succumbed to the activity of a few hundred men who were drawn into public life by a handful of veteran politicians within just two years. To these men and to their committees Pennsylvania owes its revolution. In his book Richard Alan Ryerson focuses on the daily business of politics in the Revolutionary period--the art of motivation for radical political purposes--and its economic and social dimensions in the most prominent American city of the time. How were the colonists mobilized for resistance? What was the political process? Who were the disaffected people who became the radical leaders of the Philadelphia community? To answer these questions, Ryerson compares campaigning styles, nomination and election procedures, and local political organizations in the colonial era with their counterparts during the Revolution. He also examines the age, economic status, religious faith, and national origins of the men who formed the radical committees of Philadelphia between 1765 and 1776.

The Valparaíso Maritime Strike of 1903 and the Development of a Revolutionary Labor Movement in Chile

The historical attachment of the organized labor movement of Chile to revolutionary ideologies has been unique in Latin America. Anarchosyndicalists controlled most labor unions in Santiago and Valparaíso, and the Communists those of the nitrate and coal mining zones during the 1920s. From the late 1930S to the fall of Allende, a majority of Chilean labor unionists manifested their desire for socio-economic change by supporting the Communist and Socialist Parties at the polls and in the streets.

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance Under Mao.

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance Under Mao.

Paul J. Hiniker. <italic>Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao</italic>. Introduction by Ithiel De Sola Pool. (Sage Library of Social Research, number 47.) Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications. 1977. Pp. 320. Cloth $14.00, paper $6.95

Paul J. Hiniker. Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao. Introduction by Ithiel De Sola Pool. (Sage Library of Social Research, number 47.) Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications. 1977. Pp. 320. Cloth $14.00, paper $6.95 Get access Hiniker Paul J.. Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao. Introduction by De Sola Pool Ithiel. (Sage Library of Social Research, number 47.) Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications. 1977. Pp. 320. Cloth $14.00, paper $6.95. S. M. Chiu S. M. Chiu Temple University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 83, Issue 5, December 1978, Pages 1317–1318, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/83.5.1317-a Published: 01 December 1978

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao. By Paul J. Hiniker. Introduction by Ithiel de Sola Pool. Beverly Hills, Calif. and London: Sage Publications (Sage Library of Social Research, Vol. 47).1977. 319 pp. Notes, Appendixes, Abbreviations. $14.00 (cloth), $6.95 (paper).

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao. By Paul J. Hiniker. Introduction by Ithiel de Sola Pool. Beverly Hills, Calif. and London: Sage Publications (Sage Library of Social Research, Vol. 47).1977. 319 pp. Notes, Appendixes, Abbreviations. 6.95 (paper). - Volume 38 Issue 1

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao. By Paul J. Hiniker. Introduction by Ithiel de Sola Pool. Beverly Hills, Calif. and London: Sage Publications (Sage Library of Social Research, Vol. 47).1977. 319 pp. Notes, Appendixes, Abbreviations. $14.00 (cloth), $6.95 (paper).

Revolutionary Ideology and Chinese Reality: Dissonance under Mao. By Paul J. Hiniker. Introduction by Ithiel de Sola Pool. Beverly Hills, Calif. and London: Sage Publications (Sage Library of Social Research, Vol. 47).1977. 319 pp. Notes, Appendixes, Abbreviations. 6.95 (paper). - Volume 38 Issue 1

SOVIET STRATEGY IN THE 1970s AND BEYOND

Abstract : Emerging global multipolarity, strategic parity, and a stagnant economy impelled the Soviet Union toward a policy of detente at the beginning of the decade. However, countervailing pressures from the 'military-industrial complex' have produced ambiguities and contradictions. Soviet detente policy continues the struggle with 'imperialism' and emphasizes vigilance against 'ideological subversion.' It emphasizes the need for military strength and is ambivalent regarding arms control. Moscow perceives detente as contributing to the successes of Communist parties and national-liberation movements. Soviet and American conceptions of detente differ. The USSR hopes to avoid nuclear confrontation, to acquire US trade and technology, and to prevent Sino-US collusion. It does not share the US views on 'linkage' and self-restraint in the third world. Soviet policy options have been limited by the Sino-Soviet conflict, the challenge of 'Eurocommunism,' and setbacks in the third world. There is no reason to anticipate that Soviet leadership change will bring dramatic foreign policy change. A 'sober' detente with the West will be pursued, though ideology; clashing national interests, and domestic control requirements place limits on how far the Soviet-US rivalry can be limited or their cooperation extended. (Author)

The Social Origins of American Revolutionary Ideology

HE reigning ideas of American Revolution are now being characterized as premodern. This judgment comes at end of a decade of scholarly probing into ideological origins of colonial resistance movement. The origins that Neo-Whig historians Bernard Bailyn, Richard Buel, Jack Greene, and Gordon Wood have discovered are not simple and Lockean, as once believed, but complex and atavistic growing out of rich English intellectual traditions of Dissenters, radical Whigs, Classical Republicans, Commonwealthmen, Country party, or more simply, Opposition.1 Dramatically reorienting scholarship on Revolution, Bailyn has reconstructed interpretive scheme which dominated colonists' minds, triggered their emotions, and pushed them into resistance.2 The revolutionary force of this scheme lay, in Wood's words, with obsession with corruption and disorder, its hostile and conspiratorial outlook, and its millennial vision of a regenerated society.' These, of course, are qualities that have prompted J. G. A. Pocock to question whether American Revolution ought not to be considered as the last great act of Renaissance rather than 'the first political act of revolutionary enlightenment. '4 Originally undertaken as a corrective to shallow economic determinism of Progressive historiography, revisionary work of Neo-Whigs has ended up sapping foundation of their alma mater,

The Chinese Criminal Process: Revolutionary Ideology and Human Rights

The Chinese Criminal Process: Revolutionary Ideology and Human Rights