Revolutionary Groups Research Articles

El aumento de penas y los sujetos de control social en Colombia después de la Constitución de 1991

This paper presents three interrelated arguments: (i) the disproportion of criminal punishment in Colombia have its origin in the State fight against subversive groups, specifically against las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo, which after 1990 massified kidnapping; (ii)that the endure and stabilization of punishment rise in Colombia criminal law is due to being move to criminal behaviors related to the armed conflict to ordinary criminal behaviors, specifically the violent thief and the sexual predator; and (iii) that the persistence of criminal disproportion is due to the rise of new subjects of social control, particularly the young and poor man, and the sexual predator. To support those arguments, the paper inquire the boundaries of 1980 Colombian criminal code to show how it started to enlarge in the nineteen year through the “estatuto antisecuestro”. Subsequently, it shows how this trend stabilized around the rise of the new subjects of social control that have legitimized the discourse of citizen (in)security.

The micropolitics of coal in India: understanding resource politics from the ground up through a materiality lens

ABSTRACT Coal in India carries different values and meanings for different actors. Consequently, the politics of this resource is manifested in multiple forms at multiple levels. Whereas the extraction of coal is accomplished by a larger resource politics involving an energy crisis narrative and a need to ensure national resource security, people at the grassroots level – workers, security forces, the displaced, administrators, mine planners, and a wide range of other actors – engage primarily with the micropolitics of coal. In this paper, we draw on new materialities literature in human geography to demonstrate that the everyday micropolitics of coal in the eastern Indian state Jharkhand is more than a subset of national or regional resource politics. In doing so, we analyse four vignettes through a materiality lens based on the land use, weight, pollution, and heat of coal. We use ethnographic methods to untangle everyday and long-term micropolitical trajectories related to coal extraction. We show the fluid and often interchangeable and overlapping roles of actors at the coal face: revolutionary groups striving to become mining contractors, contractors working as politicians to mediate claims, and politicians assuming the role of revolutionaries. Meanwhile coalfield residents make moral claims of indigeneity to gain a share of the resource, or eke out informal, coal-based livelihoods. In this fluid setting, the actors in the micropolitics of coal are influenced by outside forces to varying degrees, and are yet able to reimagine resource politics to their own advantage.

The Development, Evolution and Characteristics of Evolutionism in China in the Early 20th Century

Since modern times, the feudal autocratic Qing government and the advanced western capitalist countries have been defeated many times in the battle, and the reflection on the defeat provides the background for the spread of evolution. Under the birth of the theory of evolution, the Chinese national bourgeoisie actively explored the road of China's independence and prosperity. Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao and Yan Fu spread the theory of evolution to provide public opinion support for the Reform. After the failure of the Hundred Days' Reform, more reformers were forced to join the camp of bourgeois revolutionaries. A group of bourgeois revolutionaries, such as Sun Yat-sen and Zhang Taiyan, vigorously propagated the revolutionary evolution theory, and the emergence of modern nationalism, especially in the debate on evolution between revolutionaries and reformists, highlighted the characteristics of revolutionary evolution. The development of evolutionism in China at the end of Qing Dynasty and the beginning of Republic was not only influenced by western science and culture, but also restricted by Chinese traditional culture. The spread and development of the theory of evolution not only promoted the development of China's Enlightenment movement, but also led to the vigorous revolution of 1911 in the early 20th century.

Authority as a Challenge

The early Christian world was diverse. Various groups of Christians held opposite views on crucial theological and social elements while claiming to be the true followers of Jesus Christ. In this diversity, two streams of Christianity were particularly popular: proto-orthodox Christians and Valentinian Gnostics. These groups were included in the sharp polemical discussions and battles, as they tried to gain a monopoly in the early Christian world. In the end, proto-orthodoxy won thus marginalizing Valentinian Gnostics. In that process, Church authors, such as Irenaeus and Justin Martyr reclaimed the history of Christianity by defining themselves as the guardians of orthodoxy. Furthermore, they put the label of “heresy” on Valentinians claiming that they are not real Christians, but a subversive group that had corrupted the original message of Jesus and his disciples. In this paper, I have tried to demonstrate that one of the crucial reasons for the triumph of the Great Church was related to the concepts of authority and organization. To show that, I have analysed what kind of attitude Valentinian Gnostics had toward authority and organization. As sources reflect, Valentinian Gnosticism was an anti-structural movement that emphasized an individual approach to the divine through esoteric knowledge. Furthermore, their belief in the threefold division of humanity affected their attitude toward bishops and apostolic succession. Consequently, they rejected the authority of bishops and presbyters and put the emphasis on the small philosophical circle of students that would gather around influential teachers. Eventually, such a spiritual and religious perspective made it impossible to create a network of connected communities whose sense of universal identity would transgress local and regional borders. In the end, Valentinian Gnosticism was a conglomerate of independent communities scattered across the Mediterranean. In other words, Valentinian’s theological beliefs that modelled their attitude toward authority and social structure were a crucial factor in their marginalization within the early Christian world.

India’s Rohingya Dilemma: Crisis and Resolution

While the Rohingya issue has become a grave socio-economic and security concern with cross-regional implications, India has not been able to make its stance clear yet. India is facing a very unique situation where most of the political parties, particularly the opposition parties are not unanimous with the ruling party on the Rohingya issue. Rohingyas becoming a serious threat to India’s society, economy and environment. In a short period, the issue of a humanitarian crisis has become a grave security threat for India. Though the issue is so sensitive from the point of security view, there is no unanimity among political parties, civil society groups, think tanks, and decision-making circles. Even after the Supreme Court of India rejected the plea of Rohingyas and their supporters to lobby against repatriation the government is unable to send back Rohingyas to their place of origin in Myanmar. The recent Intel reports are warning about Rohingyas cross border links with several subversive groups across the region. Terrorist groups have now started exploiting their plights. The paper tries to discuss and evaluate critically New Delhi’s approaches towards Rohingyas. The paper will also understand how, being a mature democracy, champion of human rights, and love for diversity, India addresses the situation delicately in a time-bound manner before it goes out of hand. Keywords Rohingya, Security, Threat, Myanmar, Rakhine, Terrorism, Refugees

‘Will that great poet come soon?’: messianic themes, religious ideation and Marxist zeal in the 1905 revolution

The concept of messianism is a significant motif in Russian religious philosophy, which becomes more accentuated during times of crises, notably in the revolutionary period of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. While messianism is often purely metaphysical and abstract, with the personification of a Christ-like figure as its spiritual guide, this philosophy had also played a significant role in the political struggle for social justice, with revolutionary groups from the Narodniks to the Marxists being no exception. Indeed, messianism is significant in the writings of Lev Trotsky in 1905, where the failure of the revolution led him to envisage the coming of a future messiah to ‘revive’ and ‘avenge’ the dramatic end of such a movement. In critiquing the theoretical ideas of Russian Marxists and developing the Russian religious themes of messianism as defined by Nikolai Berdiaev, this article will demonstrate the religious themes and metaphors within Russian Marxist thought and argue for the socio-political interrelation between Marxism and religion that acts as an incitement for revolutionary social change.

Non-Invasive Measurement of Trust in Group Interactions

Trust between group members has many implications for how well a group performs. In this study, we predict perceived trustworthiness of group members when there are subversive group members. We collected multimodal verbal and non-verbal data from a group interaction experiment. During the interaction, we periodically surveyed the group members about their perceptions of trustworthiness of other group members. We used this data to model the relationship between observable behavior and perceptions of trustworthiness. This research advances the study of behavioral measurement in groups and the role of behavior on perceived trustworthiness.

ВПЛИВ СУЧАСНОГО НОРМАТИВНО-ПРАВОВОГО ЗАБЕЗПЕЧЕННЯ ОПЕРАТИВНО-РОЗШУКОВОЇ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ НА ЕФЕКТИВНІСТЬ ЗДІЙСНЮВАНИХ ЗАХОДІВ

У статті розкрито проблеми сучасного нормативно-правового забезпечення оперативно- розшукової діяльності в Україні та його вплив на ефективність здійснюваних заходів. Надано увагу негативному впливу сучасного правового забезпечення ОРД на ефективність протидії правопорушенням та загалом підтриманню національної безпеки і оборони в умовах війни. Вказано, що наявні правові засоби протидії правопорушенням, шляхом застосування оперативно- розшукової діяльності, не відповідають реальним потребам забезпечення безпеки суспільства. Здійснено аналіз джерел, в яких викладені архівні документи початку ХХ століття, для порівняння з чинним законодавством України. Проаналізовано закордонний досвід здійснення оперативних заходів для протидії правопорушенням та можливості запровадження його в Україні. Зауважено, що в умовах сучасного інформаційно-технічного прогресу, застосування чинних правових процедур здійснення оперативно-розшукової діяльності є не ефективним.

Проблема организации профилактики вербовки в диверсионно-разведывательные группы и террористические организации несовершеннолетних

The presented scientific research examines the current trend of modern Russian society: the organization of prevention of recruitment into subversive and intelligence groups and terrorist organizations of minors. One of the priorities of the state national policy of the Russian Federation until 2025 is the prevention of propaganda of ideas of extremism and terrorism. In this regard, the recruitment of minors into subversive groups and terrorist organizations remains a problem, since it is the younger generation that is often always the driving force in replacing existing foundations. In the course of the study, we analyzed the factors that cause the involvement of teenagers in subversive groups and terrorist organizations. It was possible for us to identify the main individual psychological qualities of the personality of minors that determine the subjective conditions of their exposure to the psychological influence of recruiters, on the one hand, and objective socio-psychological conditions of their involvement in sabotage and terrorist activities, on the other hand, and to propose socio-psychological and pedagogical methods aimed at preventing and countering such recruitment.

Mick Moloney (1944–2022)

Mick Moloney (1944–2022)

The politics and pitfalls of academic enthusiasm in peace building: examining researchers’ role in a rural education development project in Colombia

ABSTRACT This article is an effort to unveil how colonialism gets inscribed in research education initiatives during peace-building. To this end, we look behind the scenes of an education development project that sought to support a rural school in consolidating high-quality education during Colombia’s recent peace process. We examine how, in our roles as principal investigator and research assistant, our enthusiasm inadvertently contributed to perpetuating the colonial rule of the state in an area traditionally controlled by revolutionary groups. To do so, we follow the project from its design and negotiation to the delivery of results. By depicting how enthusiasm may shape a researcher’s reasoning, we aim to complicate our understanding of the research process and the enthusiasm that underpins peace efforts.

Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961–1975 by Natalia Telepneva

<i>Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961–1975</i> by Natalia Telepneva

The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures by Francesca Orsini, Neelam Srivastava, and Laetitia Zecchini, eds.

<i>The Form of Ideology and the Ideology of Form: Cold War, Decolonization and Third World Print Cultures</i> by Francesca Orsini, Neelam Srivastava, and Laetitia Zecchini, eds.

The Spread and Influence of the Communist Thought in Early Taiwan

The early communist movement in Taiwan was closely connected with the mainland, and had important influence and status. The early Taiwan Communist Movement was influenced by Japan and the Communist International, which gave birth to a series of social groups including the Communist Party, created a group of communist revolutionaries and disseminators who remained famous for thousands of years, promoted the spread of Marxist classics in Taiwan, and also triggered a large-scale movement of Taiwanese workers and farmers.

ПОЛІТИЧНІ РЕПРЕСІЇ У ПРИКОРДОННИХ РАЙОНАХ ВОЛИНІ У 1920–1930 рр.

The article investigates the reasons, forms and consequences of the political repressions in the border areas of Volyn in Soviet Ukraine in the 1920s and 1930s. In the period between the First and Second World War, after the defeat in the fight for sovereignty, Ukrainian territories were divided between several countries. This created a border problem. In particular, Volyn, being under the rule of Soviet Ukraine and Poland, became an arena of struggle of the communist system, which did not abandon the idea of spreading its influence over Western Europe. The first were brutal repressions by the Bolsheviks against the peasant insurgent movement, which rose up in Volyn as well as in other regions against the policy of “war communism”. By means of ruthless extrajudicial massacres, the use of military force, hostages, and social division of the village, when the poor population was opposed to other classes, the Bolsheviks managed to suppress the peasant rebellion. However, it was only in the mid-1920s that it became possible to completely overcome “political banditry”, as the communist authorities called it. A peculiarity of the peasant insurgent movement in the Volyn region was its orientation towards the sovereignty of the Ukrainian People's Republic. A new wave of uprisings tooke place during the period of collectivization and dekulakization between 1920s and 1930s. They were classified by the authorities as "counter-revolutionary" protests. The materials of a separate folder of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CP(b)U, where the most secret documents were collected, testify to the complete control of the judicial system and the determination of the work of the prosecutor's office and punitive bodies. Specifically, political cases were investigated, in which insurgents, people who cooperated with Polish intelligence and saboteurs were repressed based on the materials of the special commission on political affairs created by the Politburo. This data shows that a significant part of the population opposed the Bolshevik regime. Another form of the communist regime repressions was the deportation of the disloyal population into the interior of Ukraine and the USSR. This way, the ethnic map of the region was being changed and the most loyal population was being settled instead. Moreover, this process can be considered a contribution to the creation of fortified districts in the border regions. According to the military doctrine of the Bolshevik leadership, they were supposed to become a barrier to the advance of the enemy in the inevitably upcoming war. This preparation was also enhanced by training and transferring of subversive groups and agents into the territory of neighboring Poland. Thus, the border regions of Volyn became an arena of subversive and counter-subversive struggle. Key words: political repressions, border regions, Volyn, 1920s, 1930s, separate folder of the Politburo, political cases, Olevsk.

From National Revolutionism to Marxism: A Politico-historical Narrative of Origins of Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI)

The national revolutionaries of India while in detention in the first half of the 1930s came in contact with Marxist literature. Imbibed by the Marxist view of social change, they gave up ‘terrorism’ after coming out of jails/camps. However, a sharp debate developed among them on the perception of the Comintern, its colonial policy in general and the policy with respect to the Indian freedom struggle in particular. Instead of joining any of the existing Marxist political parties, these revolutionaries formed their own parties. The Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) and Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI) are two such parties. The RSP was formed in 1940. However, a group of young revolutionaries who were with the RSP dissociated themselves and formed a ‘Platform of Action’ as Socialist Unity Centre (SUC) in 1946 and then gave birth to yet another political party, SUCI, on the Marxist–Leninist lines in 1948. The process of formation of SUCI has been analysed in this article.

The role of bots in U.S. Real estate development online communication

Planners and policymakers have been quick to open electronic channels of participation to inform decision-making processes due to the low cost and high potential engagement. This has created an opportunity for subversive groups to amplify their voice, and therefore influence, in land development and planning processes using automated social media accounts. While scholars have begun to examine how social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have been used to manipulate political discourse, no research has considered the potential damage that such manipulation can and does cause in the local planning context. This study examines the role and potential risk of automated social media accounts in the participatory planning process through an empirical investigation of 21 real estate development projects in the U.S. Using a machine learning model to assess 41,191 relevant Tweets, we found that at least 10% and upwards of 50% of Tweets concerning the various real estate development projects were generated by bots. Automated tweets included critical, neutral, and supportive content demonstrating that social bots represent a range of interests. Planning and public policy professionals will need to develop, apply, and be aware of bot-detection tools and actively promote and build trust through their own digital channels to ensure accurate information is disseminated.

On the "Dark Side"

This study examines the use of online humour in a subversive local community Facebook group set up in 2017 by disgruntled members banned from a similar group “in opposition to [the original group’s] arbitrarily-applied rules, [its] enforced happiness, and [its] suppression of any post that isn't about giving away lemons or asking to borrow small appliances”. The dissatisfaction with the guidelines and the administration of the original Facebook group provides rich material for humorous posts in the new group, many with varying degrees of aggression directed at the founder and certain members of the “Dark Side”, as the original group is frequently referred to. This article will demonstrate how the use of humour in this new rival Facebook group is used for the purposes of inclusion and exclusion, and how it contributes to a sense of belonging in this online community of practice (Lave &amp; Wenger 1991) created by a small group of self-declared dissidents. It will be shown how the humour shapes the identity of the group through the members’ shared ideologies and beliefs (Tanskanen 2018), and how the humorous messages intended to denigrate and belittle the “Dark Side” reinforce unity among the group members, since the feeling of superiority over those being ridiculed coexists with a feeling of belonging (Billig 2005). Fifteen single comments or multi-post threads were chosen for analysis. These appeared during the first twenty months of this rival group’s existence, and included primarily affiliative and/or aggressive humour (Meyer 2015) directed at the original group. The analysis was carried out using elements of computer-mediated discourse analysis (Herring 2004), and an insider participant-observer online ethnographic approach. The examples chosen illustrate how the humour is used to unite the members of this subversive group by dividing them from the original one, to create the joking culture (Fine and de Soucey 2005) of the new group, and in so doing, creates and sustains the members’ shared identity as irreverent breakaway troublemakers.

Zygmunt Hübner – minister spraw wewnętrznych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (21 marca – 17 listopada 1924 r.)

Zygmunt Hübner was the minister of internal affairs in a very important period in the history of Poland (March 21 – November 17, 1924). It was during his term in office that a great economic and currency reform began in Poland; the currency was changed from the Polish mark to the Polish zloty. At that time, there were major organizational changes in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, improving the activities of the State Police. Well, in April 1924, a specialized service called Political Police, which significantly contributed to the effective fight against the so-called subversive groups (KPRP) directly threatening public order and peace in the state. The services subordinate to Minister Z. Hübner also fought against anti-state attacks by national minorities, especially Slavic (Ukrainian, Belarusian) minorities. However, the forms of fighting these protests so far, especially their partisans supported by the communist partisans, have not been successful. Consequently, a decision was made that a special formation organized in the form of a military model, i.e. the Border Protection Corps, would be created within the Ministry of Internal Affairs. As a result of his actions, at the end of 1924 order and peace began to return to the Eastern Borderlands. Minister Z. Hübner also paid a lot of attention to the Jewish minority, which fought for national and cultural autonomy, the German minority, and to the issues of Polish citizenship.

Why Aceh-Indonesia Conflict Resolution can’t be Copy-Paste in Bangsamoro-Philippines Issue?

This article focuses on conflict resolution in Aceh, Indonesia, and Bangsamoro, Phillipines, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine conflict resolution process and result in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities rational choice (survival, security, economy/welfare, prestige, and influence) especially how political elites would still feel enjoy to conduct those agreements in both regions. The findings confirm that both GAM (Aceh) and MILF (Bangsamoro) have similar political preference sequence, but such of MNLF factions still continues their military movements. It is argued that Aceh-Indonesia conflict resolution could not automatically be applied in the Bangsamoro-Philippines issue.