Cyprus Problem Research Articles

Renewing hope for Cyprus peace: a novel approach to reconcile the negotiation positions of the Turkish Cypriot side and the Greek Cypriot side

Abstract Focusing on the achievements and failures of the 2017 Crans-Montana negotiations, this study examines the research question of how and why the last talks failed to resolve the Cyprus issue. It argues that progress in the negotiations was hindered by the enduring mistrust between the community leaders and the inadequacy of their resolve to reach common ground by reconciling their respective differences about the security and guarantees issue. The study suggests the process that helped bring about the Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement offers a practical and effective approach to compare with the case of a seemingly intractable situation such as the Cyprus problem. The Irish–British negotiations were open to and involved a wide range of parties including the government, civil society, and international stakeholders. Moreover, they benefited from the decision to set a firm deadline for the conclusion of the negotiations. The findings of this study stress that because the previous Cyprus talks lacked an inclusive and transparent negotiation process – one with stated deadlines complete with alternative scenarios in the event of a referendum – they failed to address the broad gap of trust between the two Cypriot communities.

Cyprus and Africa in the Makarios Era: Igniting the ‘Hot’ Solidarity Against Western Imperialism

ABSTRACT This paper examines a relatively understudied topic in the literature of Cypriot political history, namely the relations between Cyprus and African countries during the Makarios era. Drawing upon the official archives of the UN, USA, UK, and the Republic of Cyprus (specifically the Press and Information Office, PIO, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, MFA), as well as Cypriot newspapers, this research is grounded in historical analysis. The main findings of the paper suggest that Makarios perceived the Zurich-London status quo in Cyprus as contrary to principles such as self-determination, democracy, independence, and sovereignty, prompting him to engage in an international struggle for change. Makarios’s attitudes towards Cyprus aligned with African countries’ collective struggle under frameworks such as AAPSO, the Non-Aligned Movement, and G-77, both for themselves and the rest of the world. In various international forums, notably the United Nations, Cyprus and African nations provided mutual support against Western imperialism. Their collaboration extended beyond the Cyprus Problem to encompass the rights of people struggling for independence against colonialism all around the world and those seeking democracy in the face of racist regimes in Southern Rhodesia and South Africa.

The United States Role of the Occurrence of Violence in Cyprus

Cyprus used to be under occupation of the foreign states for many centuries and sovereignty usually with few exceptions was not transferred peacefully. As it is well known, in the 19th century, use of force in international relations was seen as normal. In the 1878 however, transformation of sovereignty in Cyprus from the Ottoman Empire to the United Kingdom (UK) was by peaceful means. The UK ruled Cyprus mostly in peace until the uprising in 1931. The upheaval of the Greek Cypriots against the UK was to unite Cyprus with Greece (Enosis). The uprising was settled by violence and the constitutional rights suspended immediately. In 1955 when the riot of the Greek Cypriots occurred again this time the UK was successful to get support of Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots and converted the anti-colonial struggle to the ethnic strife. Clearly, the occurrence of violence in Cyprus in 20th Century begun during the British period but it continued after the colonial period. Although the United States (US) refrained direct involvement to Cyprus problem it assisted to the formation of the Republic of Cyprus by 1960s. During the Cold War conditions, the US had to involve to the Cyprus problem because of two reasons: Firstly, in order to prevent a war between Türkiye and Greece, the two “motherlands” of the Turkish and Greek Cypriots; secondly to stop the violence between two local communities. In Washington DC the US leadership met with Greek and Turkish prime ministers in 1964 and they decided to solve the Cyprus problem forever. In Geneva the US representative had several meetings with the officials of Greece and Türkiye. There, the US former secretary of state offered his plan that included the use of violence for the dissolution of the Republic of Cyprus. The US plan could not be implemented at the time but after 10 years, its spirit became the source of the violence in Cyprus. In this study mainly the role of the US in occurrence of violence in the island will be studied.

Evaluation Of The 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation in The Light of Jus Cogens Rules

Shortly after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, the events initiated by Makarios’ attempts to amend the constitution, which escalated into internal conflicts and external interventions, culminated in Turkey’s military intervention. The effects of this intervention continue to persist today. Due to this characteristic, it has been the subject of many studies; however, it has not been evaluated in terms of the jus cogens rules, which express the universally accepted principles of international law, and the stages of the just war theory. To address this need, the 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation, a long-standing international issue, has been examined within the framework of the jus cogens rules of international law, considering the three phases of just war theory: jus ad bellum, jus in bello, and jus post bellum. This examination aims to determine the level of compliance with jus cogens international law norms in the historical and political context of the Cyprus issue, as well as the developments before, during, and after the 1974 Peace Operation. Consequently, it has been determined that the 1974 Peace Operation adhered to the jus cogens rules of international law to the maximum extent. In the source review, a balanced selection of sources was made to objectively evaluate the assessments of both the Turkish and Greek Cypriot sides on the issue. This study is qualitative in nature, employing both inductive and deductive methods.‎

In the Service of the Eastern Bloc: Czechoslovak Intelligence and the Cyprus Conflict 1974–1989

ABSTRACT Even after the division of the island in 1974, the ‘Cyprus Issue’ remained a significant determinant in the relations between Greece and Turkey. In the context of the ongoing Cold War, the Eastern Bloc sought to exploit this situation, aiming to undermine the cohesion of NATO’s southeastern wing. The primary objective of this study is to assess how one of the socialist states, Czechoslovakia, attempted to influence the Cyprus conflict between 1974 and 1989 through its foreign intelligence services. The study illustrates this through the example of the Czechoslovak residency in Nicosia, showcasing Czechoslovakia’s intelligence methods in recruiting foreign collaborators, acquiring information, and conducting intelligence operations in one of the world’s most geopolitically exposed regions.

Uncovering the Opium Crisis: The Poison of Turkish–American Relations in the 1960s and 1970s

Opium cultivation in Turkey had a long history spanning centuries. It was used as food, oil, painkiller, and a raw material to produce heroin. In the late 1960s, opium production precipitated a crisis between the United States of America (USA) and Turkey in which the USA puts increasing pressure on Turkey to ban opium cultivation as a part of its fight against drug addiction. However, the opium crisis was more than just a crop crisis, because Turkey did not play a major role in illegal drug trafficking as a producer country due to the volume of its opium production. Rather, the crisis can be viewed as a diplomatic offensive to test Turkey's loyalty to the USA and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Turkey was economically and militarily dependent on the USA, but shaken by the rise of the left and anti-Americanism in the late 1960s, it tried to move away from its US-centric foreign policy after the Cyprus Crisis in 1964. Ultimately, the democratically elected Demirel and Ecevit governments failed the test of loyalty to the USA and NATO, while the Erim government, backed by the military, passed the test due to different political, economic and social concerns.

Türkiye-Greece-Cyprus, and the west: a Lacanian family portrait

ABSTRACT This study examines the protracted Cyprus conflict by employing an Ontological Security Studies (OSS) framework enriched with the Lacanian psychoanalytic approach. In this context, the tripartite structure Lacan established between mother, father, and child is adapted to understand the years-long dispute over Cyprus. We argue that the two main reasons for this problem are 1) the unhealthily broken bond between the mothers (Türkiye and Greece) and the child (Cyprus), and 2) the child’s inability to fully identify with the Name-of-the-Father (the West). Recognising the father’s law, the child is freed from the mother’s overwhelming presence and thus begins the process of subject formation. We assert that global politics shares similarities with what Lacan calls ‘symbolic’ and that Cyprus’ existence as an actor in this ‘symbolic’ depends on its full separation from its mother(s), namely Türkiye and Greece, and by recognising the father’s law. This study raises the question of what happens if this separation is not achieved. In other words, could Cyprus exist as a fully-fledged actor in global politics/symbolic in the shadow of two motherlands, Türkiye and Greece, which have not abandoned their ‘baby homeland’?

Turkey’s Trust in the USA: Causes of the Criticised Alliance Member’s Approach

The article deals with Turkey's trust in the USA as its most important ally in NATO. Semi-structured interviews with Turkish academics and international relations experts during field research identified three main areas of Turkish mistrust in the USA – the Cyprus question, USA support for the PYD/YPG in Syria, and USA intervention in Turkish politics. The research results presented in the causal network show that the main cause of Turkish mistrust towards the USA is the factors leading to the phenomenon of fear of abandonment. That causes Turkey's increased need for independence from strategic partners and the subsequent increase in the application of a balance policy. The study concludes that one of the main reasons for Turkey's current attitude towards NATO is the need to ensure its security, and this need stems from Turkey's mistrust of the USA.

Hate-Speech in Greece and Cyprus: How Public Communication Practitioners Discuss the Phenomenon

ABSTRACT (Online) hate speech appears as a growing problem in Greece and Cyprus attributed to prejudices toward specific groups, the evolution of online media, lack of awareness and of appropriate educational tools to recognize and counter it. Communication professionals and media practitioners produce hate speech content both intentionally, to gain visibility and unintentionally due to their inability to recognize it. This paper presents a study conducted simultaneously for the first time in Greece and Cyprus that explored the issue of (online) hate speech, approaching it in a socio-centric rationale as hate discourse. The issue was researched through a qualitative inquiry with semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted in Greece and Cyprus. According to the personal and professional perceptions of the public communication experts who participated in our research, hate speech impacts predominantly vulnerable social groups, and the deficiency in legal frameworks in both countries enables rather than combats this pathogenesis. This paper contributes toward a better understanding of hate speech in the two countries and how public communication practitioners perceive and experience it.

The Alliance in the Storm: Geopolitical Representation of the United States in the Turkish Parliament during Détente

This article analyzes how the geopolitical representation of the United States in Turkish political discourse changed during the 1960s and 1970s in the context of deep crises between the two countries, such as the Cyprus question, the opium issue, and the US arms embargo on Türkiye. Within the framework of critical geopolitical theory, it uses the concept of “geopolitical representation.” It examines the changes in the geopolitical representation of the United States in Turkish political life through practical geopolitics. To this end, it evaluates the debates, speeches, and correspondence made by the representatives of the ruling and opposition parties and members of the government in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1964 and 1979, within the context of the crises in Turkish-American relations, particularly within the foreign policy framework. It is argued that while the alliance between Türkiye and the United States and Türkiye’s membership in NATO were seen as important symbols of Türkiye’s sovereignty and enjoyed unwavering support in the 1950s, tensions with the US, Türkiye’s “strategic partner,” in the 1960s and 1970s led to notable shifts in the Turkish parliament’s narrative. As a pioneer of anti-NATO and anti-US rhetoric, the Workers’ Party of Türkiye (TİP) played a prominent role in shaping parliamentary discussions.

Cold War Dynamics: The Strategic Interplay of Turkish-American Relations

Purpose: This article investigates the primary determinants of Turkish-American relations during the Cold War, focusing on key events and policies that influenced bilateral interactions. It aims to understand the impact of the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, NATO alliances, the Cyprus issue, and the Kurdish conflict on these relations. The study also critically assesses the role of ethnic lobbies, such as the Armenian and Greek communities, in shaping U.S. foreign policy towards Turkey. Method: Utilizing a comprehensive historical analysis, this research draws on different sources including speeches, and official correspondences, as well as secondary sources such as academic books, journal articles, and theses. This methodological approach allows for an in-depth exploration of the complex interplay between domestic politics and international diplomacy. Conclusion: The study reveals that Turkish-American relations during the Cold War were shaped by a combination of strategic alliances, regional conflicts, and domestic political influences. Key policies like the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan were instrumental in solidifying Turkey as a critical ally, while events such as the Cyprus issue and the Kurdish conflict presented significant challenges. The influence of ethnic lobbies also played a crucial role in shaping bilateral relations. Implication of the Research: The insights gained from this analysis provide valuable lessons for future diplomatic efforts, emphasizing the need for cooperation, diversification of partnerships, and strategic alignment. Understanding the historical context of Turkish-American relations can inform current and future diplomacy, helping to navigate the complexities of this bilateral relationship. Originality of the Research: This research offers a unique and comprehensive examination of Turkish-American relations during the Cold War, incorporating a critical assessment of both strategic policies and the influence of ethnic lobbies. By providing a nuanced understanding of these factors, the study contributes original insights to the field of international relations and foreign policy analysis.

The Discursive Construction of Childhood in Three Turkish Children’s Books about the Cyprus Problem

This research analyses the construction of childhood in three children’s books related to the Cyprus Problem through the lens of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. The discourse on childhood, deployed in books whose narratives are related to an armed conflict, is seen to have four nodal points: innocence, citizenship, savagery, and otherness. Our discourse-theoretical analysis, which uses a retroductive approach (Glynos and Howarth), demonstrates that in these three children’s books, the nodal points of innocence and citizenship are particularly strong, but all four nodal points are present. The analysis also shows how these nodal points intersect with the discourses of victimhood and militarism, which alter the articulation of the childhood discourse itself and produce significant internal tensions. These alterations and tensions demonstrate the deeply political nature of the childhood discourse at times of war.

The search for economic and military aid in the shadow of crises: Turkish-American relations during İnönü governments (1961–1965)

The leader of Republican People’s Party (RPP), İsmet İnönü, formed three governments between 1961 and 1965. Turkey faced several political, economic, social and military challenges in this period. Turkish foreign policy also witnessed problems such as the crises that erupted in Cuba and Cyprus in 1962 and 1963, respectively. Both the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Cyprus Crisis had serious effects on Turkish–American political relations, so a great deal of literature exists discussing these developments. At the same time, Turkey negotiated with the United States of America (USA) to obtain more economic and military aid, which has drawn less scholarly attention. This article aims to shed light on the negotiations between Turkey and the USA to show how Turkish decision-makers worked hard to obtain more economic and military aid from the USA in the shadow of these crises. This article argues that these crises did not negatively influence economic and military relations between the countries due to Turkey’s economic and military dependence on and strategic importance for the USA against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) from the beginning of the Cold War.

Japan’s Diplomatic Reactions to the Cyprus Conflict of 1974

In the 1970s, both Japan and Türkiye experienced significant events. Japan, having rapidly recovered from World War II, emphasized peace diplomacy alongside economic progress. Events like the Osaka World Expo in 1970, themed “Progress and Harmony for Mankind” reflected Japan’s commitment to stability. Diplomatically, Japan worked to strengthen ties with the United States, successfully reuniting Okinawa in 1972 through peaceful means. In contrast, Türkiye witnessed political turmoil and social unrest throughout the 1970s, leading to the military coup of 1980. One of the defining moments for Türkiye during this period was the Cyprus Conflict of 1974, resulting in the division of Cyprus into the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and the Republic of Cyprus. Despite nearing the 50th anniversary in 2024, complete peace has not been achieved on the island. This study aims to analyze Japan’s diplomatic response to the Cyprus Issue and Cyprus Conflict of 1974. It will explore whether Japan pursued a stance of peace diplomacy and adopted a balanced policy or took a strong stance in favor of or against either side. Utilizing official government statements, Record of Diet Proceedings, Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, and the Diplomatic Bluebook published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the study employs descriptive content analysis. The analysis seeks to provide insights into Japan’s diplomatic position during the Cyprus Issue, Cyprus Conflict of 1974 and after.

The secondary transfer effects of contact in facilitating peace in a frozen conflict: The case of Turkish immigrants in Cyprus

AbstractThe present research focuses on the secondary transfer effect of contact, a relatively less researched dimension of intergroup contact, on reconciliation in the context of one of the most intractable and longest surviving interethnic conflicts in Europe, the Cyprus conflict. Currently, Cyprus is home to three groups with differential social, economic and political statuses: (1) disadvantaged low‐status Turkish immigrants, (2) simultaneously advantaged (relative to Turkish immigrants) and disadvantaged (relative to Greek Cypriots) Turkish Cypriots and (3) historically advantaged high‐status Greek Cypriots. Across two studies (Study 1 N = 270 and Study 2 N = 501), we test whether and how Turkish immigrants’ contact with Turkish Cypriots shapes Turkish immigrants' support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via attitude generalisation. We also investigate whether Turkish immigrants’ perceived ingroup reputation qualifies this process. Controlling for the effects of direct contact with Greek Cypriots, our results show that both quantity and quality of contact with proximal Turkish Cypriots were indirectly associated with greater support for reconciliation with them and more willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via positive attitudes towards the primary (Turkish Cypriots) and positive attitudes towards the secondary (Greek Cypriots), sequentially. Moreover, we found that the perceived higher ingroup reputation across the island positively moderated the indirect effects of primary group contact on support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots. That is, more contact with the primary outgroup was positively linked to greater support for reconciliation with the distal secondary outgroup Greek Cypriots when perceptions of ingroup reputation were higher.

Enduring Crises and Possibilities for Cooperation in Turkish-Greek Relations: A Feminist Account

On 15 September 2020, Turkish and Greek women declared their commitment to peace. They said: “As peace-loving women of the two countries, despite the dominant patriarchal system threatening the world, we are determined to work towards peace by developing our common culture, cooperation, and friendship in the Aegean.” They have demanded a just resolution of controversies surrounding the relations through diplomacy and international law. By underlining that feminism offers essential insights into understanding cooperation and conflict dynamics, this article will analyse the last two decades of Turkish-Greek relations through a feminist reading. Feminism, with its critical and holistic approach, will contribute significantly to the understanding of Turkish-Greek relations during the periods of cooperation but more so during entranced conflicts. Post-1999 represents the beginning of collaboration and dialogue in Turkish-Greek relations. Various mechanisms such as regular political consultations, exploratory contacts, High-Level Cooperation Council meetings, were held. Until 2019, relations remained somehow amicable. However, since then, the refugee crisis, the Cyprus issue, and the dispute in the Eastern Mediterranean have deeply marred the relations. Going beyond the state level, this paper aims to analyse the significant cooperation and conflict periods from a feminist perspective.

Of pilgrimages and restorations: religion, heritage and politics in divided Cyprus

AbstractThis paper explores the intersections of religion, heritage, and politics in divided societies by focusing on two events that occurred in Cyprus before the crossing points opened (2003). These are the Greek and Turkish Cypriot reciprocal pilgrimages to a Christian and Muslim site, respectively, and the two sites' restoration. I argue that in these events the Cyprus Issue effected the transformation of pilgrimage practices and sites into matters of political agreement, implicating them in processes of conflict management and resolution. In this context, pilgrimage facilitated inter-communal exchanges and intra-communal frictions and antagonisms that question binary oppositions through which questions of conflict and amity have been debated in pilgrimage studies.

Research on the Impact of Digital Currency on the Operation Mechanism of Traditional Financial Markets and Countermeasures

Abstract Both digital currencies and traditional financial markets are affected by inflation, interest rates, money supply, etc. In terms of price volatility factors, there are cross-asset linkages and risk transfer problems. In this paper, we use the DCCGARCH model to calculate the time-varying nonlinear correlations between different financial markets during different periods. Firstly, we construct a GARCH model for univariate return series and derive standardized residual estimates to determine the conditional insured value and spillover risk that financial markets encounter when the risk materializes. The linkage and shock relationships of BTC with the stock and spot gold markets over ten years are analyzed, as well as the impact of unanticipated events on financial markets. It is found that the short-term impact of digital currency price volatility on the stock market is much larger than the short-term impact of stocks on the gold market and that risks in the digital currency market may be rapidly transmitted to the stock market in the short term. Bitcoin and stocks have a dynamic correlation coefficient that fluctuates between -0.075 and 0.085, with little correlation. Stocks and Bitcoin have a positive correlation of 0.021, meaning that when the price of Bitcoin rises, it can lead to a rise in the price of stocks to some extent. The dynamic correlation coefficient between bitcoin and gold, on the other hand, fluctuates in the range of -0.275 to 0.175, which may produce large fluctuations. During the Cyprus crisis, gold and bitcoin demonstrated a significant investment transfer effect, and there was a contagion and linkage between market risk, the UK’s exit from the European Union, and the new crown epidemic. This paper provides a useful exploration of cross-market financial risk regulation and professional investor risk control.

Esther Solomon (ed.), Contested antiquity. Archaeological heritage and social conflict in modern Greece and Cyprus

Esther Solomon (ed.), Contested antiquity. Archaeological heritage and social conflict in modern Greece and Cyprus

Shaping territorial solutions to the Cyprus conflict: the role of international organizations

ABSTRACT This article offers a comprehensive assessment of territorial solutions for ethnic conflicts, with a specific focus on Cyprus. Despite its prominence, scholarly study has not adequately explored the complexities of territoriality as exhibited in the Cyprus conflict. To address such a gap, this study tackles the territorial dimension of the Cyprus problem from a unique perspective: the potential effects of international organizations acting as agents of socialization on the two community leadership. Despite the acceptance of bizonal, bicommunal federal state, which have become permanent UN parameters as a basis for the settlement, the Greek Cypriot side insisted on ‘loose bizonality’ suggesting ethnically mixed regions, whereas the Turkish Cypriot side demanded a ‘monolithic bizonality’ amounted to ethnic segregation. There are indications, however, that the UN, the EU, and the international judiciary support‘ pluralistic bizonality’, as an alternative to ‘lose’ or ‘monolithic’ bizonality encouraging revisions in territorial approaches of the two sides.