Revolutionary Events Research Articles

Спасение крымских Романовых: личный выбор матроса Задорожного

The article is dedicated to the personality of the Black Sea Fleet sailor Philip Zadorozhny. For five months in 1917–1918, he served as a head of the security team for members of the former royal family residing in Cri-mea during that time. These included the mother of Nicholas II, Maria Fedorovna, the sisters of the abdicated Tsar, Ksenia and Olga, and the Grand Dukes Nikolai Nikolaevich and Alexander Michailovich. Zadorozhny’s legendary role in saving the “Crimean Romanovs” from robberies and executions is well-documented, but until now there has been no detailed biographical information available about him. The author has discovered archival materials related to Zadorozhny, on the basis of which his participation in revolutionary events was reconstruct-ed. It was established that, in May 1917, sailor Zadorozhny was a member of the Black Sea Fleet delegation sent to the Baltic fleet and ground units of the Russian army to agitate for the continuation of the war until a victori-ous conclusion. Subsequently, Zadorozhny was twice elected as a delegate to the Sevastopol Soviet from the Socialist Revolutionary Party, and he served as a member of the commission for the protection of the fortress, fleet, and city. On November 30, 1917, Zadorozhny was sent to the southern coast of Crimea to lead the security team for the Romanov family. His close ties with the Alupka Soviet, among other things, helped him protect high-ranking prisoners from anarchist members of the Yalta Soviet. Through the personal initiative of sailor Za-dorozhny, part of the former imperial family concentrated in Crimea managed to escape and go into exile a year later.

Либеральная интеллигенция в рос- сийском революционном процессе начала XX века как предмет научного изучения

The article explores recent research on the role of the liberal intelligentsia in the revolutionary process in the Russian Empire of the early 20th century. Drawing on the works of Russian scholars published between 2016 and 2020, which coincide with the centenary of the Great Russian Revolution, the study sheds light on the participation of liberal intelligentsia in revolutionary events, and reveals the dynamics of the worldview position of representatives of the thinking elite. The works of V.V. Shelokhaev, V.P. Buldakov, F.A. Gaida, V.A. Shchipkov and others are considered. The authors selected studies that analyze the reasons for the collapse of the liberal idea in difficult historical conditions and the termination of the participation of representatives of liberal intelligentsia in the revolutionary process, which determines the relevance of this study. In the study of the historiography of the issue, studies were identified, in which, firstly, it was shown, that the democratic ideas of the representatives of the liberal thinking elite did not find understanding and response from the majority, since they did not correspond to the values traditional for the society of that time. Additionally, recent studies indicate that there was no tendency towards consolidation among Russian liberal intelligentsia, resulting in a failure to provide clear for the majority and concrete answers to the challenges of the time. As a result, the liberal intelligentsia gradually became an outside participant in the revolutionary process.

Дауры: новый взгляд на новейшую историю национальных меньшинств Северо-Восточного Китая

The monograph under review is devoted to the socio-political history of the Daur people in the 20th century. The scientist wrote the work at a high scientific level. The author analyzed the role of Daurian figures in significant political and revolutionary events in Hulun Buir and in adjacent territories (Mongolia, Russia, and other regions of China). The monograph followed a chronological principle and had a large source base. The work consistently studied the history of the Daurian people during the periods of the Qing Empire, the Republic of China, Manchukuo, the Republic of China, and the People's Republic of China. The researcher also paid special attention to aspects of Daurian culture and education.

Российская деревня 1905-1907 гг. в исторической памяти поколения «революционного перелома». На материалах Всесоюзного общества политкаторжан и ссыльнопоселенцев

At the beginning of the XXth century, the transformation of the consciousness of the Russian peasantry sharply increased its momentum, and in addition to the traditional factors that influenced this, the generational factor should also be distinguished. The article explores the historical memory of the generation of the «revolutionary turning point» about the revolutionary events of 1905-1907 in the Russian village. The problem of the historical memory of the generation rarely becomes the subject of research by Russian historians. At the same time, the generation of the «revolutionary turning point» undoubtedly accumulated a very significant social experience, the study of the memory of which is a really important historical problem. The purpose of the study is to eliminate the gap in scientific knowledge on the designated topic. The study is built on the principles of historicism and objectivity using historical-comparative, deductive and retrospective methods. The authors rely on the theoretical and methodological approaches of generational research formulated by K. Manheim and P. Nora. The object of the study is the historical memory of the radicals of the generation of the «revolutionary turning point», who was born at the end of the XIX century, and who took an active part in the revolutionary events of 1905-1907 in the Russian village. The source base of the study is the materials of the foundation of the Society of Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), including biographical questionnaires, memoirs and other accompanying materials of representatives of the generation of the «revolutionary turning point» involved in the revolutionary process in the village in 1905-1907. Memoirs represent the most valuable material on the study of the historical memory of the generation about the events of the first Russian revolution. Analysis of this material allows you to identify a specific generational style and the sources of its formation. The analysis of the sources suggests that the development of an independent generational style among the youth of the «revolutionary turning point» was reflected in the historical memory of the generation about the revolutionary events in the village in 1905-1907. This is not only about the specific and completely new agitation and propaganda work for the generation to organize cells in the village. but also about the social experience of solidarity between the revolutionaries themselves, as well as about trying to establish contacts within the framework of the principle of joint action between the revolutionary element and the villagers. Representatives of the generation were driven not only by revolutionary ideas, but also by revolutionary emotions, which was reflected in memories.

Социальный портрет фронтовиков Первой мировой войны: информационные возможности

Introduction. Soviet historiography has traditionally seen the front-line soldiers as supporters of the Bolshevik Party, active participants in the establishment of Soviet power in the localities. This approach was convincingly supported by evidence from the memoirs of participants in the events. There are almost no special memories of the World War - participation in it was not a matter of pride; mainly about staying at the front was reported in connection with subsequent revolutionary events. Modern historiography considers front-line soldiers more variably, but essentially uses the same source base. Since millions have returned from the front, and thousands have left memoirs, the conclusions drawn from these sources are quite vulnerable, especially if researchers insist on their universality. Many judgments are about the unwillingness of soldiers to fight, the desire to get land at home, etc. - made not on the basis of source facts, but logical reasoning. Materials and methods. This article attempts to analyze the sources of personal origin of the frontline soldiers of one region - the Orenburg province. A complete collection of memoirs, autobiographies, etc., is reflected in the catalog published in 2021 and includes materials from the archives of the Orenburg region (state archives, museum archives) and archives of adjacent territories (Samara, Ufa, Chelyabinsk) - a total of 167 authors, as well as autobiographies from the personal files of the personnel department of the Orenburg Regional Committee of the CPSU - 240 texts. In total, these documents can be considered as a natural sample, which made it possible to create a social portrait of front-line soldiers in the southeast of the European part of the country with fixation of variants of certain aspects. The data obtained in some cases do not agree with the generally accepted judgments of the all-Russian scale. Results. The process of returning from the fronts dragged on until 1919. The thesis accepted in historiography that the peasant soldiers were in a hurry to get home in order to have time to receive land under the decree on land, does not find any support in the sources. The thesis about the mass revolutionary moods of the front-line soldiers and their readiness and desire to fight for the new government does not find support either. The vast majority of those who returned from the war sought to arrange a normal peaceful life. Those who could not find work immediately left for the Red Guard (and later the Red Army) as volunteers - service in the Red Guard was an alternative source of livelihood. Conclusion. A significant number of peasants got back to farming on land, and were drawn into the confrontation of the civil war only through the mobilization of 1919.

Профессиональный преступный мир в первые годы утверждения советской власти: особенности детерминации и условия развития

At turning points in the history of the development of any state, the underworld is noticeably transformed. During periods of political destabilization, crisis phenomena in the socio-economic, cultural spheres of society, the crime situation in the country, as a rule, worsens. At the same time, during the collapse of the statehood foundations, the criminal world not only transforms, but changes the vector of its development. Such a period in the history of Russia was the revolutionary events of 1917 and the civil war – a time of radical breakdown of all state institutions, socio-economic and spiritual-moral foundations, which became the starting point for the formation and development of a monolithic and well-organized professional Soviet underworld. The purpose of the study is to analyze the features of determination and conditions for the development of professional crime in the first years of the establishment of Soviet power. To achieve this goal, the following tasks are being solved: to study the features of the development of the domestic professional underworld in the conditions of political instability of the 1917–1920s; determine the essence of the ideological confrontation between representatives of the “tsarist” criminal world and the “new” Soviet one in the first years of the establishment of Soviet power; identify the determinants of the development of professional crime in Russia during the period under study. In the process of work, the method of synthesis, analysis, generalization, and comparative legal method are used. It is proven that against the backdrop of pronounced political instability of the 1917–1920s, which led to a crisis of traditional legal consciousness, erosion of spiritual, moral and religious values, deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the majority of the population, there was a sharp aggravation of the crime situation and, as a result, especially the active development of professional crime, which during the period under study created a real threat not only to society, but also to the national security of the state.

RESTORATION OF THE WEST SQUARE TOWER OFCASEMATES OF THE CITADEL IN LVIV

The design and construction of the Citadel fortification complex in Lviv took place after the revolutionary events of 1848. The creation of the citadel was one of the tasks of the order of the Austrian authorities to build fortifications for garrisons and barracks in large cities. The need to build new defense complexes was also associated with a change in the strategy and tactics of warfare. The plan of the Austrian General Staff under the letter "R" was caused by the threats looming from the neighbor from the north - Rossia. The fortress was planned to accommodate a garrison of 400-500 people, two batteries of 24 guns and howitzers. In 1852-1854, a powerful defense complex was built in accordance with the military requirements of the time. The restoration measures are designed with minimal interference with the authentic building materials of the monument.

Coup of May 16, 1961 in South Korea in US politics

The article is devoted to the methods of the U.S. response to the process of forced change of power in South Korea during the military coup of 1961. The process of changing the existing U.S. policy towards Korea was launched shortly before the revolutionary events due to the available information about conspiracy. However, new approaches were still being in development, and the May 16 coup took the Americans by surprise. Washington's initial attempt to support the legitimate authorities proved ineffective under the new conditions. As a result, the Americans took a survivalist position and watched the establishment of a military rule from the sidelines. By mid-summer of 1961, the Americans had already accept-ed the authoritarian regime that had suspended the republican constitu-tion, suppressed any sprouts of opposition, and was unwilling to return civilian control of the government in the short term. The coup leader, Park Chung-hee, was perceived by Americans as a «strong, fair, and in-telligent leader» who acted as a bridge between the government and the people and effectively combated traditional Korean factionalism. The sit-uation in the country stabilized and the risks of a counter-coup were min-imized. The temporary banning of political parties, as well as other «questionable methods» of the new authorities, was perceived by Ameri-cans as an attribute of the revolutionary atmosphere of the transition pe-riod. From the U.S. point of view, the rise to power in Korea of a group intolerant of corruption and, at the same time, anti-communist, was a great success.

«И младотуркам не воскресить своего отечества»: русские правые и Младотурецкая революция

The article examines the views of early 20th-century Russian conservatives (Black Hundreds and nationalists) on the causes of the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, their attitudes towards the development of the revolutionary situation, and the judgments of the Russian right-wing about the consequences of the power shift in the Ottoman Empire. These questions have not previously been the subject of independent research in the scientific literature. Based on materials from right-wing periodicals (newspapers “Zemshchina,” “Russkoe Znamya,” “Moskovskie Vedomosti,” “Kolokol,” “Kievlyanin,” “Novoe Vremya”) and journalistic works by conservative authors, three significant aspects through which the opinion of the Russian right on the Young Turk Revolution was formed are identified: the ideological positions of conservatives rejecting revolutionary social changes; Turkey’s place in the system of international relations and the forecasting of geopolitical changes in light of the Young Turks’ rise to power; and the perception of revolutionary events in Turkey as a negative example of potential further developments in Russia’s domestic political situation. The range of issues related to the Turkish revolution raised by conservatives allows for a more comprehensive understanding of the foreign policy views of the early 20th-century Russian right-wing.

Reconstruction of the Biography of G. K. Ozhigov in the Context of the Revolutionary Events of 1905–1917 in Russia

Referring to regional material, this article actualizes the tradition of studying the biographies of historical figures in the context of an institutional concept, which makes it possible to describe and explain the controversial facts of political history of the new time in the era of mass social movements. The authors aim to reconstruct the later imperial period (until October 1917) of the life of Grigorii Kondratyevich Ozhigov, a representative of the national revolutionary cohort, who took an active part in the events that occurred in the Urals, Ukraine, the Baltics, Finland, and other areas of the former Russian Empire in the late twentieth century. Methodologically, the work relies on the modernization paradigm, the “new social history”, and related everyday discourse, including the anthropological approach, historical, and biographical methods. Since G. K. Ozhigov’s biography studied by a few Ural historians is replete with inaccuracies, the study is based on sources which have never been referred to previously, including official documents, periodicals, sources of personal origin, autobiographies, and memoirs by Ozhigov himself. The documents kept in the fund of the Ozhigov family of the Central State Archive of the Udmurt Republic are characterized by a complex nature. The study demonstrates that Ozhigov, who came from a peasant family, a worker of Izhevsk factories, managed to rise first to the interregional, and in 1917, to the all-Russian level, reaching the status of a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the first convocation. In the political sphere, he passed a difficult path of evolution from a militant of the Ural Lbovtsy partisans during the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907, to a member of the RCP(b) and an active participant in the implementation of the project of the proletarian state.

Protest sentiments of the Russian peasantry at the beginning of the XX century as a factor of destructive influence on the stable development of society

The article is devoted to a protest sentiment of Russian peasants as one of the problems of society in Russian Empire at the beginning of XX century. The Russian peasantry influenced the path of development of the country objectively as being the majority of the population of Russia. The protest sentiments of the Russian peasants were one of the important elements that influenced the destructive processes in the Russian Empire. The article draws attention to the motivation of the peasant protest and raises the question of the historical responsibility of the peasantry for the revolutionary events of 1917. The authors noted that the traditions of communalism, collective ownership of land, a “moral” rather than a market economy, and the rejection of individualism among peasants were in conflict with the modernization processes that began in post-reform Russia, based on opposing values. In the 1880–1890s an unprecedented industrial boom begins and, as a result, a significant numerical reduction of the peasantry due to the city’s need for labor and the mechanization of agricultural labor. The peasant community also had to become an inevitable victim of the modernization process. The authors concluded, that disruption of the centuries-old way of life became a natural source of protest reaction from the peasantry beginning at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries. Stolypin's government briefly restored stability in the country. The Great War aggravated the existing problems and the protest of the peasants destroyed the old society.

Imperialism, Revisionism, Counter-hegemony, and the Greek 1940s as Event

Abstract: This study focuses on contemporary cultural projects dealing with the Greek revolutionary event of the 1940s. Empirically, the study examines a growing corpus of different cultural practices dealing with aspects of the Greek 1940s. These cultural practices are viewed as counter-archives and conceptualized using the notion of the proletarian public sphere associated with counter-hegemonic legacies, discourses, narratives, and practices situated in today's Greek political antagonisms. The past is understood to haunt the present in instances when the constitutive violence of hegemonic discourses and institutions unfolds. The projects studied create public presences of subjects and circumstances repressed by the official Greek public sphere. This signifies a production of knowledge from below, beyond what official knowledge regimes foreground and exclude. The projects unfold utopian margins, pointing towards the existence of a living social memory of emancipatory and revolutionary struggles that remain incomplete.

Hectographed Old Believer Editions from the Collection of the RSL Book Museum

The article is devoted to the hectographed Old Believer publications stored in Scientific Research Department of Rare Books (the Book Museum) in Russian State Library. A brief description of the composition of the collection is presented, as well as the specifics of its formation (in the absolute majority such publications were received after the revolutionary events of 1917). The main sources of their receipt were the book collections of the most famous Old Believer community in Moscow (at the Rogozhsky cemetery), as well as the nationalized library of the Brotherhood of St. Peter the Metropolitan. For historians of the book, the thematic composition of the collection of Old Believer authors and writings is of interest.

Russian population’s political activities in the first third of the XX century on the example of the Peasant Union creation movement

The article studies peasantry’s political activities development in Russia in the first third of the XX century. The reasons and the essence of the Peasant Union in the revolutionary events of 1905–1907 and 1917, the Civil War and in the period of the new economic policy have been revealed. The periods of peasantry’s political activities, conditioned by the state policy transformation in village, have been distinguished. Starting from 1905, the authorities tried to involve peasantry in the political agenda. However, politicization could not be controlled in the conditions of the revolution. Peasantry’s political activities were used by the opposition forces, the SRs and Bolsheviks, who proposed a program understandable to the peasant social psychology. The Third Monarchy suspended the Peasant Union activities. In February 1917, the Union work continued under the control of the SRs. In August 1917, Peasant Congress adopted the SR program documents. Calls to create a union during the Civil War took place against the background of peasants’ disillusionment with the “war communism” policy. In 1921, the idea of creating the Peasant Union was revived. Contradictory nature of Bolshevik policy, the concept of “interlocking” between city and countryside, growing “emergency” and crises of the new economic policy against the background of granting peasants relative economic freedom led to peasant demands growth for protecting their economic rights and creating organizations that resembled trade unions in city. These demands were not institutionalized. The movement reached all strata of village. The surge of demands of the United State Political Department dates from 1927–1928. It is conditioned by the transition to collectivization. It has been concluded that, despite the lack of the Peasant Union concept, diversity of demands, different understanding of association in rural society, movement for its creation testified to increased socio-political activity of the population. When the state policy outlined the rollback of the new economic policy principles, the number of votes in favor of the Union increased. The growth of socio-political tension in villages was evident. The Party began to pursue a policy of social division in villages to prevent radicalization of sentiments.

Architectural activity in the structure of the Vladivostok city government: the beginning of the 20TH century

The architectural activities of Vladivostok’s municipal government (city council and management) can be divided into two chronological intervals. The initial stage (1875-1898), considered by the author elsewhere, was a period of organization and appointment of the first city architect and definition of his duties, surveying and landscaping of the city’s central area, and construction of the first stone public and residential buildings for the civilian population. This publication continues the study of the planning, design and construction activities of Vladivostok’s municipal architects and engineers from the early 20th century until the revolutionary events of 1917. A characteristic feature of the time under consideration is periods of decline in design and construction (1898-1905); and activation in 1906-1917, directly related to events in the city, region, and the world. The study examines objects erected by the municipal authorities and city management structure, and presents a list of city architects, engineers and technicians. The publication is based on information from the Commemorative Books of the Primorye Region, early 20th century periodicals of Vladivostok, and funds of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East.

Concept and types of war crimes and the order of their investigation in the Ukrainian People's Republic for the Central Rada

The article carries out a historical and legal analysis of the concept and types of war crimes and the order of their investigation in Ukraine under the Central Rada. It is shown that at the beginning of the Ukrainian Revolution, the «Military Criminal Statute» in the edition of July 1, 1879, with some later additions, remained in force in the military chronicles. More than 90% of the considered cases before the start of the Ukrainian revolution concerned: 1) voluntary desertion of a military unit (escape); 2) not showing up for duty at the specified time; 3) violation of the order and rules of guard service; 4) inappropriate behavior in relation to seniors in military rank, as well as officials who performed special military service duties; 5) loss and deliberate damage to military property. Of course, the revolutionary events in Ukraine made adjustments to the structure of crimes (for example, the consideration of cases under the desertion article increased), but the above-mentioned trends persisted.
 It was emphasized that the military legislation of the time provided for a preliminary investigation. Suspect servicemen who were on active duty were called in for investigation directly through their commanders. Legal reasons for not appearing at the investigation were considered to be: deprivation of the accused's liberty; natural force majeure that prevented timely arrival at the place of interrogation (for example, flooding of rivers); accident; illness (including close relatives); death. In the case of hostilities during the war, the possibility/impossibility of the arrival of the accused or witnesses was determined by the military investigator. If a military witness did not appear for questioning without reason, the military investigator was obliged to immediately inform his command.
 It is noted that at the initial stage of the Ukrainian revolution, the investigation of war crimes took place in accordance with the current Russian legislation. Most often, offenses of a disciplinary nature were recorded (violation of military discipline, disobedience to the leadership, etc.). Desertion from military units has gained a menacing scope. A new challenge for the Ukrainian authorities was the violation of social order by military personnel and the spread of Bolshevik propaganda. Revolutionary expediency led to the fact that the Central Rada took the path of mitigating punishments for military personnel who committed minor offenses on the condition that they prove that the said actions were carried out for political reasons. In particular, the Amnesty Law of 1917 provided for the absence of punishment for those who voluntarily left their military units to join Ukrainian military units.

Retrospective Review of Higher Education Quality: Some Parallels Between Past and Present

Studies of education quality are currently a matter of particular relevance and importance. It would seem that the quality of education should interest the scientific community in different periods (historical periods) of time, however, as practice shows, these studies have been carried out mainly in recent times. The article describes some arguments on the quality of education based on the available historical data on the development of education in Russia. Given that it is not possible to consider in detail all historical periods in different countries within the framework of one article, a summary of the key points influencing the development of education in Russia before the revolutionary events (during a certain period of the reign of the Imperial House of Romanov) was made in a small comparison with the modern perception of the quality of education. Some factors influencing the quality of education in the period from the late 19th to early 20th centuries have been identified. The conclusion is made on changing/unchanging factors affecting the quality of education in modern reality in comparison with past experience in the development of the education system.

Hegel in the Mirrors of Soviet Philosophy

The attitude to Hegel in Soviet philosophy was contradictory and depended to a considerable extent on ideological conjuncture. Waves of love and hate for Hegel alternated periodically. At different times emphasis was placed on the “revolutionary” method, dialectics, or on the “reactionary” system, the justification of the old world. On one page Lenin admired Hegel’s logical discoveries, on the next page he scolded him with harsh words for idealism, mysticism and “goddikin”. The article draws a parallel between the stylistics of Lenin’s philosophical works and the avant-garde artists and poets who gave a “slap in the face” to public taste. Philosophy becomes in Lenin’s hands the servant of politics; later on, the “principle of partisanship” became the credo of Marxist dogma and the criterion of the truth of philosophical doctrines. The Hegelian wing of Soviet Marxism was formed in the 1920s. The party leader of the “Dialecticians”, Abram Deborin, initiated the publication of Hegel’s Collected Works, which was published with a number of large and small interruptions over the course of 30 years (and the last, 15th volume never saw the light of day). After the defeat of the Deborinites in 1931, Hegel’s popularity gradually declined. However, some original studies coloured by love for Hegel appeared. Vygotsky used Hegelian concepts of “mediation” and “cunning of reason” to create a cultural-historical psychology; he believed that Hegel “walked lamely to the truth”. Mikhail Lifshits regarded Hegel as a “great conservative of mankind”, and Georg Lukács, who came to the Soviet Union, wrote his famous Young Hegel here and defended this book as his doctoral thesis (1942). Lifshits and Lukács concentrate on Hegel’s “historical dialectic” and on his comprehension of the revolutionary events of his epoch. By the end of the Great Patriotic War, Hegel’s philosophy had been declared an “aristocratic reaction to the French Revolution” (Stalin), and hatred of Hegel became reflexive. The party of persecutors of “Hegelianshchina” was led by Zinovy Beletsky, Professor at Moscow State University. It was only after Stalin’s death that serious research into Hegel’s philosophy could be resumed. E. V. Ilyenkov interpreted dialectics as “the method of ascent from the abstract to the concrete” and traced how this — materialistically reinterpreted — method works in Marx’s Das Kapital. It was Neo-Hegelians who brought to the fore the category of the concrete, understood as “diversity fused into unity” (Ivan Ilyin); in this respect, Lenin was in full solidarity with them. In parallel with European Marxists, Ilyenkov criticised the interpretation of dialectics as a universal picture of the world, a new metaphysics cultivated by “diamat” and “istmat”. He did not, however, share the anti-Hegelian sentiments of the schools of G. della Volpe and L. Althusser. For Ilyenkov, Hegel is the greatest revolutionary in logic since Aristotle. At the end of the article are the facts showing that interest in “Soviet Hegel” is still alive today.

Parliamentary Immunity in the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia in the Second Half of the 19th Century and Its European Models

The paper discusses the development of the English model of parliamentary immunity, which was limited to non-accountability immunity, and the French model. During the revolutionary events in France at the end of the 18th century, the French model established a two-tier system that included both non-accountability and inviolability immunities. With the development of parliamentary systems during the second half of the 19th century, the French model was adopted throughout continental Europe, including Austria, Hungary, and the Kingdom of Croatia and Slavonia. This paper focuses on the Law on the Inviolability and Non-Accountability of the Parliamentary Members, issued for the Croatian Parliament on May 16, 1867, and its application, especially during the early years of the administration of Ban Khuen-Héderváry.

Boris Sinani: 246 Days in the Life of a Participant in Revolutionary Events in Russia in 1917

From the example of Russian officer Boris Semenovich Sinani’s fate, the authors have attempted to reconstruct the events of the first days of the February Revolution, including certain aspects of the work of the “military headquarters of the revolution” - the Military Commission, as well as the reasons for the creation and nature of the functioning of the Union of Republican Officers of the People's Army. Through their research, the authors have revealed the complexity of the relationship between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, as well as the attitude of the Russian officers to the revolutionary changes in the country. The authors note that the name Sinani was taken as a pseudonym by Georgy Borisovich Skalov, another participant in the revolution and the Civil War, and this choice played a tragic role in the fate of the latter. The study is based on the analysis of the documents of the Union of Socialists of the People's Army stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, memoirs, and their comparison with published scientific works. The authors have also attempted to reconstruct the main lines of interaction and contradictions between officer groups during the Great October Socialist Revolution.