Revolutionary Ideology Research Articles

Crisis of revolutionary ideology in African aesthetics

O artigo coloca questões de grande importância acerca das relações entre arte e política, expressão e opressão e trata com propriedade do problema da liberdade como requisito da produção artística. O papel da arte como negação da condição sub-humana imposta pelo colonizador e a consequente concepção da expressão artística como via da recuperação da humanidade autêntica é enfatizado e tratado com a relevância que o tema merece.

La révolution américaine et les infortunes de la vertu

How much importance should be given to "republican virtue " in the American revolution? American historiographic debate on the subject is not conclusive. For some historians, the founding fathers' main motivation was their personal financial interest ; for others, the revolution and its constitutional fulfilment were mere coincidences or fortunate opportunities. And for others still, it was all a question of ideas, "revolutionary ideology" being the restoration, in the Age of Enlightenment, of a humanist language inherited from the Italian Renaissance and reinterpreted by the British revolutionary tradition. But it would be too easy to assert that the American revolution signalled the end of a "classic era " of politics. Homo civicus, taken with ancient virtues, was also a homo œconomicus acting in the name of the fundamental values of nascent liberalism and the protestant ethic. The founders of the American Republic were indeed " extraordinary men " in the sense given to that phrase by Rousseau in the Social Contract, as they took on the right, in violation of the authority conferred to them, to invent new rules for society.

Carlos Fonseca and the Construction of Sandinismo in Nicaragua

Ernesto “Che” Guevara hoy, Augusto Cesar Sandino ayer, marcan con heroismo la indispensable rota guerrillera que habra de conducir a los pueblos victimas del imperialismo a la posesión absoluta de sus propios destinos. Carlos FonsecaSandino, guerrillero proletarioCarlos Fonseca's unequivocal bracketing of Augusto Sandino's political project with that of Latin America's premier Marxist revolutionary would have shocked most readers when it was written in 1972. In this and other seminal essays, one of the three founders of Nicaragua's Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) formally integrated Sandino the historical figure into the ideology of their revolutionary struggle. Sandino had fought a six-year guerrilla war against the U.S. forces occupying Nicaragua between 1927 and 1933. His assassination in 1934 by Anastasio Somoza's henchmen ushered in a forty-five-year dynastic dictatorship by a succession of Somozas. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, until Fonseca died in combat against the Guardia Nacional in 1976, his writings guided the FSLN's resurrecting and reconstructing of the image of Sandino in order to reshape it into the dominant symbol of a powerful revolutionary ideology.

Imprint of the ‘militant tendency’ on the labour party

Most assessments of the ‘Militant Tendency’ fail to appreciate its dual character: the way it combines revolutionary ideology and reformist practice. By over‐stressing one or the other, its real influence in the Labour Party cannot be established. Its role is best seen in its questioning ‐ in outlook and practice ‐ the ‘belief in legality’ of Labourism. It is the fact that the Tendency has chosen to follow one of the strategic possibilities inherent in the movement which has raised controversy about its role in the party and more generally in politics.

Norms in conflict and confusion: Six stories in search of an author

Political conflict involves the conflict of norms; yet resolution of political conflict requires that the disputants share some norms about conflict resolution. This presents a problem at the global level, where no such shared normative framework exists. The world is increasingly interconnected; yet the peoples of the world continue to embrace ideas of separateness which are reinforced by their various normative systems. The authors identify six major “stories”—worldviews or paradigms—competing in the current postmodern world: the Western-style mystique of progress, Christian fundamentalism, Islamic fundamentalism, Marxist revolutionary ideology, Green politics, and the “new paradigm.” Each of this is in conflict with other normative systems, and none is adequate to serve as the normative framework for a global society. Whether or not such a society emerges depends on whether, as a fundamental characteristic, there exists an ability to deal with information—not only data and concepts, but also “meta-information” about the uses and limitations of information. Whatever the norms of a global information culture, its emergence will be accompanied by a protracted period of conflict and great stress for individuals and institutions of governance.

The Revolutionary Transformation of Nicaragua

This is the third issue of Latin American Perspectives to focus on Nicaragua. As with the preceding two issues (in the spring of 1981 and the spring of 1985) the present issue offers our readers both an overview of the revolutionary process as well as analyses of specific conditions. The topics analyzed in this issue include: the revolutionary ideology of the Sandinistas; the political goals and demands of the indigenous communities in Nicaragua; the relationship between the Sandinista regime and the Miskito people; regional autonomy and national unity; the efforts of the revolutionary government to provide bilingual-bicultural forms of education to the Miskito and Creole peoples; the agrarianreform program; and the effects of the war upon the revolutionary process. In addition to the four substantive analyses presented in this issue, three book reviews are also included to provide our readers with a critical assessment of some of the more recent contributions to the expanding literature on contemporary conditions in Nicaragua. This introductory article provides a brief overview of present conditions in Nicaragua and relates the foci of the various articles in this issue to the larger context of the ongoing revolutionary process.

Iran's Islamic Revolution in Comparative Perspective

The Islamic Revolution in Iran is analyzed as the latest of the “great revolutions” in a comparative perspective ranging from the early modern European revolutions to fascism. The analysis highlights the neglected importance of reactive elements, communal solidarities, and tradition in a wide variety of revolutions and revolutionary movements. Comparative inferences bring out the serious deficiency of the Marxian theory of revolution as well as of those structural theories of revolution that focus exclusively on the state. By contrast, these inferences underline the significance of ideology, religion, and culture. Finally it is argued that the emergence of a distinct Islamic revolutionary ideology can only be understood as a part of the process of crystallization of the revolutionary ideology in Western Europe and its spread to the rest of the world.

Religion and State in Libya: The Politics of Identity

Striking as the role of religion has been in the modern political history of Libya, it illustrates ambiguities in political identity that are, in fact, common throughout the Muslim Arab world. The tensions between the concepts of political legitimacy bequeathed by the historical Islamic empires and Western-inspired notions of ethnic nationalism and state patriotism have created dilemmas for rulers and the ruled in the Muslim Arab world since the beginning of the twentieth century. The Libyan governments' reliance on Islamic formulas to inspire political loyalty reflects the weakness of both Arab and Libyan nationalist traditions in the country. Qadhdhafi's revolutionary ideology constitutes an effort to transcend the dilemmas of Libyan national identity, but it has not proved persuasive to most of his compatriots.

BOOK REVIEWS

BOOK REVIEWS

Criticism or Control? Hegemonic Left Aesthetics

am writing this paper as a musician, that is from within music. But because am a musician, that doesn't mean that don't read books, or that look at the world only in terms of what's good or bad for music. Nor does it mean that am not intensely preoccupied with what goes on in the other arts. And am addressing readers who, although certainly hope that music is important to them, are fundamentally concerned about what happens to the world and people's lives, and who are struggling to change the way that world is run. All of my life the artists and critics of the left have been divided into two irreconcilable positions. One is the Stalinist position and the other is the Frankfurt position. The question between them has always been framed: Which one of these is the true revolutionary ideology for art? Notwithstanding the substantial contributions to human spiritual wealth made by adherents of both sides, most of the energy has gone up in mutual anathema and vilification. wish to do my bit to locate the real and the false issues in this division. Over and over again we see a liberating idea turn into an orthodoxy, in politics, in psychology, in art. An idea that opens up a dialogue ends by closing the door on dialogue. And sometimes it is very hard to see the identification between the original impulse and what eventually comes out of it. Both the classic left positions on the arts have liberationist origins. Their forbidding qualities have grown on them piecemeal, changing the Why not? into Thou shalt not. And this paper is an effort to open a discussion, to attempt to formulate some answers to the riddle of hegemonic aesthetics of the left. The issue lies not so much in the positions themselves, as in what was being searched for. Music in the 20th century has been plagued with two terrible obligations, either of which is capable of paralysing creative effort, and the combination of the two reduces us to practically a catatonic state. The first of these afflictions antedates the left and has been with us off and on ever since classical times. It was Horace who said of his odes: I have created a

Take Two-Larry Neal and the Blues God: Aspects of the Poetry

Larry Neal was one of the most imaginative and talented writers and theorists of the generation of the 1960s, the generation that created the Black Arts Movement and the New Black Poetry. A complex person capable of holding in his consciousness contradictory elements in a state of high tension, he was at once enormously attracted to the achievements of the Modernist artists and to the revolutionary ideology of his age as embodied in Fanon, Marx, Mao Tse Tung, Cabral, and Malcolm X. He believed in the absolute necessity of historical analysis as a basis for revolutionary action at the same time that he knew that the true spirit of the revolution lay in the forms of Black culture, especially Black religion and Black music. On one hand, he felt that art was the handmaiden of political change; on the other, he knew that art was an instrument of prophecy and a vehicle of transcendence. Although deeply devoted to the study of his people's history, he understood, as few in that period did, the power of universal myth. Although conversant with the exciting achievements of the New Music, with Roach and Coltrane, Sun Ra and Coleman, he had a special place in his thought for Ellington, Holiday, Parker, Lester Young, and Miles Davis. And beneath it all was the blues, the men and women of the blues. Like Hughes and Brown and Ellison before him, he recognized the great synthesizing power of the blues, and in a manner more specific than theirs he recognized the spiritual and religious connection between the blues and the African past. The important thing about all this is that Neal sought to bring order out of his apparent contradictions. That effort one perceives until the very end in a considerable part of his work, and the record of his struggle is one of the outstanding accomplishments of the movement which he helped to create and to explain. For the purpose of this essay, I have chosen to examine Neal's two collections of poetry, Black Boogaloo and Hoo Doo Hollerin' Bebop Ghosts,1 in order to ascertain his changing perspectives and the technical means by which those changes are effected. Black Boogaloo, subtitled Notes on Black Liberation, was first published by the Journal of Black Poetry Press in 1969 and is dedicated to his wife, Evelyn. A preface by LeRoi Jones, Sound for Sounding, reinforces the subtitle. This book, Jones says, is a harbinger of things to come. It is a post literary book because the poet and his

Rationalizing Revolutionary Ideology

Revolution is viewed as a two person game, between Lenin and the Tsar, who compete for support of coalitions of the population. The payoff is the probability of revolution, which Lenin seeks to maximize and the Tsar to minimize. Lenin's strategies are income distribution proposals; the Tsar's strategies are lists of penalties which members of the population will pay should they join Lenin and their bid for revolution fail. The probabilities of revolution depend on the strategies which the two revolutionary entrepreneurs propose. There is an equilibrium pair of strategies; the task is to study what properties it has. In particular, it is shown that various tyrannical aspects of the Tsar's strategy, and progressive aspects of Lenin's strategy need not flow from ideological precommitments, but are simply good optimizing behavior, given their respective goals in this game. Thus apparently ideological positions of Lenin and the Tsar are provided with microfoundations of a sort. The paper thus aims to: (i) study revolutions as strategic games, and more generally to (ii) be a case study of the rational evolution of apparently ideological behavior. 1. INTROI)UCTION REVOLUTIONS HAVE BEEN VIEWED by social scientists and historians, for the most part, as largely inexplicable events. According to the logic of collective (Olson [4]) the free rider problem should prevent each participant from joining in a revolutionary struggle. The side payments which might overcome such self-interested behavior are generally not offered in revolutionary situations. Rosa Luxemburg wrote of the psychology of the mass strike which made revolutionary events possible (Luxemburg [2]): contemporary students of rational action might characterize that psychology as the adoption, by the participants, of assurance game in contrast to prisoner dilemma game (Sen [7]). In the assurance game, an agent would rather cooperate (in this case revolt) if others do, rather than take a free ride. Economists, when they consider revolutions at all, view them as exogenous events, perhaps because they are so difficult to explain from rational self-interested behavior. Sociologists and political scientists have described which classes tend to be revolutionary (as opposed to reformist) in historical situations (for instance, Paige [6]), Skocpol [8], Stinchcombe [9]); these works show that any understanding of the formation of revolutionary preferences must be deeply rooted in the specifics of how the people involved earn their livelihood and how they interact. The present paper does not study these sociological aspects of the revolutionary situation; indeed, the sociology is taken as given and is embedded in various probability functions which are postulated. Nor do different production classes exist here, in the sense of groups of agents relating differently to the means of production. (I will, however, refer to different income classes in the paper.) Revolution is treated here as an allocation problem, a redistribution problem. The key actors upon whom attention will be focused are not the masses of people,

The Party of Revolution: Republican Ideas about Politics and Social Change, 1862-1867

THE PARTY OF REVOLUTION: REPUBLICAN IDEAS ABOUT POLITICS AND SOCIAL CHANGE, 1862-1867 Peyton McCrary The ideolocy of the Republican party in the 1860s is among the enduring subjects of historiographical debate.1 According to one school of thought, the Republican ideology was essentially moderate. The party's adherence to laissez-faire principles of political economy and its constitutional conservatism placed severe constraints in the path of social change. Just as clearly, the conservative racial views most Republicans shared with other Americans doomed reconstruction from the start.2 Perhaps the most extreme statement of this interpretation belongs to George M. Fredrickson. Many Republican intellectuals believed that "the American Revolution was over and that revolutionary ideology had An earlier version of this essay was delivered to the Southern Historical Association at its annual convention in Atlanta, Georgia, on November 13, 1980. The author wishes to acknowledge the helpful comments of Michael Perman and Dale Baum, together with the financial assistance of the National Endowment for the Humanities and the University of South Alabama. 1 Larry G. Kincaid, "Victims of Circumstance: An Interpretation of Changing Attitudes Toward Republican Policy Makers and Reconstruction," Journal of American History 57 (June 1970): 48-66, provides a good historiographical introduction. Richard O. Curry, "The Civil War and Reconstruction, 1861-1877: A Critical Overview of Recent Trends and Interpretations," Civil War History 20 (Sept. 1974): 215-38; Michael Les Benedict, "Equality and Expediency in the Reconstruction Era: A Review Essay," ibid., 23 (Dec. 1977): 322-35; and Eric Foner, "Reconstruction Revisited," Reviews in American History 10 (Dec. 1982): 82-100, discuss more recent works. 2 Among the exponents of this view are Eric McKitrick, Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1960); William Dusinberre, CivilWarlssues in Philadelphia, 1856-1865 (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1965); Richard O. Curry, 'The Abolitionists and Reconstruction: A Critical Reappraisal," Journal of Southern History 34 (Nov. 1968): 527-45; William Gillette, The Right to Vote: Politics and the Passage of the Fifteenth Amendment (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1965); V. Jacque Voegeli, FreeBut Not Equal: The Midwest and the Negro During the CivilWar (Chicago: Univ. ofChicago Press, 1967); Louis S. Gerteis, From Contraband to Freedmen: Federal Policy Toward Southern Blacks, 1861-1865 (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1973); Benedict, A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction , 1863-1869 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974), and "Preserving the Constitution: The Conservative Basis of Radical Reconstruction," Journal of American History 61 (June 1974): 65-90. THE PARTY OF REVOLUTION331 no further application to American society," he asserts bluntly. Indeed, for some conservatives "the war had permanently discredited the ideology of the Declaration of Independence and its latter-day apologists, the abolitionists."3 A second school of thought treats the ideology of the Republican party as quite radical. These historians contend that Lincoln and his party perceived thewar as a struggle to perfect the Union of their fathers by extendingthe democratic principles of 1776 to include emancipation and civil equality for blacks.4 Far from discrediting the abolitionist movement, argues James M. McPherson, the war made it more influential than ever.5 During the four years of bloody conflict, according to C. Vann Woodward, the Union government "moved from hesitant support of a limited war with essentially negative aims toward a total war with positive and revolutionary aims."6 To the ongoing debate over the nature of the Republican ideology, this essay offers a modest contribution. In an earlier study of Reconstruction in Louisiana, I found that Republicans in that state regularly characterized their organization as a party of revolution, engaged in cat3 George M. Fredrickson, The Inner Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Crisis of the Union (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), 134-45, 186-87. See also Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), 97-197, and "A Man But Not a Brother: Abraham Lincoln and Racial Equality,"¡oumalof SouthernHistoryAl (Feb. 1975):39-58. 4 William R. Brock, An American Crisis: Congress and Reconstruction, 1865-1867 (New York: Macmillan, 1963); LaWanda and John Cox, Politics, Principle, and Prejudice, 1865-1866: Dilemma of...

Shariati and the Reconstruction of Social Sciences

Ali Shariati was a Muslim reformer who laid much of the intellectualgroundwork for the Iranian revolution of 1979. His inspiring speechesand written works aroused the people, particularly the students, to thestate, where they were easily mobilized by Khomeini and his co-workers.Killed by the Shah’s agents in London in 1977, he is still remembered as agreat martyr to their cause. His ideas on the nature of Islam are ofinterest to us today.Ali Shariati was born in 1933 in the village of Mazinan near Sabzawarin Khurasan, Iran. He came from a family whose members were knownfor their scholarship, knowledge, and righteousness. He attended theTeacher’s Training School, and taught in high school for some yearsbefore pursuing graduate work in Europe. He was also active in hisfather’s Center for the Propagation of Islamic Truth.Shariati’s views were greatly influenced by his learned father who wasfortunate enough to acquire a personal library of nearly two thousandbooks. He was also influenced by the political events in Iran, especiallyduring Dr. Muhammad Mosaddeq’s premiership, and by the variousunderground movements after the fall of Mossadeq in 1953.Particularly important was the Muslim Socialist Movement founded inthe early 1940’s in Tehran. This group believed in Islamic ideals butemphasized the socialistic tendencies of its economic system. In themanner of Amir Ali, the author of Spirit of Islam, Shariati wanted toemulate the lives and ideas of early Muslims whom he admired. He oftenreferred to Prophet Muhammad, Abu Dhar al-Ghaffari, Ali, Husayn,and others as men who ought to be followed as examples.In his formative years, he was influenced by many people includingFrantz Fanon, al-Afghani, Taleqani, and Muhammad Iqbal. In myopinion, Shariati was more influenced by Iqbal than any other’ scholar,whether in the East or the West. I have pointed out this influence in mybook, Ideological Revolution in the Muslim World ...

Ancient Mythology and Revolutionary Ideology in Ireland, 1878–1916

Perhaps some justification is needed for yet another study on the literary background of the Easter 1916 Rising. Certainly the ‘high’ literature, represented by such writers as Yeats, AE, Synge and the three insurrection poet-fighters (Pearse, MacDonagh and Plunkett) has already been extensively analysed by a number of scholars. However, it is usually forgotten that numerous ‘popular’ authors were also writing in the forty years before 1916; authors who might be expected, if only by virtue of their numbers, to command a considerable readership. Names such as Joseph Campbell, Ethna Carberry, Nora Hopper, Seumas MacManus, Alice Milligan and Seumas O’Sullivan are unknown today except in occasional references by literary critics, yet these writers produced a great deal of verse on national topics, and were close to the general public and its preoccupations. Their work deserves the attention of historians; for only by identifying common ground between the ‘high’ and the ‘low’ literature can one explore with any confidence the complex relationship between that literature as a whole and Irish society during this period. This I hope to do in the following pages.

British Traditions and Revolutionary America

John Philip Reid. In Defiance of the Law: The Standing-Army Controversy, Two Constitutions, and the Coming of the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981. 239 pp. Peter Shaw. American Patriots and the Rituals of Revolution. Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press. 1981. 231 pp. David P. Szatmary. Shay's Rebellion: The Making of an Agrarian Insurrection. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press. 1980. 134 + xiv pp. The wheel has turned practically full circle in American historiography of the revolutionary period. These three interdisciplinary studies follow a recent trend of investigation that concludes that it is no longer acceptable to write of a unique American revolutionary ideology in the 1760s and 1770s. This should come as no surprise to those who have read the work of historians like D. G. Allen and E. B. Tucker.1 If social and religious life in New England could be similar to that of village communities in rural Norfolk during the seven- teenth century, it does not require too great a leap of historical imagination to accept that other aspects of day-to-day existence had undergone little change in crossing the Atlantic. In these three studies it is clear that the singular British attitude to authority of any sort remained deeply etched in the American psyche before, during and, to some extent, after the Revolution. This line of approach has certainly produced a more reasonable interpretation of the colonial break with Britain, putting the required emphasis on how painful it was for most Americans to turn from resistance to rebellion. One drawback common to all three studies, however, is their concentration on Massachusetts in general and Boston in particular. The reader is constantly being asked to take local behavior as representative of a wider and more disparate society, and this is not always convincing. The recent work done by B. W. Labaree warns that such an approach to the thirteen colonies can be beset with difficulties.2

Rebel Girls and Union Maids: The Woman Question in the Journals of the AFL and IWW, 1905-1920

Between 1905 and 1920 the journals of the American movement, both the radical Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and the unions affiliated with the more conservative American Federation of Labor (AFL), established an ideology of gender in their articles, editorials, cartoons, fiction, and organizers' reports which characterized women as either Girls or Union Maids. Joe Hill, the romantic IWW bard, captured the essence of the Rebel Girl in his 1915 song of the same name. Hill's proletarian muse fired the revolution with spite and defiance and fidelity to her class and kind, as well as bringing courage, pride and joy/To the fighting Rebel Boy. Her hands harden'd from labor and simple garb set apart from the blue blooded queens and princesses/Who have charms made of diamond and pearl. Her common cause was not with women of the capitalist class but rather with the men of own class. Despite departure from conventional standards of ladyhood, however, the title of lady was still hers, redefined through the revolutionary struggle-For the only and Thoroughbred Lady is the Rebel Girl.1 The Rebel Girl was not freed from domesticity by the coming of the One Big Union, the Wobblies' mythic anarcho-syndicalist millennium. Rather, she played a domestic role both in the oppressed present and the liberated future. The Rebel Girl stood by male comrade as muse or helpmate and instilled a pacifist and revolutionary ideology in children. Sexuality was acknowledged in the Rebel Girl, while only alluded to in trade union sister.

Western Sovietologists on the Fight Against Crime in the USSR

As noted in the report of the CPSU Central Committee to the Twenty-sixth Party Congress, of late those who oppose … the improvement of relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries have become noticeably more active. There has also been a more intensive confrontation of ideas in the legal sphere; and this obliges legal scholars to promptly rebuff the ideological subversion of imperialism and its minions and to wage a consistent struggle against all forms of opportunism and revisionism.

Enthusiasm Described and Decried: The Great Awakening as Interpretative Fiction

In last half century, Great Awakening has assumed major role in explaining political and social evolution of prerevolutionary American society. Historians have argued, variously, that Awakening severed intellectual and philosophical connections between America and Europe (Perry Miller), that it was major vehicle of early lower-class protest (John C. Miller, Rhys Isaac, and Gary B. Nash), that it was means by which New England Puritans became Yankees (Richard L. Bushman), that it was first intercolonial movement to stir the people of several colonies on matter of common emotional concern (Richard Hofstadter following William Warren Sweet), or that it involved a rebirth of localistic impulse (Kenneth Lockridge) *1 American historians also have increasingly linked Awakening directly to Revolution. Alan Heimert has tagged it as source of Calvinist political ideology that irretrievably shaped eighteenth-century American society and Revolution it produced. Harry S. Stout has argued that Awakening stimulated new system of mass communications that increased colonists' political awareness and reduced their deference to elite groups prior to Revolution. Isaac and Nash have described Awakening as source of simpler, non-Calvinist protest rhetoric that reinforced revolutionary ideology in disparate places, among them Virginia and northern

Idéologie révolutionnaire et mentalité antisémite : les socialistes russes face aux pogroms de 1881-1883

Le 1er mars 1881, les efforts obstinés de la principale organisation révolutionnaire, la Volonté du Peuple (Narodnqja Volja), atteignent leur but avec l'assassinat d'Alexandre II. Le succès de l'opération place la Volonté du Peuple au sommet de sa popularité. Les plus hauts dignitaires du régime, à commencer par le nouveau tsar, sont désorientés. Hormis les conservateurs monarchistes comme Katkov, les sentiments de l'ensemble de l'intelligentsia et des secteurs qui gravitent autour d'elle vont de l'enthousiasme à l'admiration. Le mystérieux « Comité exécutif de la Volonté du Peuple » semble être tout-puissant. Quant à la masse des paysans, ouvriers, artisans, petits commerçants, les témoignages sont unanimes : c'est une commotion générale. De l'avis des contemporains, le 1er mars est, sinon le détonateur des pogroms, du moins l'événement catalyseur de l'émotion populaire. La presse tsariste commence, dès le lendemain de l'attentat, à dénoncer par des insinuations la participation des Juifs à l'opération.